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MYH9 encodes one of three heavy chain isoforms for the non-muscle myosin II (NM II) molecule. NM II is involved in cell structure and shape and motility. Myosin II is very widely expressed but MYH9 is highly expressed in podocytes. MYH9 diseases are characterized by various combinations of autosomal dominant progressive, proteinuric renal disease, giant platelets with low platelet counts, progressive sensorineural hearing impairment, granulocyte inclusions, and in some patients also cataracts. Although the eponyms Epstein and Fechtner have been given to MYH9 renal syndromes, there is a spectrum of manifestations of MYH9 diseases that do not correlate perfectly with genotype. They are best described as MYH9-associated renal disease. The occurrence of progressive deafness and renal failure led to this condition being considered an Alport syndrome variant in the past, but phenotype as well as molecular genetics clearly separate the disorders.

This book challenges the idea that democratic processes are functionally short-sighted. Many observers assume that long-term issues will be ignored or discounted in democratic systems because of the myopic preferences of voters, the political dynamics of short electoral cycles, the exclusion (or absence) of future others in decision-making processes, and the reality that democratic processes are often captured by powerful actors with dominant short-term interests. The evidence is clear: we have poorly managed many long-term issues, including climate change, nuclear waste disposal, plastics pollution, natural disaster preparedness, infrastructure maintenance, and budget deficits. This idea—which Michael K. MacKenzie calls the “democratic myopia thesis”—is a sort of conventional wisdom: It is one of those things that scholars and pundits take for granted as a truth about democracy without subjecting it to adequate critical scrutiny. This book challenges this conventional wisdom and articulates a deliberative, democratic theory of future-regarding collective action. It is argued that each part of the democratic myopia problem can be addressed through democratic—rather than authoritarian—means. At a more fundamental level, the book argues that if democratic practices are world-making activities that empower us to make our shared worlds together, they should also be understood as future-making activities. Despite the short-term dynamics associated with electoral democracy, MacKenzie argues that inclusive and deliberative democratic processes are the only means we have for making our shared futures together in collectively intentional, mutually accommodating ways.

Inotropic agents are substances used to improve cardiac output and end-organ perfusion in severe forms of acute heart failure. However, inappropriate use of inotropic agents may be associated with severe adverse effects and death. Despite clear indications to restrict their use to acute heart failure patients presenting with signs of end-organ hypoperfusion, the current use of inotropes is very frequent and often unnecessary. This chapter reviews mechanisms of action of current and future inotropes (including catecholamines, phosphodiesterase-III inhibitors, calcium sensitizers, cardiac myosin activators, and istaroxime) and discusses their clinical use in acute heart failure.

Buoyancy largely supports fish, reducing the role of the skeleton, which functions as an attachment for muscle involved in movement and in protection, as exoskeleton (scales, scutes, bony plates) and as endoskeleton (vertebral column, skull). The general organization of fish skeletons and their component parts are described, as well as bone and cartilage. The interesting occurrence of acellular bone, additional to cellular bone, in teleosts is considered. Fish show metameric segmentation with myotomes on either side of the vertebral column, the latter acting as a compression strut, preventing shortening. Myotome muscle is organized into linear units named sarcomeres which contract by means of protein fibres, myosin and actin, sliding past each other. Usually fish body wall muscles occur as a thin outer layer of aerobic red muscle, with an inner thick region of anaerobic white muscle. Interspecific variability in the relative roles of myotomes and fin musculature in swimming is discussed.

The Euler equation is defined. The static approach can be used to derive an optimal portfolio in a complete market and when the investment opportunity set is constant. In the latter case, the optimal portfolio is proportional to the growth‐optimal portfolio and two‐fund separation holds. Dynamic programming and the Hamilton‐Jacobi‐Bellman equation are explained. An optimal portfolio consists of myopic and hedging demands. The envelope condition is explained. CRRA utility implies a CRRA value function. The CCAPM and ICAPM are derived.

89 articles The Oxford Encyclopedia of School Reform is a landmark publication that provides a wid-ranging collection of school reform strategies from several geographical regions around the world. It illustrates both the theory and practical outcomes of reform efforts situated in different cultural contexts. The major theme that runs through the Encyclopedia is both the successes and failures of reforms: the detailed analyses offered in the text have a unique potential to guide future reforms. The power of the text is its ability to shift readers out of their culturally myopic perspective, and to seriously engage with alternative ways of conceptualizing and solving educational problems.

Continuous‐time filtering is explained, including the Kalman filter and filtering for a Markov chain with hidden states. Filtering theory is applied to analyze portfolio choice and equilibrium asset prices. When the expected return of an asset is unknown and is estimated from past returns, the myopic demand is a momentum strategy. When investors learn expected consumption growth from realized consumption growth, equilibrium prices are more sensitive to consumption shocks and the equity premium is higher. When the consumption growth rate follows a Markov chain with hidden states, return volatility tends to be higher when investors are less certain about which state the economy is in.

Consumption defines the standard of living – whether food is hot or cold, whether walls are dry or damp. It is the stuff of desires and dreams. It signals superiority, but also community. It drives policy and vexes scholars. But consumption is not consummation. Its purpose recedes even as it is being realized. If insatiability is the vortex at the heart of consumption, there are also other problems. In standard economic theory, consumers rank preferences in the present, but the most significant choices arise not between two immediate substitutes (say coffee or tea), but between the present and the future. This article opens with some standard assumptions about the benefits of consumption, and competing ones about its futility. It discusses the findings of social and behavioural research on consumption and well-being, the link between happiness and wealth, relative income, habituation, materialism, history and culture, advertising, myopia, narcissism, and individualism.

This book asks an age-old question about the relationship between human consciousness and the environment: How do we think about our own thoughts and actions? How can we transcend the exigencies of daily life? How can we achieve sufficient distance from our own everyday realities to think and act more sustainably? To address these questions, the book draws on the results of decades of research in South and Southeast Asia on how local cultures have circumvented the “curse of consciousness” — the paradox that we cannot completely comprehend the ecosystem of which we are part. The book is focussed on three principles: perspectivism (seeing oneself from outside oneself), metamorphosis (becoming something that one is not), and mimesis (copying something that one is not), which help a society to transcend the hubris and myopia of everyday existence and achieve greater insight into its ecosystem.

The behavioural revolution has profoundly affected how we conceptualize behaviour. The rational agent of standard microeconomic theory has been found wanting and, in its place, new formulations have been presented which take seriously human traits like myopia and loss aversion. Here it is argued that the behavioural revolution offers a way of understanding common problems in economic geography, such as co-location, clusters of innovation, the diffusion of innovation, and home bias. It is noted that earlier versions of behaviouralism stressed bounded rationality but underestimated the far-reaching consequences of the behavioural revolution. To explain the significance of these developments for understanding the intersection between cognition and context, we look closely at behaviour in time and space. The implications of behaviouralism for institutions are briefly considered, emphasizing the role that collective action in or through institutions can play in ameliorating the adverse effects of behavioural biases and anomalies.

The common interpretation of Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein as a cautionary tale is not inaccurate but incomplete; Victor Frankenstein’s fatal choices are not in his desire for scientific knowledge, but in his willful avoidance of knowledge about consequences of his actions and their effects on others’ well-being. Shelley parallels Victor with the Greek immortal Prometheus, but this trickster figure is ultimately not an apt parallel for Victor, who undertakes his research in the spirit of self-aggrandizement and narcissism, rather than a desire to improve people’s lives, or even curiosity about the inner workings of the world around him. Victor’s failure of empathy and his myopia about consequences make Frankenstein a powerful parable about responsibility and the need for scientists to engage in careful moral and ethical introspection about the broader ramifications of their work.

This chapter looks at the archaeological evidence from several regions for the continuation of Indo-Roman trade during the second century ad. The emphasis here is on the Egyptian evidence, but this chapter also looks briefly at India and Parthia/Palmyra. From India, second-century Roman finds—particularly coins—are outlined, as is the role of Palmyra as middleman to Rome. Although numbers of Roman finds in India are reduced during the second century, two diverse categories of evidence point to the continued importance of this trade: the large value attached to the shipment discussed in the Muziris papyrus, and the continued importance of the Red Sea ports, especially Myos Hormos. The large second-century ceramic assemblages from Myos Hormos suggest that throughout the second century it was more active than Berenike. By the end of the second century trade became more complex with the involvement of the Palmyrenes.

In most contemporary analyses of responsibility, attention has been directed exclusively to the specific conditions that must be met by the presumed responsible agent in order to be able to account for her actions. More attention needs to be paid, however, to the dynamics between the presumed responsible party and those who judge her responsible. Specifically, the standard approach pays little attention to the status of the party positioned to hold another responsible relative to that of the party from whom an account is expected. This oversight is problematic, because, depending on the practices associated with holding a person responsible, individuals may be sanctioned in ways that are quite harsh. This chapter expands an analysis of moral responsibility as a form of accountability to attend to these dynamics of power. While ascriptions of responsibility remain expectations that an account be forthcoming from the actor, this is too myopic a picture.

This chapter examines how the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (PTRC) treated the issue of sexual violence committed within the internal armed conflict, both in the preparation of an emblematic case and through its final report. Although the PTRC was not mandated to investigate sexual violence, it included the violation under the umbrella of torture and other grave violations in compliance with international human rights law. Of the forty-seven legal cases that the PTRC prepared for prosecution and passed to the state prosecutor, two cases address rape. The PTRC labeled the Manta and Vilca case as emblematic of sexual violence as it took place in the rural context by military personnel. This chapter considers the binary of consent/coercion and conceptual myopia around sexual violence as the two most significant limiting factors regarding the implementation of the international human rights regime to investigate and prosecute sexual violence.

Beer in the United States has always been bound up with race, racism, and the construction of white institutions and identities. This unique book carves a much-needed critical and interdisciplinary path to examine and understand the racial dynamics in the craft beer industry and the popular consumption of beer. The book's guiding theoretical perspectives are race and the founding of the United States; racial ideology and the boundaries of Americanity; the production of (beer as) culture; and cultural diversity and brewing. It begins with an overview of the whiteness of craft beer. Looking at the history of beer and its origin stories in the 'new world' shows that beer in the United States has always been bound up with race, racism, and the construction of white institutions and identities. Given the very quick and meteoric rise of the craft beer industry, as well as the myopic scholarly focus on economic and historical trends in the industry, the book states that there is an urgent need to take stock of the intersectional inequalities that such realities gloss over.

This chapter provides an overview of research on the behavioral dimension of low socioeconomic status and a set of theoretical and empirical principles for better understanding it. In particular, the chapter focuses on those behaviors that are claimed to exacerbate a situation of poverty or deprivation, such as poor academic performance, myopic financial decisions, early child-bearing, consumption of unhealthy foods, and engaging in unhealthy lifestyle habits. Though such behavioral patterns have been used to make claims as to the defective values or motives of the poor, the chapter argues that studying them rigorously, aided by the experimental method, leads to a more nuanced and accurate picture, in which psychology is systematically shaped by socioeconomic position. After reviewing evidence from education, public health, and behavioral economics concerning the behavioral dimension of low socioeconomic status, the chapter suggests an organizing set of mechanisms that might structure a comprehensive explanatory account of it.

The US wars in Vietnam (1965–1973), Iraq (2003–2011), and Afghanistan (2001–present) stand out for their endurance, resource investment, human cost, and common decisional failings. Despite its planning, the United States failed to meet its early objectives in every one of these conflicts. A profound myopia at four stages of intervention helps explain why the United States fought; chose to increase, decrease, or end its involvement in the conflicts; encountered a progressively reduced set of options; and ultimately settled for suboptimal results. US leaders were effectively planning to fail, whatever their hopes and thoughts at the time. American decision makers struggled less than they should have when conditions permitted good choices, and then struggled more than could matter when conditions left them with only bad choices. American policy makers allowed these wars to sap available capabilities, push US forces to the breaking point, and exhaust public support. They finally settled for terms of departure that they or their predecessors would have rejected at the start of these conflicts.

Hantavirus disease or at least its renal form, the so-called haemorrhagic fever with renal syndrome is the only globally emerging acute kidney injury (AKI) form, and currently without doubt the most underestimated form of community-acquired AKI. Hantavirus disease is a viral zoonosis, caused by inhalation of infectious aerosolized excreta from chronically infected rodents, which are both the reservoir and the vector of different hantavirus species. Clinical presentation consists of sudden flu-like symptoms (fever, headache, myalgia), followed by gastrointestinal discomfort and AKI, often with anuria or oliguria. More rarely, acute myopia and/or non-cardiogenic acute lung oedema or injury is the presenting or complicating symptom. Laboratory hallmarks are initial thrombocytopenia and proteinuria, raised C-reactive protein and lactate dehydrogenase, left-shift leucocytosis, and typical but transient serum lipid disturbances. Spontaneous remission occurs within 2–3 weeks without sequelae. Case fatality rate is between 0.1% and 15% according to the infecting hantavirus species, but most infections show in fact an asymptomatic or paucisymptomatic presentation. Treatment is only supportive, but may necessitate life-saving intensive care techniques. Together with leptospirosis, haemorrhagic fever with renal syndrome is the only form of AKI against which different vaccines are in use, but a World Health Organization-licensed hantavirus vaccine is still lacking.

One preliminary point which must be stated regarding Agamben’s relation to the art historian Abraham (‘Aby’) Moritz Warburg (1866–1929) is that this line of questioning is not reducible to problems regarding imagery or ‘visual’ art. Agamben says explicitly that ‘only the myopia of a psychologizing history of Art could have defined [Warburg’s art history] as a “science of the image”’ (ME 53). Although most scholarship on Warburg has indeed viewed the latter’s work as laying the foundations for image and visual studies, in Agamben’s account Warburg ushers the humanities towards another kind of inquiry, one having more to do with the concept of time than with any sort of imagery or visual phenomena. In this, Agamben’s reading of Warburg differs substantially from those of major art historians influenced by Warburg, such as Horst Bredekamp (Bildakt)1 or Georges Didi-Huberman (images malgré tout).2 In fact, Agamben’s reading of Warburg’s art historical inquiries can be elaborated as a fruitful critique of the recent ‘imagist’ turn in the history of art, viewing visual artworks as being primary and essentially ‘images’.

First published as a special issue of Policy & Politics, this updated volume explores policy failures and the valuable opportunities for learning that they offer. The book begins with an overview of policy learning and policy failure. The links between the two appear obvious, yet there are very few studies that address how one can learn from failure, learn to limit failure, and fail to learn. The book attempts to bring the two together. In doing so, it explores how dysfunctional forms of policy learning impact policy failure at the meso-level. The book expands on this by demonstrating how different learning processes generated by actors at the meso-level mediate the extent to which policy transfer is a success or failure. It re-assesses some of the literature on policy transfer and policy diffusion, in light of ideas as to what constitutes failure, partial failure, or limited success. This is followed by an examination of situations in which the incentives of partisanship can encourage a government to actively seek to exacerbate an existing policy failure rather than to repair it. The book studies the connections between repeated assessments of policy failure and subsequent opportunities for system-wide policy learning and reform. Finally, it introduces the idea of ‘policy myopia’ as a pressing source of failure in policy making and explores the possibility of developing policies that learn to help mitigate its impacts.

From the halls of the Ivy League to the C-suite at Fortune 500 companies, this book reveals the people behind the mindfulness movement, and the engine they built to propel mindfulness into public consciousness. Based on over a hundred interviews with meditating scientists, religious leaders, educators, businesspeople, and investors, this book shows how this highly accomplished, affluent group has popularized meditation as a tool for health, happiness, and social reform over the past forty years. Rather than working through temples or using social movement tactics like protest to improve society, they mobilized by building elite networks advocating the benefits of meditation across professions. They built momentum by drawing in successful, affluent people and their prestigious institutions, including Ivy League and flagship research universities, and Fortune 100 companies like Google and General Mills. To broaden meditation’s appeal, they made manifold adaptations along the way. In the end, does mindfulness really make our society better? Or has mindfulness lost its authenticity? This book reveals how elite movements can spread, and how powerful spiritual and self-help movements can transform individuals in their wake. Yet, spreading the dharma came with unintended consequences. With their focus on individual transformation, the mindful elite have fallen short of the movement’s lofty ambitions to bring about broader structural and institutional change. Ultimately, this idealistic myopia unintentionally came to reinforce some of the problems it originally aspired to solve.

Classical Projections theorizes a new term, “film quotation,” for the medium-specific repurposing, re-framing, and re-viewing of preexisting films within subsequent films. As a visual corollary to literary quotation, film quotation embeds film fragments within on-screen televisions, movie theaters, and computer screens. Quotation accesses the way the humanities make meaning; the pull-quote, epigraph, and quotation are standard for citing evidence, invoking authority, or interrogating literary and scholarly writing. Film studies has yet to seriously examine how film quotations convene interaction and create new knowledge across time. Classical Projections focuses on film quotations of classical Hollywood film—mainstream American studio production, 1915–1950—as quoted in post-classical Hollywood, roughly 1960 to present. Though film quotation has been used since early silent cinema, this strategic historical frame asks, How does post-classical cinema visualize its own “belatedness,” its awareness of coming after a “classical” or “golden age”? How do post-classical filmmakers claim or disavow classical history? How do historically disenfranchised post-classical filmmakers, whether marginalized by gender, sexuality, or race, grapple with exclusionary and stereotype-ridden canons? As a constitutive element of post-classical authorship, film quotations amass and manufacture “classical” Hollywood in retrospective, highly strategic ways. Considering both archival quotations and “created-quotations,” which are fabricated by the quoting filmmakers, uncovers the images, voices, and fragments of the “classical” canon that either never existed, were never preserved, were mired in caricature, or that classical Hollywood could not “image/imagine.” By revealing how quotational tellings of film history build and embolden exclusionary, myopic canons, Classical Projections uncovers opportunities to construct more capacious cultural memory.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.