Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Muslim citizenship »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Muslim citizenship"
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Chaudhary, Zahid R. « Sacrificing Citizenship ». Social Text 37, no 3 (1 septembre 2019) : 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-7585026.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article analyzes the discourse concerning the assimilation of Muslim minorities in the United States and suggests that calls for assimilation are solicitations for a form of self-renunciation and sacrifice. Yet such solicitations occur against the economic and political background of neoliberalism, in which all citizens are asked to make sacrifices for the sake of economic health. How does one read, then, the discourse of Muslim assimilation in light of the psychological, political, and economic realities of neoliberalism? The article explores the transformation of the so-called Jewish question into the contemporary concern with the “Muslim problem.” Drawing on Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer’s reflections on the affinities between capitalism and fascism (especially their reading of Odysseus), as well as Sigmund Freud’s reflections on narcissism and group psychology, the article analyzes the figure of the sacrificial victim in the context of neoliberalism’s authoritarian tendencies and argues that sacrificial figuration allows us to think past the polarizations (West/rest; Trump supporters/Muslims) of our contemporary historical moment.
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Irfan, Try Wiganda. « Classical and Modern Citizenship Concept in Islamic Perspective ». Journal of Moral and Civic Education 2, no 1 (1 août 2018) : 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/885141221201889.
Texte intégralRésumé :
There are two concepts of Islamic citizenships, the Muslims and dhimmi. The concept of dhimmi citizenship is a non-Muslim citizen in the practice of country life received unequal preferential treatment, and different treatment is based on religious differences. In contrast to the concept of modern Islamic citizenship that gives equal treatment to all citizens regardless of religion. The concept of citizenship by the Messenger of Allah (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) in the city of Madinah al munawarah is the best citizenship concept of all time. Rasulullah shollallahu 'alaihi wasallam gives examples of the concept of the best citizenship that there are values of divinity, humanity, democracy and justice. The doctrine of the concept of citizenship of the Messenger of Allah sallallaahu 'alaihi wasallam is the concept of citizenship kosmpolitan.
Keywords: citizenship, dhimmi, rasulullah shollallahu 'alaihi wasallam, cosmopolitan
ABSTRAK
Konsep kewarganegaraan Islam terdapat dua, yaitu muslim dan dhimmi. Konsep kewarganegaraan dhimmi adalah warga negara non muslim dalam praktik kehidupan negara mendapat perlakuan istimewa yang tidak sama, dan perlakuan berbeda didasarkan karena perbedaan agama. Berbeda dengan konsep kewarganegaraan Islam modern yang memberikan perlakuan yang sama kepada semua warga tanpa membedakan agama. Konsep kewarga-negaraan yang diterapkan oleh Rasulullah shollallahu 'alaihi wasallam di kota Madinah al munawarah merupakan konsep kewarganegaraan yang terbaik sepanjang masa. Rasulullah shollallahu 'alaihi wasallam memberikan contoh konsep kewarganegaraan terbaik yang terdapat nilai-nilai ketuhanan, kemanusiaan, kerakyatan serta keadilan. Ajaran konsep kewarganegaraan Rasulullah shollallahu 'alaihi wasallam merupakan konsep kewargane-garaan kosmpolitan.
Kata kunci: kewarganegaraan, dhimmi, Rasulullah shollallahu 'alaihi wasallam, kosmopolitan
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Bagley, Christopher Adam, et Nader Al-Refai. « Multicultural integration in British and Dutch societies : education and citizenship ». Journal for Multicultural Education 11, no 2 (12 juin 2017) : 82–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jme-12-2015-0040.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to review and synthesize published studies and practice in the “integration” of ethnic and religious minorities in Britain and The Netherlands, 1965-2015, drawing out implications for current policy and practice. Design/methodology/approach This paper is an evaluative review and report of results of work on citizenship education for young Muslims and their peers in English schools. Findings Young Muslims have positive attitudes to “good citizenship”, as Islamic socialization makes them particularly responsive to citizenship messages. But there is hard-core racial prejudice and Islamophobia in about 25 per cent of adults. In The Netherlands, this xenophobia has supported far-right politicians who are strongly anti-Muslim. This paper cites evidence that continued prejudice may lead to alienation and radicalization of some minorities. Research limitations/implications Unchecked prejudice concerning minorities can have negative implications for both majority and minority groups – this broad hypothesis deserves further research in both Dutch and British societies. Practical implications In Britain, success in Muslim schools in fostering positive citizenship implies that Muslim groups can maintain “quiet dignity” in following Islamic pathways to good citizenship. Social implications State support for religious-foundation schools should be offered to all religious groups and should not be withheld from Muslim minorities for “security” reasons. Originality/value This overview by two Muslim educators offers new insights and proposals in the acceptance of Muslim minorities in Europe.
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Alaa, Fathimath, Kennimrod Sariburaja, Arvin Tajari et Muhammad Ammar Hisyam Mohd Anuar. « INDIA’S CITIZENSHIP AMENDMENT ACT (CAA) OF 2019 : A CASE STUDY OF ANTI-MUSLIM SENTIMENT IN INDIA ». International Journal of Interdisciplinary and Strategic Studies 3, no 5 (28 octobre 2022) : 268–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47548/ijistra.2022.51.
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Ethnic violence has long been prominent in India, especially among Hindus and Muslims. Debates have taken place over the value of India’s secularist principle, as Muslims in India are continuously faced with discrimination. They are subjected to hate crimes with the rise of Hindu Nationalism. The government’s legislature and policies must embody national unity rather than fuelling the already existing divisions among Hindus and Muslims as a secular state. This study examines India’s Citizenship Amendment Act of 2019 and how it has led to anti-Muslim sentiments in the country. Drawing from the concept of Nationalism, the research will focus on the relation between Hindu nationalistic ideals and the Citizenship Amendment Act. The analysis results revealed that the Citizenship Amendment Act was flawed and had overtones of anti-Muslim sentiments. Further analysis revealed that the Citizenship Amendment Act had violated Articles 13,14, and 25 of the Indian constitution directly and indirectly. In addition to this, the study also showed the link between ultra Hindu Nationalism and the Citizenship Amendment Act. It also found that the intention of the Act to protect minorities facing religious persecution has failed as India lacks proper refugee laws. The overall research of this study concludes that the Citizenship Amendment Act has led to anti-Muslim sentiments in the country and furthered the identity crisis Muslims face in India.
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Meyer, James H. « IMMIGRATION, RETURN, AND THE POLITICS OF CITIZENSHIP : RUSSIAN MUSLIMS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE, 1860–1914 ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no 1 (février 2007) : 32a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807222512.
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Based upon research undertaken in Turkey, Russia, Azerbaijan, and the Crimea, this article consists of three principal and interconnected fields of inquiry. The first focuses upon changing Russian and Ottoman policies toward the immigration of Russian Muslims to the Ottoman Empire in the second half of the 19th century. The second examines questions that complicate the historiographical narrative surrounding this immigration, including issues such as Muslim return immigration to Russia and the retention of Russian citizenship by Muslim immigrants in the Ottoman Empire. The third examines the increasingly contested nature of citizenship and its role in the relations between Russian Muslims and the Russian and Ottoman bureaucracies. This section investigates battles between Ottoman and Russian bureaucrats who assert authority over Muslims of ambiguous citizenship status and the strategies deployed by Russian Muslims to take advantage of this ambiguity in their dealings with the bureaucracies of both empires.
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Silvita, Mary. « Presiden Non-Muslim dalam Komunitas Masyarakat Muslim ». ISLAMICA : Jurnal Studi Keislaman 7, no 1 (21 janvier 2014) : 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2012.7.1.44-60.
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This paper examines the notion of state and leadership according to the contemporary Islamic thought. To be more precise, the paper asks whether it is possible for a non-Muslim to be the president of the majority Muslim country. To answer this, the paper will dwell into the problem of citizenship both in classical and modern Islamic thought by taking into account the political and social situation that shapes this thought. The paper maintains that many Muslims—both in the past and at the present—fail to offer a proper discourse on statehood and leadership in Islamic perspective. The mainstream discourse on this issue—the paper argues—is that which keeps in a good balance the notion of religiosity and citizenship. The rightwing Muslims will provide a textual understanding of the problem, while the left-wing will otherwise offer a secular interpretation of it. This paper will try to keep the two in a balance, and present a fair understanding of what the Qur'an and the Sunnah say about the problem at hand.
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Kadiwal, Laila. « Feminists against Fascism : The Indian Female Muslim Protest in India ». Education Sciences 11, no 12 (6 décembre 2021) : 793. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/educsci11120793.
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This article explores contestations around ideas of India, citizenship, and nation from the perspective of Indian Muslim female university students in Delhi. In December 2019, the Hindu majoritarian government introduced new citizenship legislation. It caused widespread distress over its adverse implications for Muslims and a large section of socio-economically deprived populations. In response, millions of people, mainly from Dalit, Adivasi, and Bahujan backgrounds, took to the streets to protest. Unprecedentedly, young Muslim female students and women emerged at the forefront of the significant public debate. This situation disrupted the mainstream perception of oppressed Muslim women lacking public voice and agency. Drawing on the narratives of the Indian Muslim female students who participated in these protests, this article highlights their conceptions of, and negotiations with, the idea of India. In doing so, this article reflects on the significance of critical feminist protest as a form of “public pedagogy” for citizenship education as a powerful antidote to a supremacist, hypermasculine, and vigilante idea of India.
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Johns, Amelia. « Muslim Young People Online : “Acts of Citizenship” in Socially Networked Spaces ». Social Inclusion 2, no 2 (20 août 2014) : 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v2i2.168.
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This paper reviews the current literature regarding Muslim young people’s online social networking and participatory practices with the aim of examining whether these practices open up new spaces of civic engagement and political participation. The paper focuses on the experiences of young Muslims living in western societies, where, since September 11, the ability to assert claims as citizens in the public arena has diminished. The paper draws upon Isin & Nielsen’s (2008) “acts of citizenship” to define the online practices of many Muslim youth, for whom the internet provides a space where new performances of citizenship are enacted outside of formal citizenship rights and spaces of participation. These “acts" are evaluated in light of theories which articulate the changing nature of publics and the public sphere in a digital era. The paper will use this conceptual framework in conjunction with the literature review to explore whether virtual, online spaces offer young Muslims an opportunity to create a more inclusive discursive space to interact with co-citizens, engage with social and political issues and assert their citizen rights than is otherwise afforded by formal political structures; a need highlighted by policies which target minority Muslim young people for greater civic participation but which do not reflect the interests and values of Muslim young people.
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Ali, Arshad Imtiaz. « The Impossibility of Muslim Citizenship ». Diaspora, Indigenous, and Minority Education 11, no 3 (22 mai 2017) : 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15595692.2017.1325355.
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Memon, Nadeem, et Sameena Eidoo. « Nation, Citizenship, and Belonging ». American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no 2 (1 avril 2009) : 150–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i2.1405.
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TheAssociation ofMuslim Social Scientists of NorthAmerica (AMSS) heldits fifth annual Canadian Regional Conference in Waterloo, Ontario, atWilfred Laurier University (WLU) on 21 May 2009. The Muslim StudiesOption Program Committee and the Department of Religion and Culture atWLU cosponsored this event, and Jasmin Zine (WLU) andMeena Sharify-Funk (WLU) were the cochairs. The Tessellate Institute, a CanadianMuslimthink tank, coordinated and cosponsored the keynote panel.The theme, “Nation, Citizenship, and Belonging: Muslim CulturalPolitics in Canada,” brought together academics, emerging scholars, andcommunity activists to explore critical questions about the space in the middlewhere engaged Muslim Canadians stand. In her opening remarks,Sharify-Funk identified that space as being located on an isthmus betweenthe realities of abject discrimination and the potentialities of citizenship. Sheremarked that this conference sought to ask the difficult questions aboutwhetherMuslim Canadians can engage the challenges and move beyond theinternal contradictions that inherently shape Muslim cultural politics ...
Thèses sur le sujet "Muslim citizenship"
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Pilgram, Lisa. « British-Muslim family law as a site of citizenship ». Thesis, Open University, 2018. http://oro.open.ac.uk/57593/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Archbishop of Canterbury's speech on 'Civil and Religious Law in England', delivered a decade ago, attracted considerable public and academic attention. In the years that followed a 'Sharia debate' emerged, where traces of (legal) orientalism became especially visible in an essentialist portrayal of 'Sharia' as being in opposition to 'the West'. What was absent in this debate, which was conducted at the abstract level of compatibility-incompatibility, East-West, law-religion, is an analysis of the actual practices of family law of Muslims in contemporary Britain. People marry, divorce, bring up their children and deal with inheritance by resorting to a variety of norms such as Muslim law, English family law and customary law. Drawing on legal pluralism scholarship and elements of Pierre Bourdieu's theory of the field, this thesis investigates the emergence of British-Muslim family law as a site of citizenship. It is based on research focusing on solicitors offering Islamic legal services and advice in the UK and clients of such services. By focusing on the creative capacities of legal professionals as well as clients in navigating between English and Muslim family law, the thesis is an attempt to present an alternative narrative of British-Muslim family law, which may inform a different understanding to what is commonly perceived as 'informal' legal practices threatening the cohesion of citizens in a the nation-state. The thesis argues that private practice in Islamic legal services is a particularly pertinent case for analysis. This is because solicitors' day-to-day practice in dealing with cases in between Muslim and English law challenges the presumed incompatibility of 'Muslim and English' family law, 'the foreign and the native', or 'the oriental and the occidental'.
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Malik, Abida. « The experiences of British Muslim civic actors : stigma, performance and active citizenship in Britain ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.715182.
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This thesis is a qualitative investigation that explores how British Muslim civic actors within Muslim organisations perceive belonging, citizenship and negotiate tensions. Fifty interviews with civic actors from fifteen national Muslim civic organisations were undertaken across Britain during 2007/08. The theoretical debates which shaped the study, are based on Goffman's notion of stigma, dramaturgy and frame analysis. The findings suggest that although facing alienation and exclusion, Muslim civic actors increased their participation and exercised forms of active citizenship. This was based on their frames, religious values and principles in difference to liberal and national normative conceptions. They performed an authentic Muslim self to present a diligence to participation, civic duty and responsibility. The civic actors circumvented the 'them and us' approach by actively participating in the front stage, British civil society. The marginalisation, framing, as 'bad Muslim', stigma and Islamophobia they experienced did not prevent them from identifying with British citizenship identities. Britishness, multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism and social cohesion were seen as other forms of belonging. These did not present a sense of 'divided loyalties' to the civic actors. The religious notion of the Ummah was perceived as a core identity, which provided participants with a sense of belonging amongst the uncertainties they found within Britain. In the present neoliberal political context, the findings suggest a need to increase dialogue between the state and Muslim civic organisations to counter divides and dissolve the perceived boundaries of 'us versus them'. This thesis furthers the debates on citizenship, integration, belonging and multiculturalism in a contemporary British socio-political context.
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Amin, Sara Nuzhat. « Contesting citizenship and faith : Muslim claims-making in Canada and the United States, 2001-2008 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=96799.
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This study analyzes the claims-making and counter-claims-making on citizenship and faith by American and Canadian Muslim political actors over the 2001-2008 period. It highlights the interactive processes by which competing discourses on citizenship and faith are negotiated to produce divergent constructions of Muslim citizenship: mainstream, liberal, secular, and progressive. Utilizing insights from theories of citizenship, collective identity and social movements, I show how divergent collective identities are produced within the same categorical group through complex interactions between: a) ideological baggage and biographies of claims-makers; b) demographic patterns of communities; c) historical tensions in the traditions and identities that are being negotiated; and d) the actual political constellations, both proximate and durable, in which such claims and counter-claims are being made. Moreover, such contests about collective identity, citizenship and faith are not only relevant for the group (American Muslim or Canadian Muslim), but also help highlight the inclusions, exclusions and blindspots in national narratives about belonging and hierarchies of obligations and how these are challenged.Cette recherche analyse les revendications et les contre-revendications liées à la citoyenneté et à la foi faites par les acteurs politiques musulmans américains et canadiens durant la période 2001-2008. Elle met en évidence les processus interactifs par lesquels des discours en concurrence sur la citoyenneté et sur la foi sont négociés et aboutissent à des constructions divergentes de la citoyenneté musulmane, ces constructions étant de type dominant, libéral, laïque ou progressiste. En utilisant des concepts des théories sur la citoyenneté, sur l'identité collective et sur les mouvements sociaux, la recherche explique comment des identités collectives divergentes sont produites au sein d'un même groupe à travers des interactions complexes entre : a) le bagage idéologique et les biographies des revendicateurs; b) les structures démographiques des communautés; c) les tensions historiques par rapport aux traditions et aux identités qui sont négociées; et d) les constellations politiques actuelles et préalables aux revendications et contre-revendications. De plus, ces contestations concernant l'identité collective, de la citoyenneté et de la foi ne sont pas seulement pertinentes pour le groupe étudié (les musulmans canadiens ou américains), mais elles contribuent aussi à mettre en relief les éléments qui sont inclus, exclus et omis dans les discours nationaux sur l'appartenance des citoyens et sur les hiérarchies dans les obligations, ainsi que la façon dont ces discours sont remis en question.
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Alhourani, Ala. « Performances of Muslim-ness in post-apartheid Cape Town : Authenticating cultural difference, belonging and citizenship ». University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6104.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD (Anthropology/Sociology)This thesis presents an ethnographic study of the resurgence of public performances of Muslim-ness and an exploration of the Muslim politics of cultural difference in the democratic, post-colonial, and liberal context of the post-apartheid South African nation-state. The central argument that underpins my approach throughout this thesis is that the post-apartheid cultural politics of 'rainbowism' has led to an enhanced and remarkable resurgence of public performance of Muslim-ness in Cape Town. This thesis posits that this resurgence has mediated a sense of belonging that is defined by the multiple allegiances of Muslims to their local cultural particularity, to the South African nation-state, and to the transnational Muslim Ummah.
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Tatsuni, Kayoko. « Coalition politics, ethnic violence and citizenship : Muslim political agency in Meerut, India, c.1950-2004 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2556/.
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This dissertation examines the responses of the Muslim community in Meerut city, in western Uttar Pradesh, India, to the rise of militant Hindu nationalism and to the anti-Muslim violence that shook Meerut in April-May 1987. I show how Meerut Muslims engaged in adaptive economic and political strategies in the wake of the 1987 violence and how these strategies culminated in a new style of participatory politics. This emerged under the leadership of the hitherto low status Qureshi (butcher) community. I show how Qureshi political activism has worked to create a Muslim political community which can be mobilised in terms both of civic and Muslim identities. I also demonstrate how Muslim political leaders have engaged in an instrumental politics of vote-trading with Hindu low- caste political parties. Both communities are exploiting new possibilities for representation in an era of multi-party coalition politics at state and national levels. My account of the 'new Muslim politics' in Meerut examines how Islam is understood alongside civic, or even secular, accounts of what it means to be a Muslim in contemporary India. More generally, my discussion of the production of ethnic peace in Meerut since c.1990 allows me to contribute to an ongoing debate on the causes and differential geography of 'communal' violence in India. I do not attempt to adjudicate between the competing accounts of 'votes and violence' offered by Steven Wilkinson, Ashutosh Varshney, Paul Brass and others. Instead, I seek to build on their work by offering a more considered discussion of Muslim political agency in the face of provocative militant Hinduism. Behind concerted campaigns for security and survival, the 'new Muslim politics' mirrors a commitment to the goals of respect and dignity that is also to be found among the region's poorest Hindu communities and the Scheduled Castes (dalits).
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Bull-McMahon, Aimee. « “Say no to burqas” : geographies of nation and citizenship in Newtown ». Thesis, Department of Gender and Cultural Studies, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8863.
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This thesis is concerned with the ways in which instances of everyday racism reproduce geographies of national belonging and exclusion in the city, focusing specifically on an activist campaign in Newtown, Australia, which called on the community to ‘Say no to burqas’. The focal point of this one-man campaign was a large, street facing mural, depicting a veiled woman, crossed out inside a red circle. The mural attracted much community opposition, and was defaced over sixty-four times. This thesis deconstructs the ways in which the mural campaign inscribed a particular national imaginary onto Newtown, constituted through the exclusion of the Muslim other; attending to the roots of this imaginary in racialised and gendered regimes of citizenship which privilege white, liberal civility. It goes on to show how the mural both reproduced, and was implicated in, the classed geographies of Australian multiculturalism, which figure the inner city as diverse and cosmopolitan, in opposition to the suburban as a site of ethnic criminality and multicultural failure. Finally, this thesis looks to various instances of organised opposition to the mural as examples of insurgent citizenship, capable of reimagining the relationship between place, nation and political community, in response to the ethical, political and practical task of living together in the multicultural city.
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Dhaka-Kintgen, Ujala. « Governance and Marginality : Politics of Belonging, Citizenship, and Claim-Making in the Muslim Neighborhoods of Mumbai ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10699.
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This dissertation analyzes how governance and community-based politics of claims in marginalized Muslim neighborhoods of Mumbai are continually reconfigured in relation to one another. By tracing this relationship, I problematize conceptualizations of governmental forms and community that don't adequately attend to their co-constitution in practice. More specifically, I examine the intersections between state practices and claims of belonging in Mumbai neighborhoods inhabited by Muslims who, impelled by regional economic inequalities, immigrated to the city from North India and other parts of the country. A large number of them traditionally belong to artisanal communities and are today engaged in the informal sector of the economy. I am interested in understanding how competing and converging claims are made to locality, urban space, labor, and caste in the interactions between these working-class Muslim communities and the state in a city that has become highly segregated along religious and regional lines. I argue that state and marginalized community in minoritized areas are not defined by independence and isolation, but by a relationship of co-generation marked by convergence and contradiction. My analysis of the interactions between community forms and state practices explores modes of laying claim to localizing forms of belonging with respect to urban space, public religiosity, histories of labor, kinship, and 'backward' caste politics.Anthropology
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Pettinato, Davide Domenico. « Understanding the discourse of British Muslim NGOs : Islamic relief and MADE as case studies ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/33164.
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Inspired by the increasingly high visibility of British Muslim NGOs (BMNGOs), by the lack of research on their discourses and by the growing salience of frames theory within the mainstream NGO sector, this thesis offers a significant and original contribution by exploring, describing, and analysing the discourse of two BMNGOs carefully selected as case studies: Islamic Relief (IR) and MADE (Muslim Action for Development and the Environment). The primary aim of the thesis is empirical, driven by the research question: ‘what frames seem to be at work in the discourse of BMNGOs?’ Through an in-depth analysis of a range of public documents produced by the two case studies (e.g. annual reports and websites), the thesis identifies and analyses the main frames used by IR and MADE to articulate three key aspects of their discourses: i) organisational identity; ii) mobilisation efforts; and iii) conceptualisations of their supporter base. Guided by this overarching research question, the thesis offers an original and interdisciplinary insight into the nuances of the case studies’ meaning systems, thereby showing their complexities and resonance with multiple narratives and ideational repertoires. The emerging ‘thick descriptions’ of IR and MADE represent, in and of themselves, the main results of the study, which is intended to enable readers from different disciplinary backgrounds to gain a nuanced insight into BMNGOs’ discourses. At a secondary level, the thesis also pursues the theoretical aim to start exploring how the frames identified in the study inform the two research sub-questions: ‘how to think about BMNGOs?’ and ‘how to think about British Muslim civic engagement?’ Several observations are put forward in this regard. Taken together, these suggest that IR can be understood as a faith-based organisation that simultaneously draws on a range of heritages and increasingly offers opportunities for active citizenship among British Muslims within the framework of what is broadly characterizable as a ‘NGO-led order’. On the other hand, the thesis suggests that MADE can be understood as an exemplar of the current era of ‘loose activist networks’, more precisely as a ‘Muslim lifestyle’ social movement organisation that promotes among British Muslims a multifaceted form of civic engagement inspired by an Islamic ethical framework.
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Davids, Nuraan. « Exploring the(in)commensurability between the lived experiences of Muslim women and cosmopolitanism : implications for democratic citizenship education and Islamic education ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71662.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Impressions and perceptions about Islām, particularly in a world where much of what is known about Islām has emerged from after the tragic devastation of the Twin Towers in New York, are creating huge challenges for Muslims wherever they may find themselves. Women as the more visible believers in Islām are, what I believe, at the forefront of the growing skepticism surrounding Islām. And central to the modern day debates and suspicious regard meted out to Muslim women today is her hijāb (head-scarf). Ironically, it would appear that the same amount of detail and attention that Islamic scholars have devoted to the role of women in Islām and how they are expected to conduct themselves is now at the centre of the modern day debates and suspicious regard. Yet, the debates seldom move beyond what is obviously visible, and so little is known about what has given shape to Muslim women’s being, and how their understanding of Islām has led them to practise their religion in a particular way. This dissertation is premised on the assertion that in order to understand the role of Muslim women in a cosmopolitan society, you need to understand Islām and Islamic education. It sets out to examine and explore as to whether there is commensurability or not between Muslim women and the notion of cosmopolitanism, and what then the implications would be for democratic citizenship education and Islamic education. One of the main findings of the dissertation is that the intent to understand Muslim women’s education and the rationales of their educational contexts and practices opens itself to a plurality of interpretations that reflects the pluralism of understanding constitutive of the practices of Islam both within and outside of cosmopolitanism. Another is that inasmusch as Muslim women have been influenced by living and interacting in a cosmopolitan society, cosmopolitanism has been shaped and shifted by Muslim women. By examining the concepts of knowledge and education in Islām, and exploring the gaps between interpretations of Islam and Qur’anic exegesis, I hope to demystify many of the (mis)perceptions associated with Muslim women, and ultimately with Islām. And finally, by examining how Islamic education can inform a renewed cosmopolitanism, and by looking at how democratic citizenship education can shape a renewed Islamic education, the eventual purpose of this dissertation is to find a way towards peaceful co-existence.
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Hameed, Qamer. « Grassroots Canadian Muslim Identity in the Prairie City of Winnipeg : A Case Study of 2nd and 1.5 Generation Canadian Muslims ». Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32987.
Texte intégralRésumé :
What are grassroots “Canadian Muslims” and why not use the descriptor “Muslims in Canada”? This thesis examines the novel concept of locale specific grassroots Canadian Muslim identity of second and 1.5 generation Muslims in the prairie city of Winnipeg, Manitoba. The project focuses on a generation of Muslims that are settled, embedded, and active in a medium sized Canadian metropolis. Locale plays a powerful part in the way people navigate identities, form attachments, find belonging, and negotiate communities and society. In order to explore this unique identity a case study was conducted in Winnipeg. Interviews with 1.5 and second generation Muslims explored the experience of grassroots Canadian Muslim identity. The project does not focus on religious doxy or praxis but rather tries to understand a lived Canadian Muslim identity by exploring discourse and space as well as strategies, social perceptions and expectations. Participant observation, community resources and literature also aid in the understanding of the grassroots Canadian Muslim experience. This study found that the attachments, networks, and experiences in the locale give room for an embedded Canadian Muslim experience and more negotiable identities than most studies on Muslims in Canada describe. These individuals are not foreigners living in Canada. Their worldviews develop out of this particular and embedded grassroots experience. They navigate a new kind of hybrid Canadian Muslim identity that is unique and flexible. This is the Canadian Muslim experience of 2nd and 1.5 generation Winnipeg Muslims.
Livres sur le sujet "Muslim citizenship"
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Peucker, Mario. Muslim Citizenship in Liberal Democracies. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31403-7.
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Ellis, Kail C., dir. Secular Nationalism and Citizenship in Muslim Countries. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71204-8.
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Leibhart, Margit. Germany, Muslims, civil society, and citizenship : Expectations and experiences of Muslim organisations. Wembley : Islamic Human Rights Commission, 2010.
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Everyday peace ? : Politics, citizenship and Muslim lives in India. Chichester, UK : John Wiley and Sons, 2015.
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Citizenship, faith, & feminism : Jewish and Muslim women reclaim their rights. Waltham, Mass : Brandeis University Press, 2011.
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Meer, Nasar. Citizenship, identity, and the politics of multiculturalism : The rise of Muslim consciousness in Britain. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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Citizenship, identity, and education in Muslim communities : Essays on attachment and obligation. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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Citizenship, identity and the politics of multiculturalism : The rise of Muslim consciousness. Basingstoke, England : Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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Anna, Triandafyllidou, et Zapata-Barrero Ricard, dir. Multiculturalism, Muslims and citizenship : A European approach. New York, NY : Routledge, 2005.
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B, Sajoo Amyn, et Institute of Ismaili Studies, dir. Muslim modernities : Expressions of the civil imagination. London : I.B. Taurus, 2008.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Muslim citizenship"
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Allenbach, Brigit. « To be Muslim and Swiss ». Dans Islam and Citizenship Education, 95–110. Wiesbaden : Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-08603-9_7.
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Ennaji, Moha. « Identity and Citizenship ». Dans Muslim Moroccan Migrants in Europe, 127–44. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137476494_9.
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Barylo, William. « Crafting an active citizenship ». Dans Young Muslim Change-Makers, 85–103. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series : Routledge islamic studies series ; v. 26 : Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315166995-6.
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Meer, Nasar. « Muslim Schools in Britain : Muslim-Consciousness in Action ». Dans Citizenship, Identity and the Politics of Multiculturalism, 107–43. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230281202_6.
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Meer, Nasar. « Muslims and Discrimination : Muslim-Consciousness in Re-Action ? » Dans Citizenship, Identity and the Politics of Multiculturalism, 144–78. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230281202_7.
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Pilgram, Lisa. « Law, Orientalism, and Citizenship : British-Muslim Family Law ». Dans Citizenship after Orientalism, 166–86. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137479501_9.
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Peucker, Mario. « What Is Active Citizenship ? » Dans Muslim Citizenship in Liberal Democracies, 9–42. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31403-7_2.
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Michon, Bruno. « How Is It Possible to Be Muslim in France ? » Dans Citizenship and Religion, 57–73. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54610-6_4.
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Khan, Tabassum Ruhi. « Consumer citizenship and Indian Muslim youth ». Dans Globalising Everyday Consumption in India, 206–20. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429058059-10.
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Fournier, Pascale, et Gökçe Yurdakul. « Unveiling Distribution : Muslim Women with Headscarves in France and Germany ». Dans Migration, Citizenship, Ethnos, 167–84. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403984678_9.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Muslim citizenship"
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Krause, Wanda. « CIVILITY IN ISLAMIC ACTIVISM : TOWARDS A BETTER UNDERSTANDING OF SHARED VALUES FOR CIVIL SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/yxvu5562.
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Fethullah Gülen’s works and movement have aimed to mend the tensions and fissures, spe- cifically along racial and ideological lines on both practical and theoretical levels that are emerging in this rapidly globalising world. Within a civil society theoretical framework, this paper addresses the knowledge developed on Islamically inspired forms of activism, before proceeding to an examination of key civil society actors with focus on the Gülen movement. Islam-based forms of organisation are conventionally presented as deficient in ‘civility’ or even antithetical to civil principles. The danger is that they are then simply excluded from normative definitions of civil society and their positive role in it diminished. In this respect, this paper argues for expanding the concepts through which we view and come to judge civil- ity and citizenship. The role of shared values in building civil society is facilitated by expand- ing the concepts through which we measure and exclude crucial components. Recognising the value systems behind Islamic forms of organisation helps develop better tools for deci- phering the shared values among various parts of civil society. Focusing on the Gülen movement, through an investigation of its beliefs, values and prac- tices, the paper illustrates not only its contribution in terms of expanding civil societies in- ternationally, but also how – according to the criteria used for measuring its effect – it is positioned as a leading example of dealing with contemporary challenges. It is hoped that this work will contribute to laying the epistemological groundwork for those struggling against Islamophobia and striving to expose the values shared among all actors in a healthy and vibrant civil society.
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Kusmana, Mr. « Local Discourse of Muslim Women's Leadership and Citizenship : A Case Study of Female Posyandu in Tasikmalaya ». Dans Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.51.
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Saleh, Muna. « "We Are Not Seen as Human" : Muslim Refugee Mothers of Dis/abled Children (Re)Telling Stories of Dis/citizenship ». Dans 2021 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC : AERA, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1680117.
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Ugur, Etga. « RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL ? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
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Borda, Ann, et Jonathan P. Bowen. « The Rise of Digital Citizenship and the Participatory Museum ». Dans Proceedings of EVA London 2021. BCS Learning & Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14236/ewic/eva2021.4.
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Sari, Ambar, et Marzuki Marzuki. « Utilization Museum Vredeburg as a Learning Resources Civic Education for Improvement Character Citizenship Communities ». Dans Proceedings of the 1st Conference of Visual Art, Design, and Social Humanities by Faculty of Art and Design, CONVASH 2019, 2 November 2019, Surakarta, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.2-11-2019.2294890.
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Moreira, Darlinda, et Gabriel Antão. « “Nobody is strange” : mobility and interculturality in higher education from the viewpoint of a group of Portuguese international music students ». Dans Third International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia : Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head17.2017.5329.
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The benefits of mobility are often related to the development of skills and competences on the adaptation to new environments and organizational forms, foreign languages, and cultures in general. In the specific case of the international students, mobility enhances the view of the institution of higher education as a global and intercultural learning space, which promotes the exchange of ideas, resources and opportunities for experimentation, global citizenship and professional opportunities. Nowadays we assist to a rising number of international students, a fact that deserves special attention and makes us turn our interest to what our own (Portuguese) international students believe as being important not only in their actual experience, but also relevant in its intercultural dimension and their academic and professional success. Henceforth, after theoretical considerations about mobility and the intercultural experiences amidst the internationalization of higher education institutions, our communication presents part of the results of a broader study focused on viewpoints and perspectives of a group of Portuguese international music students, about their intercultural experience in a foreign country ant its relationship with academic success.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Muslim citizenship"
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, octobre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.
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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).