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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Multiple wh-questions »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 9 mars 2023
Mis à jour le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Multiple wh-questions"

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Rudin, Catherine. « On multiple questions and multiple WH fronting ». Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 6, no 4 (novembre 1988) : 445–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00134489.

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Nunes, Jairo. « Edge Features and Multiple Wh-Questions ». Cadernos de Linguística 2, no 1 (23 avril 2021) : 01–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25189/2675-4916.2021.v2.n1.id316.

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Building on Chomsky’s (2000) proposal that A’-movement is triggered by an EPP-type of feature added to phase heads and Bošković’s (2007) proposal that the relevant feature is to be found on the moving element itself, Nunes (2020) has argued that these two apparently conflicting views ultimately instantiate different grammatical options available at UG. He shows that much of the crosslinguistic variation regarding single wh-questions hinges on whether edge features (features that trigger successive cyclic A’-movement) are lexically associated with wh-elements or phase heads and whether the edge features are intrinsically valued or unvalued. In this paper, I extend this approach to multiple wh-questions, showing that these factors also derive the basic typology of multiple wh-questions found in natural languages.
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Grewendorf, Günther. « Multiple Wh-Fronting ». Linguistic Inquiry 32, no 1 (janvier 2001) : 87–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438901554595.

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This article argues that overt multiple wh-fronting in languages like Bulgarian consists of moving a single wh-cluster to [Spec, CP]. The formation of wh-clusters is motivated by the assumption that wh-elements can act as landing sites for wh-movement due to morphological properties of wh-words. I further argue that languages such as Japanese constitute covert instances of this process of wh-cluster formation, accounting for intricate constraints on multiple wh-questions such as the so-called “additional-wh effect.” Another central claim of the article is that despite appearances, multiple wh-questions in German equally involve the formation of wh-clusters, which are shown to consist of one visible and one or more invisible wh-elements. This analysis provides a new account for the lack of “short” and the presence of “long” superiority effects in German.
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Dotlacil, Jakub, et Floris Roelofsen. « A dynamic semantics of single-wh and multiple-wh questions ». Semantics and Linguistic Theory 30 (2 mars 2021) : 376. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v30i0.4839.

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We develop a uniform analysis of single-wh and multiple-wh questions couched in dynamic inquisitive semantics. The analysis captures the effects of number marking on which-phrases, and derives both mention-some and mention-all readings as well as an often neglected partial mention-some reading in multiple-wh questions.
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Voznesenskaia, Anastasiia. « Wh-questions in Balkar ». Proceedings of the Workshop on Turkic and Languages in Contact with Turkic 5, no 1 (29 décembre 2020) : 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/ptu.v5i1.4785.

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This paper deals with the properties of wh-questions in Balkar. It is shown that wh-in-situ structures in Balkar are island insensitive (with an exception of coordinate structures). I discuss the complement/adjunct asymmetry regarding intervention effects. I also consider embedded multiple wh-structures. In this paper, I discuss a puzzle that the Balkar data presents to the prominent theories of wh-questions, which do not explain the properties it shows.
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Gribanova, Vera. « Structural Adjacency and the Typology of Interrogative Interpretations ». Linguistic Inquiry 40, no 1 (janvier 2009) : 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2009.40.1.133.

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I point out that the generally accepted theory of single-pair versus pair-list readings for multiple wh-questions in the Slavic family, as instantiated in Bošković 2001a, predicts the wrong result for Russian multiple wh-questions and for coordinated multiple wh-questions in several languages. I suggest a reformulation of the connection between the structure and the interpretation of multiple wh-questions that relies on the structural adjacency of two or more wh-items at LF, and I discuss a number of cases in which this reformulation appears to make the right predictions for multiple wh-questions containing clitics.
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OBA, YUKIO. « EMPTY CATEGORY PRINCIPLE AND MULTIPLE WH-QUESTIONS ». ENGLISH LINGUISTICS 6 (1989) : 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.6.52.

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Clifton, Charles, Gisbert Fanselow et Lyn Frazier. « Amnestying Superiority Violations : Processing Multiple Questions ». Linguistic Inquiry 37, no 1 (janvier 2006) : 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438906775321139.

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Two experiments investigated the acceptability of multiple questions. As expected, sentences violating the Superiority Condition were accepted less often than sentences obeying it.The status of the Superiority violations was not improved by the addition of a third wh, regardless of whether the third wh was an adjunct or an argument, though it was improved by the addition of a second question (e.g., and when).Further, in a small pilot study directly comparing a sentence with adjacent final wh-phrases that may induce a stress clash (I'd like to know who hid it where when) with a sentence violating Superiority but avoiding the final adjacent wh-phrases (I'd like to know where who hid it when), half the participants indicated that the Superiority violation sentence sounded better.This suggests that the status of some additional-whsentences may appear to improve simply because the comparison sentence with adjacent final wh-phrases is degraded.Overall, the results of the studies suggest that there is no need to complicate syntactic theory to account for the additional-wh effect, because there is no general additional-wh effect.
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Bošković, Željko. « On the interpretation of multiple questions ». Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2001 1 (31 décembre 2001) : 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/livy.1.03bos.

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The paper shows that crosslinguistically, overt movement of a wh-phrase to SpecCP results in the loss of the single-pair interpretation for multiple questions, i.e. it forces the pair-list interpretation. It is shown that the damaging effect of overt movement to SpecCP on the availability of single-pair answers can be accounted for with an extension of Hagstrom’s (1998) semantics of questions to languages with overt wh-movement. More precisely, the effect is argued to follow from Relativized Minimality: In questions with a single-pair interpretation, the Q morpheme, which is base-generated below C, induces a relativized minimality effect when a wh-phrase crosses it on its way to SpecCP.
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Bošković, Željko. « On Multiple Wh-Fronting ». Linguistic Inquiry 33, no 3 (juillet 2002) : 351–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438902760168536.

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I show that multiple wh-fronting languages (MWFL) do not behave uniformly regarding wh-movement and eliminate MWFL from the crosslinguistic typology concerning wh-movement in multiple questions. Regarding when they have wh-movement, MWFL behave like non-MWFL: some behave like English (they always have wh-movement), some like Chinese (they never have it), and some like French (they have it optionally although, as in French, wh-movement is sometimes required). MWFL differ from English, Chinese, and French in that in MWFL even wh-phrases that do not undergo wh-movement still must front for an independent reason, argued to involve focus. The fronting has several exceptions (semantic, phonological, and syntactic in nature), explanation for which leads me to posit a new type of in-situ wh-phrase and argue for the possibility of pronunciation of lower copies of chains.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Multiple wh-questions"

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Chernova, Ekaterina. « The syntax of wh-movement in multiple (true and echo) questions. A Q-particle approach ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/380553.

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This dissertation studies typological distinctions among wh-fronting languages with respect to syntax of multiple questions. The main goal of this study is twofold: to provide a unified syntactic account of different patterns of wh-movement in true multiple wh-questions in general, and in echo wh-questions in particular. The dissertation proposes an account on how languages resorting to multiple wh-fronting (e.g. Russian) can be captured within Q-theory (Cable 2010), initially proposed for languages with single wh-fronting (e.g. English). It is argued that analysing the formation of wh­questions with a unifying theory and in a comparative way can shed light not only on the canonical interrogative syntax, but also on such understudied phenomena as echo wh-questions. This dissertation extends the crosslinguistic study of echo questions by presenting novel evidence that multiple wh­fronting languages do exhibit overt wh-fronting in echo questions.
La tesis estudia las diferencias paramétricas entre varias lenguas con movimiento qu- obligatorio respecto a la formación de las preguntas múltiples. El objetivo principal consiste en proponer un análisis sintáctico unificado de diferentes patrones de movimiento qu- para las preguntas múltiples canónicas y para las preguntas de eco. Se discute cómo en el marco de la Teoria-Q (Cable 2010), inicialmente desarrollada para lenguas con movimiento simple (e.g., inglés), se puede captar la sintaxis de las interrogativas en lenguas con movimiento qu- múltiple (e.g., ruso). El análisis de la formación de las preguntas qu- dentro de una teoría unificadora y desde una perspectiva comparativa aclara además otros fenómenos poco estudiados, como las preguntas de eco. En este trabajo se amplia el análisis comparativo de estas interrogativas a otras lenguas tipológicamente distintas y se demuestra que las que presentan movimiento qu- múltiple muestran evidencias de desplazamiento explícito en las preguntas de eco.
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GRECO, CIRO. « Subjects and arguments in a-syntax ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/50065.

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In this essay, I will examine some murky questions concerning the theory of A’-movement in Italian. I will focus on two main empirical problems: the behaviour of Criterial Subjects (Rizzi 2006) and the syntax of multiple wh-questions in Italian. Both these domain of inquiry pose some questions about the restrictions that A’-movement has to respect and the consequences that these restrictions have on the superficial form of languages. The aim of this study is to show that many idiosyncratic properties concerning these two empirical domains can be explained by a rather simple theory of syntactic computation. The general picture that will emerge is that the syntactic computation in many A’- constructions can be described as a quite simple device, which is limited by (rather) independent interface requirements (Chomsky 1995 and subsequent works) and by some structural characteristics of the left periphery (Rizzi 1997, Cinque & Rizzi 2008). Moreover, it will emerge that the syntactic computation can make use of different strategies to circumvent these restrictions. In Chapter 2, I will go through a long-standing problem concerning the position of subjects in a number of A’-constructions in Romance languages. I will show, that some puzzling restrictions on the position of subjects can be explained adopting two basic elements: a feature-based theory of locality (Starke 2001, Rizzi 2004, Abels 2012) and a quantificational theory of Criterial Subjects (Bianchi & Chesi, to appear). I will argue that it is possible to derive a wide empirical range of data in a number of Romance Languages, from these two basic ingredients. In Chapter 3, I will examine a rather neglected group of Italian constructions, namely Multiple wh-questions. I will show that Italian displays a rather complex behaviour with respect to these structures, much more complex than previously thought. The idea is that 6 the whole pattern of data can be derived by two simple restrictions on A’-constructions. On the one hand, Italian is restricted to have only one position for wh-phrases in the left periphery of the clause (Rizzi 1997); on the other hand, only a sub-class of wh-phrases can be interpreted without being moved, namely argumental wh-phrases (Reinhardt 1997, 1998). I will argue that these two well-known restrictions force the syntactic computation to employ different circumvention strategies, from which the complex pattern of data emerges. I will argue that coordination turns out to be a flexible tool that syntax employs to build multiple wh-questions in compliance with the restrictions mentioned above.
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Dimova, Elena. « Questions à mouvement multiple en bulgare ». Thèse, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/5117.

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Ce mémoire examine les questions à mouvement multiple en bulgare, en accordant une importance particulière aux mécanismes qui régissent l’ordre des syntagmes interrogatifs antéposés. Outre la présentation d’un phénomène linguistique complexe et très intéressant, l’étude propose un aperçu critique des hypothèses les plus importantes émises au fil des ans à propos des interrogatives multiples. Dans un premier temps, nous discutons des différentes approches renfermant l’idée que l’ordre des mots interrogatifs au début de la proposition dépend entièrement des règles syntaxiques. Ensuite, nous présentons les analyses qui tentent d’expliquer la problématique en faisant appel à des traits spécifiques des syntagmes Qu-, tels que [animé] ou [lié au discours]. Le rôle de la topicalisation et de la focalisation dans la formation des questions multiples, les projections fonctionnelles de la « périphérie gauche » en bulgare accueillant différents syntagmes, ainsi que la résomption comptent également parmi les sujets traités dans ce mémoire.
This study examines multiple Wh-interrogatives in Bulgarian, with particular reference to the mechanisms responsible for the order of fronted Wh- phrases. Apart from describing an interesting and quite complex linguistic phenomenon, this study offers a critical review of the main hypotheses that have been adduced to account for the properties of multiple interrogatives. First, we discuss the different approaches that attribute the order of fronted Wh-phrases entirely to syntactic rules. Next, we examine those analyses which seek to explain the phenomenon by appealing to specific features pertaining to Wh-phrases, namely [animate] or [discourse-linked]. Other topics discussed in the present study include the role of topicalization and focalization in multiple interrogative formation, the possibility that the functional projections of the Bulgarian left periphery may host various Wh-phrases, as well as the role and distribution of resumptive pronouns.
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Livres sur le sujet "Multiple wh-questions"

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Unique focus : Languages without multiple wh-questions. Amsterdam : John Benjamins Pub. Co., 2008.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Multiple wh-questions"

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Mus, Nikolett. « Syntax of multiple questions in Tundra Nenets ». Dans Siberica et Uralica, 127–38. Szeged : University of Szeged, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/sua.2022.56.127-138.

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The paper discusses the relative order and syntactic position of wh-phrases in Tundra Nenets multiple wh-questions. Contrary to previous proposals, it will be argued that the wh-phrases in multiple wh-questions are rigidly ordered and their order is constrained by the Specificity Filter. Evidence on the application of the Specificity Filter comes from the ungrammaticality of certain relative orders, i.e. *how-any wh-phrase, and the answers that are given to the multiple wh-questions, i.e. the answer does not specify values for the first wh-phrase but it pairs X and Y in both cases. Thus, the first wh-phrase in the construction is interpreted as a distributive universal quantifier. This is supported by the fact that the first wh-phrase can trigger object agreement on verbs (that is otherwise not possible in the case of wh-objects). Additionally, the wh-sequence can be preceded by elements that normally cause Intervention effects in single wh-questions, but a focussed expression cannot precede them. So in Tundra Nenets multiple wh-questions at least the first wh-phrase undergoes movement and it supposedly appears in the topic position.
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Abe, Jun. « Case Study II : Multiple Wh-Questions in Japanese ». Dans Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 99–182. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-47304-8_5.

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Madhavan, Punnapurath. « Multiple Wh-questions and the cleft construction in Malayalam ». Dans Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 269–84. Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.208.10mad.

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Mišmaš, Petra. « The left periphery of multiple wh-questions in Slovenian ». Dans Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 193–220. Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.236.09mis.

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Dalmi, Gréte. « The Freezing Principle in Hungarian polarity, non-polarity and multiple wh-questions ». Dans Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 159–86. Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.206.07dal.

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Takita, Kensuke, et Barry Chung-Yu Yang. « On Multiple Wh-Questions with ‘Why’ in Japanese and Chinese ». Dans Japanese Syntax in Comparative Perspective, 206–27. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945207.003.0008.

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Mycock, Louise, Chenzi Xu et Aditi Lahiri. « ‘Wh’-question intonation in Standard Colloquial Bengali ». Dans Modular Design of Grammar, 282–302. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192844842.003.0017.

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Mycock, Xu, and Lahiri provide LFG analyses of multiple multi-clause constituent ‘wh’- question intonation patterns in Standard Colloquial Bengali (the Bengali dialect spoken in Kolkata), capturing the intonational tune–text mapping which crucially interacts with syntax, pragmatics, and semantics. Based on a new set of data, they identify the intonational contours used with ‘wh’-questions that include multiple question words and/or that comprise multiple clauses. These data reveal that a Focus accent can be ‘shared’ across a sequence of question words and that a subordinate clause forms a separate intonational unit (an Intonational Phrase) when it contains question words that take scope over a higher clause but not when they only take scope over the clause in which they appear.
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Dalrymple, Mary, John J. Lowe et Louise Mycock. « Long-distance dependencies ». Dans The Oxford Reference Guide to Lexical Functional Grammar, 652–725. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198733300.003.0017.

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This chapter explores the analysis of constructions in which a constituent appears in a position other than the one with which its syntactic function is usually associated. Section 17.1 discusses the syntax of long-distance dependencies, including topicalization, left- or right-dislocation constructions, relative clauses, and constituent (“wh”) questions. Section 17.2 discusses constructions in which the displaced phrase is related not to a gap within the clause, but to a resumptive pronoun. Section 17.3 discusses how a long-distance dependency construction may be marked morphologically. Section 17.4 considers evidence for and against traces, with particular attention to the phenomenon of weak crossover. Section 17.5 examines multiple-gap constructions, including “across-the-board” extraction and parasitic gaps. The semantics of constructions involving long-distance dependencies are then considered: relative clauses are discussed in Section 17.6, and constituent (“wh”) questions in Section 17.7.
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« Corpus Linguistics and Second Language Acquisition : Rules and Frequency in the Acquisition of English Multiple wh-Questions ». Dans Corpus Analysis, 255–72. Brill | Rodopi, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004334410_015.

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