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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Multilaterality »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 25 janvier 2025

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1

Toropygin, A. V. « Modern Theoretical and Practical Approaches to Multilateralism in International Relations : the EAEU Case ». EURASIAN INTEGRATION : economics, law, politics 17, no 2 (6 juillet 2023) : 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2023-02-169-180.

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Modern theoretical approaches to interpretations of the concepts “multilaterality”, “multipolarity”, “multi-vector foreign policy” are investigated. Features of multi-vector foreign policy are considered in the countries of the post-Soviet space.Aim. Determine the basic theoretical and consider practical approaches to multilateralism in international relations.Tasks. To identify the main differences in the interpretations of the concept of “multi-line” at the present stage. Determine the ratios between multilaterality and multipolarity. Formulate the main differences in views on the versatility between Western and developing countries. Consider the main manifestations of the multi-vector’s external policy of the countries of the post-Soviet space, paying attention to the EAEU countries.Methods. The main place in the study was taken by the comparison method. Multilateity was seen as the principle of conducting international affairs and making decisions by the state; In other words, the foreign policy process. For this, the model of R. Patema was used, in which foreign policy decisions are made in the logic of a two-level game, with the domestic political and foreign policy levels. Multilateity is the factor of the second level. The factor of the first level is the manifestation of the socio-economic policy of the state.Results. Modern theoretical and practical approaches to multilateralism have been investigated.Conclusions. There are no uniform interpretations of the concept of multilaterality. The main differences are associated with a place that occupies the concept of “values”. Whether the values are the basis of multilaterality or vice versa — the versatility of the process of coming to common values. This is a fairly fundamental issue for multipolarity. Multipolarity can exist without multilateralism.The centuries-old foreign policy in the conditions of the post-Soviet space contributes to the instability of states and leads to economic and political crises in these states.
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Sydorchuk, Orystlava. « MULTILATERALITY OF UKRAINE'S SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEM ». Economic discourse, no 1 (mars 2020) : 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.36742/2410-0919-2020-1-10.

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Introduction. Ensuring social security at the level of an individual, society or state is a central concept of activity of all branches of government in Ukraine, as it is a guarantee of public perception of the activities of public institutions and successful implementation of reforms. The lack of stability in Ukrainian society is particularly relevant to the task of ensuring multi-level social security and encourages the deepening and development of organizational and managerial principles of its regulation. Methods. The dialectical method of scientific cognition, complex, systematic, logical approaches, as well as a sociological survey were used to identify the state, problems and directions of providing social security, the sample size of which was 2515 respondents in 110 settlements of Ukraine, statistical error (probability 0,95, design effect 1,5) did not exceed 3,2% for metrics close to 50% and not less than 0,7% for metrics close to 1% and 99%. Results. Based on the hierarchy of the construction and functioning of social systems, there is reason to argue that the social security system is a complex multilevel system, which is formed and operates in the plane of objective and subjective processes from the influence of many factors of internal and external origin. A high level of social security is achieved by creating favourable conditions for ensuring a sufficient standard of living for the population and is characterized by the size of real incomes and the volume of economic benefits. Social security management is a purposeful activity of social security entities that develop and implement governmental, regulatory, coordinating, controlling, regulatory and organizational-managerial influences on social security objects for the purpose of forecasting, timely detection, prevention and neutralizing threats. Discussion. Further research should be carried out in the direction of developing the scientific basis of state regulation of social security, aimed at timely response to and elimination of social threats, formation of targeted mechanisms for achieving social security, coordination and interaction of authorities. Keywords: social progress, public administration, social security system, national security, social risks, social and economic interests.
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Sung, Hyun-Young, et JI-Young Kim. « A Study on the Social and Political Multilaterality of Music Art ». Global Knowledge and Convergence Association 3, no 2 (31 décembre 2020) : 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47636/gkca.2020.3.2.161.

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Heemann, Lisa, et Patrick Rosenow. « Multilateralismus in der Krise, die Vereinten Nationen unter Druck und die Rolle Deutschlands ». Sicherheit & ; Frieden 37, no 4 (2019) : 193–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2019-4-193.

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Multilateralism is currently in a crisis, according to many opinions. However, this is only partly true. It is noticeable that particularly the powerful states are questioning multilaterally negotiated procedures as a cornerstone of the current world order and are putting pressure on the United Nations as the central international organization of multilateralism. This most obviously concerns the US with its “America First” policy under President Donald Trump, but also Russia under Vladimir Putin and China under Xi Jinping. However, it should not be forgotten that the majority of UN member states continue to believe that global problems can only be solved multilaterally. What role can Germany play in renewing multilateralism and strengthening the United Nations? The current non-permanent membership in the UN Security Council 2019/2020 represents an opportunity in this regard.
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Ho, Selina. « ‘Big brother, little brothers’ : comparing China's and India's transboundary river policies ». Water Policy 18, S1 (4 octobre 2016) : 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2016.103.

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Hydro-hegemons can provide both positive and negative forms of leadership, the former leading to cooperative outcomes and the latter to conflict in transboundary river basins. What constrains hydro-hegemons and under what conditions do they cooperate? This paper examines China's and India's hydro-hegemonic behavior, using case studies of the Mekong and the Ganges, respectively. As a positive hydro-hegemon, China cooperates multilaterally with other Mekong riparians, while India takes a limited sovereignty view by sharing water with Bangladesh and Nepal in the Ganges. China and India behave as dominant hydro-hegemons when they engage in resource capture strategies, such as water diversion projects and unilateral dam-building activities. The regional context and domestic politics of hydro-hegemons constrain their behavior, and determine the forms of positive and negative leadership they provide. When strong multilateral mechanisms already exist in the regional context, hydro-hegemons are more likely to cooperate multilaterally. This explains why China cooperates multilaterally in the Mekong while India rejects multilateralism in the Ganges. Domestic considerations also explain why China cooperates multilaterally in the Mekong but avoids water-sharing discussions. In India's case, electoral politics account for the eventual signing of the Ganges and Mahakali treaties after decades of negotiations.
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Kamine, Jorge. « Remarks by Jorge Kamine ». Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 114 (2020) : 332–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2021.60.

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If we focus on the past sixty years, which coincides with the founding of the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB), we can unequivocally say that there have been a number of notable and successful examples of “multilateralism” in Latin America in the context of economic development and integration. This assumes we define “multilateralism” broadly as groups of countries in Latin America (1) cooperating or participating in institutions, organizations, and initiatives that include more than two countries; (2) which include among their goals or objectives the advancement of economic development or economic integration in the region; and (3) which have produced or resulted in some economic outcome or benefit for the participating countries that we generally believe could not have been achieved by one country alone. While this definition may not perfectly follow John Ruggie's definition, my formulation of the definition of “multilateralism” ensures that we do not overlook or discount important examples of institutions formed by Latin American states and other states that are based on principles to address issues of common concern, namely economic development in the region. The advances and benefits that have been achieved through these institutions have been significant even if the more ambitious (and perhaps more aspirational) goals over the years of certain Latin American political leaders of a broader inter-American political and economic integration modeled on the European Union or even the narrower (but also ambitious) goal of projects focused on economic integration, like the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA), have not been fully achieved. Based on the definition that I have proposed of “multilateralism” with its focus on economic development, I would highlight some common features of the examples and cases where we have seen successful multilateralism and common features of the challenges that have been encountered in advancing multilateralist projects.
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Saggi, Kamal, Alan Woodland et Halis Murat Yildiz. « On the Relationship between Preferential and Multilateral Trade Liberalization : The Case of Customs Unions ». American Economic Journal : Microeconomics 5, no 1 (1 février 2013) : 63–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.5.1.63.

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This paper compares equilibrium outcomes of two games of trade liberalization. In the Bilateralism game, countries choose whether to liberalize trade preferentially via a customs union (CU), multilaterally, or not at all. The Multilateralism game is a restricted version of the Bilateralism game in that countries cannot form CUs and can only undertake non-discriminatory trade liberalization. When countries have symmetric endowments, global free trade is the only stable equilibrium of both games. Allowing for endowment asymmetry, we isolate circumstances where the option to form CUs helps further the cause of multilateral liberalization as well as where it does not. (JEL F12, F13)
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Hidayatullah, Nur Luthfi. « MIDDLE POWER’S ROLE IN HEALTH DIPLOMACY DURING COVID-19 ». Sunan Ampel Review of Political and Social Sciences 1, no 1 (27 novembre 2021) : 94–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/sarpass.2021.1.1.94-110.

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This article seeks to respond towards the growing skepticism questioning MIKTA’s role in middle power diplomacy during the Covid-19 pandemic era. In recent years, the middle power informal forum MIKTA, consisting of Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, and Australia has been accused of being dysfunctional with lack of significant contributions towards multilateralism. Moreover, during the Covid-19 pandemic, MIKTA member states struggle to resolve domestic issues such as rising infections rate and economic recession, which indicate their withdrawal from regional and multilateral affairs. This article proves otherwise. The author argues that despite facing domestic problems related to Covid-19, MIKTA member states remain committed towards multilateralism through exemplary domestic regulations and regional contributions in a new public diplomacy role MIKTA has never taken before: health diplomacy. This descriptive-quantitative research implements quasi-experimental method by selecting five states representing middle powers from various regions and examine their health diplomacy role in domestic, regional, and multilateral affairs using indicators from Neo-Liberalist and Constructivist perspectives. This article concludes that MIKTA member states’ role in health diplomacy remain essential in supporting global health diplomacy efforts during the pandemic. Domestically, Australia and South Korea’s effective Covid-19 containment policy have served as an example for other states to follow. Regionally, MIKTA member states’ assistance towards neighboring states highlight their commitment towards regional leadership. Multilaterally, all MIKTA member states have unanimously agreed on the need to support Covid-19 vaccine availability for all countries.
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Weiß, Wolfgang, et Cornelia Furculita. « The EU in Search for Stronger Enforcement Rules : Assessing the Proposed Amendments to Trade Enforcement Regulation 654/2014 ». Journal of International Economic Law 23, no 4 (21 novembre 2020) : 865–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgaa033.

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Abstract Considering the new focus of the European Union (EU) trade policy on strengthening the enforcement of trade rules, the article presents the proposed amendments to the EU Trade Enforcement Regulation 654/2014. It analyzes the EU Commission proposal and the amendments suggested by the European Parliament Committee on International Trade (INTA), in particular with regard to uncooperative third parties and the provision of immediate countermeasures. The amendments will be assessed in view of their legality under World Trade Organization (WTO), Free Trade Agreement (FTA), and general international law and in view of their political implications for the EU’s multilateralist stance. Finally, the opportunity to amend Regulation 654/2014 to use it for the enforcement of FTA trade and sustainable development chapters will be explored. The analysis shows that the shift towards more effective enforcement should be pursued with due care for respecting existing international legal commitments and with more caution to multilateralism.
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Kadewandana, Donie. « Indonesian Foreign Policy and the COVID-19 Pandemic ». Foreign Policy Review 14, no 3 (2021) : 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.44-59.

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This paper examines Indonesia’s foreign policy regarding the handling of the global COVID-19 pandemic. As the third most populous country in Asia after China and India, Indonesia has taken strategic steps to handle COVID-19, looking after its citizens both within the country and abroad. The study shows that Indonesia’s foreign policy is carried out through the Alliance for Multilateralism. First, Indonesian citizens abroad are protected by the Indonesian government with the help of large-scale repatriation, especially in countries that have been severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Second, the Indonesian government encourages the strengthening of governance within the global health framework by supporting the policies of the World Health Organization (WHO). In addition, Indonesia cooperates with various countries, both regionally and multilaterally, in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic. The factors that influence Indonesia’s foreign policy regarding the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic include Indonesia’s national interests and the international political situation. These have characterized foreign policy implementation under President Joko Widodo during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Newman, Abraham L. « Flight from Risk : Unified Germany and the Role of Beliefs in the European Response to the Financial Crisis ». German Politics and Society 28, no 2 (1 juin 2010) : 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280210.

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Since the end of World War II, scholars have attempted to make sense of Germany's insistent multilateralism. Many concluded that this sacrifice resulted from a deeply ingrained political identity that stressed international cooperation and shunned parochial national politics. More recently, however, German leadership has suggested a willingness to weaken its role as global altruist and reassert its interests in Europe and abroad. This article argues that core German attitudes towards regional and global cooperation have changed. But rather than a shift to "national self-interests," I argue that the unification process elevated long-held beliefs about policy conservatism and caution that now compete with the postwar multilateral policy frame within the foreign policy elite. In addition to the pro-European, multilateralist agenda, a second powerful lesson of the interwar period emphasized the dangers associated with sudden change and the benefits of incrementalism. Owing to the uncertainty associated with sociopolitical events, decision makers must rely on their beliefs about how the world works to guide their decisions. To explore the relationship between beliefs and Germany's regional policy, the paper examines the government's regional response to the post 2008 financial crisis and the banking crisis in Eastern Europe.
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Criddle, Evan J., et Evan Fox-Decent. « Mandatory Multilateralism ». American Journal of International Law 113, no 2 (avril 2019) : 272–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2019.3.

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AbstractThis Article challenges the conventional wisdom that states are always free to choose whether to participate in multilateral regimes. International law often mandates multilateralism to ensure that state laws and practices are compatible with sovereign equality and joint stewardship. The Article maps mandatory multilateralism's domain, defines its requirements, and examines its application to three controversies: the South China Sea dispute, the United States’ withdrawal from the 2015 Paris Agreement, and Bolivia's case against Chile in the International Court of Justice.
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Morse, Julia C., et Robert O. Keohane. « Contested multilateralism ». Review of International Organizations 9, no 4 (23 mars 2014) : 385–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-014-9188-2.

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Shang, Carrie Shu. « Mapping Export Control Extraterritoriality in the US-China Technology Decoupling ». Journal of World Trade 58, Issue 4 (1 août 2024) : 545–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2024030.

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Historically, the United States assertion of extraterritoriality under its export control laws has elicited considerable scholarly discourse. In recent years and with the perceived national security threat posed by a burgeoning China, the US has dramatically expanded a set of extraterritorial rules in its existing export control restrictions. This article evaluates such expansion of export control extraterritoriality in the context of waning trade multilateralism. It first provides a doctrinal examination of the development of extraterritoriality in US export control, focusing on the recent intensification of US-China technology decoupling, exemplified through the expansion of end-use control and extraterritorial jurisdiction over US persons. Then, by drawing upon recent literature on geoeconomic trade law, the article argues that a revitalized priority on security-oriented trade policy making will justify this expansion of export control extraterritoriality together with ally-based enforcement exception rules. Nonetheless, expansion of export control extraterritoriality will easily be a slippery slope, potentially initiating retaliatory cycles. Without a multilateral solution, it risks a dramatic realignment of international trade into blocks of allies and/or regions, thereby undermining decades of achievements in neo-liberal trade and hurting its leadership in a rules-based order. The article concludes by reflecting on remaining multilateralist avenues to rule on export extraterritoriality when new trade dispute arises, in light of a few recent WTO DSB reform proposals.
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Gupta, Nippun, Bawa Singh, Jaspal Kaur, Sandeep Singh et Vijay Kumar Chattu. « COVID-19 Pandemic and Reimagination of Multilateralism through Global Health Diplomacy ». Sustainability 13, no 20 (19 octobre 2021) : 11551. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132011551.

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The ongoing pandemic COVID-19 has made it very clear that no one is safe until everyone is safe. But how can everyone be safe when the pandemic has broken every nerve of the economy and put an extra burden on the already crippled healthcare systems in low-income countries? Thus, the pandemic has changed the orientation of domestic as well as global politics, with many geopolitical shifts. The exponential growing infected cases and more than four million deaths has demanded a global response in terms of multilateralism. However, declining multilateralism and the need for its reforms was a much-delayed response. Given this context, this paper aimed to link the decline of multilateralism in the face of the pandemic by highlighting various instances of its failure and success; and highlighting the need for its revival. The article critically examines and evaluates the responses of multilateralism and global health diplomacy (GHD) during the pandemic. The ongoing black swan kind of event (an unexpected event) has obligated global leadership to think in terms of the revival of multilateralism through GHD. Historically, multilateralism through GHD has been shown to play an important role in managing and combating pandemics. The article further discusses various theoretical aspects such as sovereignty and hegemonic stability theory as reasons for the failing of multilateralism. The paper concludes by emphasizing the importance of foresight in reviving multilateralism in the pursuit of a more sustainable future.
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Kwakwa, Edward. « The Future of Multilateralism ». Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 112 (2018) : 339–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2019.36.

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Multilateralism can be seen as the greatest source of legitimacy and inclusiveness in the international system. In thinking of multilateralism, I am inspired by Harlan Grant Cohen's Editorial Comment in the January 2018 issue of the American Journal of International Law, in which he explains that multilateralism is a process that is more inclusive than unilateralism or bilateralism. Following that definition, it would imply, for example, that cooperation activities at the United Nations (UN), with its membership of 193 States, are more a reflection of multilateralism than cooperation activities at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), with its membership of thirty-six states, or at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), with its membership of twenty-nine states. But by the same token, efforts at multilateralism could be harder to achieve results, given that achieving consensus among 193 countries would be more challenging than doing so among a smaller number of countries. It would also stand to reason that regional or plurilateral arrangements are less reflective of multilateralism than are multilateral arrangements. But of course, multilateralism should not only be viewed against a yardstick of numbers, but also in terms of legitimacy, effectiveness and impact of activities and outputs.
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Donoghue, David. « Multilateralism and Interdependence ». Irish Studies in International Affairs 29, no 1 (2018) : 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2018.0021.

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Couch, Sander. « Prospects of Multilateralism ». Amsterdam Law Forum 4, no 4 (1 septembre 2012) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.37974/alf.232.

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Siegel, Jonas, et Josh Schollmeyer. « W's multilateralism primer ». Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 61, no 2 (1 mars 2005) : 36–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2968/061002011.

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Martin, Ian. « Haiti : Mangled Multilateralism ». Foreign Policy, no 95 (1994) : 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149424.

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Jentleson, Bruce W. « Tough love multilateralism ». Washington Quarterly 27, no 1 (décembre 2003) : 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016366003322596882.

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Price, Richard. « Hegemony and Multilateralism ». International Journal 60, no 1 (2004) : 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40204024.

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Yasutomo, Dennis T., et Tomoaki Ishigaki. « Japan’s Proactive Multilateralism ». Asian Survey 57, no 5 (septembre 2017) : 956–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.5.956.

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Japan’s 2013 UN Arms Trade Treaty diplomacy exhibited neither the standard minimalist, subservient negotiating style nor policymaking restricted to the usual actors. Juxtaposition of the treaty and the 2014 arms export policy revision illustrates how traditional “peace diplomacy” can evolve into “proactive pacifism.”
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Price, Richard. « Hegemony and multilateralism ». International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 60, no 1 (mars 2005) : 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200506000110.

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Brunnée, Jutta. « Multilateralism in Crisis ». Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 112 (2018) : 335–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2019.35.

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Some twenty-five years ago, John Ruggie defined “multilateralism” in terms that remain apposite today. As an international lawyer, this definition prompts me to reflect on the connections between the international legal order and multilateralism. To be sure, international law has unilateral, bilateral, and multilateral features, for example in lawmaking or law enforcement. Similarly, it can be wielded to unilateral, bilateral, or multilateral ends. Indeed, it is precisely because it transcends ends and issue areas, that international law, by providing “generalized” principles of conduct and interaction, is an important component of multilateralism.
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Wood, Steve. « The Last Multilateralist ? » World Affairs 183, no 1 (12 février 2020) : 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820020904746.

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Germany benefited most from post-war integration into liberal democratic structures, an experience that transformed it into an enthusiastic advocate of multilateralism and a model for other states. The current “illiberal turn” away from international institutions and, in some instances, international law, threatens Germany’s preferred orientation. As authoritarian regimes and populisms undermine the “liberal international order” that made Germany secure and prosperous, it may be left as one of few if not the only noteworthy advocate of multilateralism in global affairs.
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Keohane, Robert O., Stephen Macedo et Andrew Moravcsik. « Democracy-Enhancing Multilateralism ». International Organization 63, no 1 (janvier 2009) : 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818309090018.

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AbstractInternational organizations are widely believed to undermine domestic democracy. Our analysis challenges this conventional wisdom, arguing that multilateral institutions can enhance the quality of national democratic processes, even in well-functioning democracies, in a number of important ways: by restricting the power of special interest factions, protecting individual rights, and improving the quality of democratic deliberation, while also increasing capacities to achieve important public purposes. The article discusses conflicts and complementarities between multilateralism and democracy, outlines a working conception of constitutional democracy, elaborates theoretically the ways in which multilateral institutions can enhance constitutional democracy, and discusses the empirical conditions under which multilateralism is most likely to have net democratic benefits, using contemporary examples to illustrate the analysis. The overall aim is to articulate a set of critical democratic standards appropriate for evaluating and helping to guide the reform of international institutions.
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Siegel, Jonas, et Josh Schollmeyer. « W's multilateralism PRIMER ». Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 61, no 2 (mars 2005) : 36–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00963402.2005.11460869.

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David Donoghue. « Multilateralism and Interdependence ». Irish Studies in International Affairs 29 (2018) : 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2018.29.21.

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Bhagwati, Jagdish. « Regionalism versus Multilateralism ». World Economy 15, no 5 (septembre 1992) : 535–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.1992.tb00536.x.

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Maheshwari, Palak. « Regionalism Vs Multilateralism ». Jindal Journal of International Affairs 11, no 1 (23 août 2023) : 64–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v11i1.190.

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Trade globalisation refers to the growing economic interdependence of countries globally. Regional trade refers to the conscious creation of policies to ensure smooth and preferential trade within a region. These ideas can seem opposite to each other but this study aims to prove that this is not so. There are several ways in which regionalism actually promotes globalisation. There is safety for local businesses in regional trade. Regional Free Trade Areas (FTAs) allow small countries to compete with each other before competing globally; which gives them more time to adapt and adjust. Regionalism also enables participation of less-developed countries in making heavyweight regional economic blocs and ensures a passage to deal with bigger economies (like in the case of ASEAN and China). It is often thought that regionalism developed as a response to globalisation when the fact is that regionalism precedes globalisation. These are all pieces of evidence provided in this study to conclusively say that regionalism builds upon globalisation instead of challenging it.
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Mpshane-Nkosi, Mmakoena. « SADC Multilateral Approach for Sustainable Development in Cabo Delgado ». European Journal of Sustainable Development 13, no 2 (1 juin 2024) : 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.14207/ejsd.2024.v13n2p307.

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This article investigates the political stability of Cabo Delgado’s insurgency in Mozambique and the regional multilateral efforts of the South African Development Community (SADC) and international organisations. Since establishing the United Nations’ seventeen Sustainable Development Goals five years ago, recent studies have shown that governance sustainability is essential for peace and security. According to Meadowcroft (2007), sustainable governance refers to the socio-political governance systems established to achieve sustainable growth. Thus, sustainable governance is a foundation for ensuring the achievement of long-term governmental goals managed and operated by multiple actors within a system. Sustainable development promotes methodical and constructive planning of current and future usage of resources. Governance refers to how government manage and exercises the country’s economic and social resources for growth. While many scholars in the last two years, such as Bosman and Gruzd (2022), Sithole (2022), and Okunade et al. (2021), have indicated the conflict vulnerability to the Southern African region, the government and bloc’s slow response, particularly in dealing with the armed conflict; this study argues that the multilaterally the region responded on time and is ensuring sustainable development and peace and security. The article details the multilateral approach used for counterterrorism, mainly the use of military intervention and continuous discourse within political spaces. The qualitative method extrapolates how stability, safety and security were achieved and the sustainable development plans. Keywords: Insurgency, Cabo Delgado, SADC, Mozambique, Multilateralism, Good Governance Theory
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Mistelis, Loukas, et Giammarco Rao. « Multilateral Principles in a Bilateral World ». Italian Review of International and Comparative Law 1, no 1 (15 octobre 2021) : 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725650-01010004.

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Abstract Multilateralism in international investment law is a multifaceted concept with a complex and eventful history. Multilateralism is a paradigm for international investment relations and is also present in the caselaw of investment arbitral tribunals, regardless of whether they consider bilateral or multilateral investment treaties. Indeed, in most cases, they interpret treaty provisions as part of a multilateral system. Further, multilateralism is present every time States act in concert with other States or consider other States’ investors’ legitimate interests. It also emerges that, in some instances, multilateralism has become mandatory. For example, this is the case concerning sustainable development or climate change. In these areas, international law requires multilateralism. States are under an obligation to co-operate for purposes of achieving or promoting multilateral solutions. However, concerning the international investment law context, such a concept is not present. The general assumption is that States’ participation in multilateral practises is left to their discretion: it is voluntary or consensual. In this article, we question that assumption. In this article, we offer a brief review of multilateral experiences in international investment law in the 20th century and provide an analysis of multilateralism in a historical context. Then we turn our attention to the current state of affairs to appreciate it in light of the past. Further, we discuss the future, and in particular, mandatory multilateralism in international law with respect to sustainable development. Here we identify the principles, which might justify mandatory multilateral approaches. Finally, we consider whether the principles justifying mandatory multilateralism in international law are applicable in the context of international investment law as well. We attempt to answer this question in the affirmative and point out further areas of research.
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Alter, Karen J. « Remarks by Karen J. Alter ». Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 114 (2020) : 324–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2021.58.

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Any speculation about the promise and future of multilateralism in Latin America turns fundamentally on what we mean by multilateralism. If multilateralism is defined in numeric terms, as any formal cooperative endeavor undertaken by three or more states, then it is easy to predict that multilateralism is going to be an ongoing feature international politics everywhere. If the question concerns the future of particular Latin American multilateral institutions, such as the Inter-American Human Rights system, Mercosur, or the Andean Community, there might be greater worry and room for disagreement. We would then want to know “what part of the inter-American Human Rights system/Mercosur/Andean Community are you talking about?”
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Ruipeng, Mao. « Consultation and Joint Endeavor Among All Stakeholders : China’s Stance on Multilateralism and the United Nations ». China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 05, no 04 (janvier 2019) : 471–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500283.

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Multilateralism is one of the key notions in China’s diplomatic discourse. Unlike the European Union, China tends to define multilateralism as a consultation process amongst all related members of the international community, so that their fundamental interests and appeals can be fully heard and considered. In the Chinese view, multilateralism features inclusive participation, UN leadership, and the goal of democratization of international relations. It is believed that, as a historical trend, multilateralism is not only crucial for tackling various global challenges, but it also helps foster a favorable international environment for China’s sustainable development. Multilateralism has been deeply ingrained in China’s foreign policy, exemplified by the country’s increasing support for the UN over the past two decades. Notably, both China’s financial contribution to the UN and the number of personnel sent on UN peacekeeping missions have grown rapidly in recent years. Also, China has been advocating the notion of a “community of shared future for mankind” on UN platforms, hoping to share its experience of development with the world. As China deepens its engagement with international organizations, however, the United States is making every effort to constrain China’s influence in the UN. In the future, China needs to work closely with supporters of multilateralism, especially developing countries, so as to play a greater role in the UN.
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Fadhlia, Maudy Noor, et Azza Bimantara. « Global South Perspective on the Threat to Multilateralism in G20 Post-Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine ». Global South Review 4, no 1 (31 mai 2023) : 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.80982.

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The G20 is set up to foster cooperation among states while sharing common principles and values. Even though it was first created to handle the global financial crisis, G20 has become a big multilateral forum covering other strategic developmental issues. At the beginning of this year, Russia's invasion of Ukraine came unexpectedly and created commotion among the G20 members. Some members assume it threatens multilateralism in G20 since Russia ignores international law. This paper uses a qualitative approach through a case study, collects the data from a literature review, and looks at different dimensions of multilateralism. Furthermore, the discussion will focus on the perspective of the Global South regarding the multilateralism crisis by overviewing the characteristics of multilateralism in crisis. The result of this paper indicates that the division among the West, Russia, China, and other members showed that the consensus and compliance in G20 no longer exist. It is considered a sign of the deficit of multilateralism where Russia and the West challenged and then pressured the multilateral system. On the other hand, most Global South countries took a different perspective and stance when the West and its allies heavily condemned Russia. While the other countries busily try to expel Russia from G20, the Global South representative countries remain neutral to maintain their relationship with the superpowers. The different perspectives and actions among the G20 members emphasize the crisis of multilateralism that reflects a battle of narratives.
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Thouvenin, Jean-Marc. « Questioning the Future of Multilateralism ». Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 112 (2018) : 332–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2019.33.

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The very notion of “multilateralism” seems straightforward. It immediately suggests an approach of international relations different from the one to which other “ism” notions refer, like “unilateralism,” “bilateralism,” “regionalism,” imperialism,” and “colonialism.” In this respect, “multilateralism” sounds like some kind of good international governance, like an alternative to the absence of a “global state.” Yet, in any endeavor to assess what could be “the future” of multilateralism, it is worth trying to better approach the notion, as it is understood in the international legal world.
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Laatikainen, Katie Verlin. « Conceptualizing Groups in un Multilateralism : The Diplomatic Practice of Group Politics ». Hague Journal of Diplomacy 12, no 2-3 (1 février 2017) : 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341359.

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Political groups permeate the diplomatic process across the United Nations (un) system, from conference diplomacy to annual sessions of the deliberative bodies, yet they remain poorly understood and under-appreciated. This article approaches groups from a conceptual and theoretical perspective, providing a typology to differentiate clearly the various groups that are active in un processes, from electoral groups to regional organizations and single-issue coalitions. The article also examines how theories of multilateralism, global governance and international negotiation largely exclude group and inter-group dynamics. Theories of global governance and multilateralism operate at the systemic level of analysis, while theories of negotiation and coalitions reflect assumptions of individual agency; both levels of analysis obscure the operation of political groups and group politics in un multilateralism. The emerging theories of diplomatic practice provide a meso-level approach that reveals the pervasive practice of group politics and politicized diplomacy in un multilateralism.
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Brühl, Tanja. « Krise des Multilateralismus – Krise der Vereinten Nationen ? » Vereinte Nationen 67, no 1 (2019) : 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.35998/vn-2019-0001.

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Beisheim, Marianne, et Jens Martens. « Zukunftspakt : Ein Turbo für den Multilateralismus ? » Vereinte Nationen 72, no 4 (2024) : 162–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35998/vn-2024-0018.

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Sharp, Jane. « Multilateralism and Western strategy ». International Affairs 72, no 2 (avril 1996) : 370–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624378.

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Agarwal, Manmohan. « Economic Multilateralism in Peril ». International Studies 58, no 4 (octobre 2021) : 425–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00208817211056741.

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The Doha Round of multilateral negotiations is at a stalemate. The aid situation is changing as many countries are graduating from the soft loan arm of the World Bank Group. Developing countries built up their foreign exchange reserves to avoid borrowing from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), leading the IMF to retrench. This article explores the evolution of multilateralism from, essentially, its political roots to the economic area after the First World War (FWW), though in a limited way, and more fully after the Second World War (SWW). We then discuss how the workings of these economic multilateral institutions resulted in the current situation, where they risk becoming irrelevant. Finally, the article discusses the possible role of theG20 in the revival of multilateralism and, in particular, the role that developing countries might play in the revival.
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Pisani-Ferry, Jean. « Can economic multilateralism survive ? » Economic Affairs 39, no 1 (février 2019) : 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ecaf.12331.

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Keohane, Robert O., et Joseph S. Nye. « Two Cheers for Multilateralism ». Foreign Policy, no 60 (1985) : 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1148896.

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JAKOBSEN, PETER VIGGO. « Multilateralism Matters, But How ? » Cooperation and Conflict 30, no 4 (décembre 1995) : 365–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836795030004003.

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Linn, Johannes. « Recent Threats to Multilateralism ». Global Journal of Emerging Market Economies 9, no 1-3 (janvier 2017) : 86–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0972063417747765.

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Black, David, et Greg Donaghy. « Manifestations of Canadian multilateralism ». Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 16, no 2 (juillet 2010) : 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2010.9687304.

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Karns, Margaret P. « Multilateralism Matters Even More ». SAIS Review of International Affairs 28, no 2 (2008) : 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.0.0001.

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Daly, Deirdre. « Multilateralism and Trade Liberalization ». SAIS Review of International Affairs 28, no 2 (2008) : 31–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.0.0003.

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Krause, Joachim. « Multilateralism : Behind European views ». Washington Quarterly 27, no 2 (mars 2004) : 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016366004773097704.

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