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Thèses sur le sujet « Multilaterality »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 25 janvier 2025

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1

Mouhib, Mohamedyassine. « L'intermédiation : contribution à une théorie générale en droit du travail ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Bordeaux, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024BORD0455.

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Le développement des plateformes numériques au milieu des années 2000 s’est accompagné d’un intense débat juridique cherchant à déterminer la nature de l’activité exercée par ces nouveaux acteurs économiques. Ces derniers prétendent n’être que des intermédiaires. Mais qu’est-ce que cela peut-il bien signifier du point de vue du droit du travail ? Cette étude cherche à répondre à cette interrogation en proposant une théorie qui se veut générale, à même de resituer l’activité des plateformes numériques parmi les autres formes traditionnelles d’intermédiation que connaît déjà le droit du travail. Face au développement croissant de nouvelles techniques d’intermédiation, du portage salarial au CDI intérimaire en passant par le prêt de main-d’oeuvre auprès d’une jeune, petite ou moyenne entreprise ou encore par les plateformes numériques, cette théorie cherche à révéler la cohérence sous-jacente de phénomènes qui peuvent se présenter au premier abord comme répondant à des logiques distinctes. En proposant une représentation d’ensemble, la construction d’une telle théorie est l’occasion d’identifier une propriété fondamentale de tout schéma d’intermédiation : la multipolarité. Cela signifie simplement que ces montages contractuels mobilisent une pluralité d’acteurs. La multipolarité des schémas d’intermédiation est cependant saisie de manière très diverse par le droit du travail. Le cadre d’application des règles juridiques à partir desquelles ces formes de travail sont encadrées peut être tantôt bilatéral, tantôt multilatéral. Dans ce dernier cas de figure, en s’émancipant de la figure traditionnelle de l’employeur, le droit du travail prend en compte une pluralité d’acteurs indépendants les uns des autres pour appliquer une règle juridique à une situation de travail. Ainsi, en proposant une représentation d’ensemble des différentes formes d’intermédiation, la présente étude a donc vocation à révéler la diversité des modes d’application du droit du travail
The development of digital platforms in the mid-2000s was accompanied by an intense legal debate seeking to determine the nature of the activity carried out by these new economic players. They claim to be no more than intermediaries. But what does this mean from the point of view of employment law ? This study seeks to answer this question by proposing a theory that is intended to be general, capable of resituating the activity of digital platforms among the other traditional forms of intermediation that are already familiar to labour law. Faced with the growing development of new intermediation techniques, from portage salarial to CDI intérimaire, from prêt de main-d’oeuvre auprès d’une jeune, petite ou moyenne entreprise to digital platforms, this theory seeks to reveal the underlying coherence of phenomena that may appear at first glance to respond to distinct logics. By proposing an overall representation, the construction of such a theory provides an opportunity to identify a fundamental property of any intermediation scheme : multipolarity. This simply means that these contractual arrangements mobilise a plurality of protagonists. However, the multipolarity of intermediation schemes is addressed in very different ways by employment law. The framework for applying the legal rules that govern these forms of work may be bilateral or multilateral. In the latter case, by emancipating itself from the traditional figure of the employer, labour law takes into account a plurality of mutually independent actors when applying a legal rule to a work situation. Thus, while offering an overall representation of the different forms of intermediation, this study aims to reveal the diversity of ways in which labour law is applied
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2

Sherman, Richard Scott. « Managing political exchange : multilateralism in global trade policy / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10737.

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Olsson, Helena. « Svenskt multilateralt bistånd : Uppfyller FN de svenska biståndsmålen ? » Thesis, Karlstad University, Faculty of Economic Sciences, Communication and IT, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-779.

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År 2000 presenterades en ekonometrisk analys av världens bistånd i artikeln ”Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?”, av Alebrto Alesina och David Dollar. Undersökningens syfte var att försöka hitta de variabler som ligger till grund för länders beslut om att skänka bistånd. Resultatet visade att det oftare ligger strategiska och politiska motiv bakom biståndsgivningen, snarare än en önskan om reducerad fattigdom och ökad tillväxt. Efter denna undersökning konstaterade man från svenskt håll att någon liknande undersökning rörande det svenska biståndet aldrig genomförts. Detta trots att Sverige är en av världens största biståndgivare i relativa mått mätt. Sverige skänker varje år så mycket som 0,7 % av BNI i bistånd, och detta bara till FN. Syftet med denna uppsats är därför att undersöka om FN uppfyller de biståndsmål som Sverige har satt upp.

Genom att försöka hitta variabler som på ett konkret sätt ska mäta de olika biståndsmålen har en ekonometrisk tvärsnittsanalys genomförts. Undersökningen sträcker sig över fem 5-årsperioder, med start 1980. Som beroende variabel har FN:s bistånd per capita använts och som oberoende variabler används BNP per capita, demokrati, rättssäkerhet, jämställdhet, öppenhet, livslängd, barnmortalitet och totalt bistånd. En undersökning av skillnaden i bistånd mellan länder från olika regioner, olika inkomstklasser och med olika skuldsättning har också genomförts.

Resultatet verkar peka på att FN inte uppfyller de svenska biståndsmålen i sin allokering av bistånd till utvecklingsländer. Men det är svårt att dra några säkra slutsatser på grund av att så få av variablernas koefficienter visar signifikanta värden. Fler undersökningar bör göras innan en säker slutsats kan dras.


In year 2000 an econometric analysis of the world’s ODA was presented in the article “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” by Alberto Alesina and David Dollar. The purpose of the study was to find the variables that lie as ground for countries’ decision to give foreign aid. The result showed that there are more often strategic and political motives behind the donations, rather than a wish of reduced poverty and economic growth. After this study Sweden concluded that a similar study of the Swedish ODA never had been done. This despite the fact that Sweden is one of the world’s most generous donors, relatively spoken. Sweden donates as much as 0.7 % of its GNP each year, and that’s just to the UN. The purpose of this paper is therefore to investigate whether the UN fulfil the Swedish goals of foreign aid.

By trying to find variables that correctly measure the different goals, an econometric cross section analysis has been done. The study is divided into five 5-year periods, starting 1980. As dependent variable the UN’s aid per capita is used and as independent variables GDP per capita, democracy, rule of law, equality, openness, expected lifetime, childrens’ mortality and total aid. A study of the difference in aid between countries from different regions, different income classes and with different levels of debt has also been carried out.

The result implies that the UN does not act in accordance with the Swedish goals of foreign aid, when allocating ODA to developing countries. But it is hard to draw any real conclusions since so few of the coefficients show significant values. More studies should be done before any real conclusion can be made.

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4

MacMillan, Euan Fraser. « Explaining rising regionalism and failing multilateralism in trade negotiations ». Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.510902.

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5

Boonrawd, Rutchabhoom. « Bilateralism and multilateralism in the law of state responsibility ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.620040.

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Jacinto, Silvie Lee Lai. « The ITER fusion energy project : a case study of multilateralism ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2006. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1951109.

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Iverson, Andrew Wesley Pascal. « From Eurafrica to multilateralism : the Europeanization of France's Africa policy ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31353.

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This paper explores the forces driving the far-reaching changes in French Africa policy over the past fifty years. Why has France's Africa policy changed? How has France's position within the EU affected these changes? Has French Africa policy "Europeanized"? After placing my approach in the context of the wider field of Europeanization research, this paper explores exceptionalism in French colonial policy and discusses its legacy in the EC's early Africa policy. I will demonstrate that in the first years of EC policy, France managed to impose its national agenda on the EC level. I then show that this changed by the mid-1970s as the EC gained a strengthened identity in the area of development policy. Based on analysis of changes in military policy, political discourse styles, and institutions, this paper will show that EC development policy has significantly shaped the context of France's current policy in Africa.
Arts, Faculty of
Central Eastern Northern European Studies, Department of
Graduate
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8

Parks, J. F. « Britain's South African foreign policy 1979-1989 Bilateralism and multilateralism ». Thesis, Keele University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265353.

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9

Wu, Pei-Ju. « Change and continuity in German foreign policy in East Central Europe, 1990-2002 ». Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288118.

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From the Kaiser Reich to the Berlin Republic, the weight of German foreign policy has shifted from national greatness to international co-operation. As international factors have played the major part in foreign policy making, the distinctive principle of German foreign policy has been mutlilateralism since the end of WWII. The thesis investigates Germany's foreign policy in East Central Europe in the period from 1990 to 2002 to explore whether and to what extent Germany's present foreign policy corresponds to multilateralism and if there has been continuity in German foreign policy since WWII. It employs modified neo-realist foreign policy theory assuming that Germany's post-unification foreign policy behaviour will choose to strengthen international institutions in which it itself participates and join in multilateral actions. The thesis argues that the German government assists in the political and economic reforms of the eastern candidates countries in order to speed up their entry to the EU. The major contribution is to provide information and analysis on Germany's East Central European policy after the demise of communism. The thesis demonstrates that Germany's policy in East Central Europe best fits the modified neo-realist prediction of loss of both influence and autonomy because Germany has chosen to multilateralise its relations with weaker states (i. e. East Central European countries), aiming at dealing with them within a multilateral framework (i. e. EU). The overall conclusion is that with the Berlin Republic there has been some change in German foreign policy, but underlying this is a basic continuity in the multilateralism of German post Second World War political culture.
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10

Tian, Han Bo. « The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.

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Walker, Louise. « Healing power : the global fund, disrupted multilateralism and mediated country ownership ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/51668/.

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This thesis examines the changes in health governance at both global and country levels brought by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (the Global Fund), a self-described public/private partnership intended as a financing mechanism to achieve Millennium Development Goal (MDG) 6. Since the G8 announced the Global Fund's creation in 2001, it has succeeded in mobilising over US$30 bn in commitments, primarily from donor governments. This thesis is rooted in the 'high politics' of International Relations (IR), and in particular its literature on globalisation, governance and international institutions. Where this literature has failures or gaps, it draws from the Development Studies and International Political Economy (IPE) literatures. It also relies on key informant interviews undertaken in Geneva, Lilongwe and Zomba with executives of international institutions, and those involved in Malawi's HIV/AIDS response including government representatives and staff from the National AIDS Commission, donors, NGOs and those working on the front line. This thesis relies on a descriptive, single case study to create a 'thick' narrative. Rather than deriving generalisations, it provides a basis for further research into the nature and effects of systemic change in how health is governed that the Global Fund signals. This thesis makes three contributions to knowledge: 1) It provides a basis to evolve the IR literature on globalisation, governance and international institutions to consider the nature, significance and effects of the Global Fund as a form of institutional innovation which is disrupting the traditional multilateral order, particularly for international institutions working in health; 2) It challenges the use of the term 'country ownership' to mean 'putting the country in the driver's seat', and instead notes the double deficit in external accountability that arises when global politics and country evidence collide in a Global Fund convened elite, mediated space for country ownership; and 3) It synthesises observations from field work in Malawi on the exercise of the Global Fund's authority and its dislocation from external accountability when failures occur. The IR literature is silent on the rise of the Global Fund's authority. It fails to contend with the notion that country ownership is as much about the burden of responsibility as it is about agenda setting. This highlights the dislocation between the loci for authority and accountability despite the Global Fund's growing authoritative territorial claims.
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Domingos, Nicole de Paula. « Brazil as an EU strategic partner : a shared preference for multilateralism ? » Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0035.

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L'émancipation économique et politique d'un groupe restreint de pays, notamment la Chine, l'Inde et le Brésil, a stimulé un nouveau programme de recherche en Relations internationales et inspiré la notion de «puissances émergentes». Avec un malaise multilatéral, évident par un nombre significatif des blocages dans certaines négociations internationales, et l'émergence d'influentes coalitions Sud-Sud, les analyses concernant les effets de ces nouvelles voix sont devenues incontournables. Pour explorer les continuités et les transformations de la coopération multilatérale dans un contexte d'absence de leadership et d'une autorité souvent contestée, cette recherche part du cas du Brésil et du partenariat stratégique Brésil-UE. L'objectif est de saisir les réalités de la construction des normes multilatérales à partir de la perspective d'une puissance émergente et ses relations avec une puissance établie qui est très intéressée à la promotion d'un ordre international fondé sur des règles. Pour accomplir cette tâche, la présente thèse analyse la raison d'être de ce partenariat stratégique, ainsi que le comportement diplomatique du Brésil pendant l'ère du président Lula (2003-2010) dans trois domaines spécifiques: le commerce, le développement durable et la sécurité. Cette analyse se développe en perspective avec le point de vue de l'UE sur chacun des thèmes choisis. D'un point de vu empirique, je défends qu'il existe un modèle de comportement diplomatique UE-Brésil dans lequel la promotion du multilatéralisme comme une norme est en effet une réalité. Cependant, après avoir examiné un certain nombre d'études de cas, il est évident que cette convergence et cette préférence sont confrontées à des défis importants. Dans ce sens, la thèse conduit à la conclusion que le Brésil et l'UE sont des partenaires stratégiques sans une stratégie. Une raison centrale en est qu’il est devenu plus difficile pour les puissances traditionnelles de convaincre le Brésil qu'il doit suivre les règles de forme, forgées notamment par l'Union européenne et les États-Unis. A travers l'exemple de la montée en puissance du Brésil, cette recherche a le mérite de favoriser la connaissance des forces motrices d'interactions et d'interdépendances mondiales, à une époque de transition du pouvoir sur la scène internationale
The economic and political empowerment of a select group of countries, notably China, India, and Brazil, stimulated a new agenda of research among International Relations scholars and inspired the notion of "rising powers." With a multilateral malaise, evident through a significant number of deadlocked international negotiations (i.e. trade, climate change), and the emergence of influential South-South coalitions, analyses that could understand the effects of these new voices became pressing. To explore the shifting conditions of multilateral cooperation under a scenario of blurred leadership and contested authority, this research departs from the case of Brazil and the Brazil-EU strategic partnership. The goal is to grasp the realities of multilateral norm building from the perspective of a rising power and through its relations with an established power that is highly interested in the promotion of a rule-based order. To accomplish this task, this thesis analyzes the rationale behind the strategic partnership, as well as Brazil's diplomatic negotiating behavior mostly during the era of President Lula (2003-2010) in three specific policy areas: trade, sustainable development and security. This analysis develops in perspective to the EU's viewpoint on each of the selected issues. From an empirical stance, I claim that there is a pattern in the Brazil-EU diplomatic behavior in which the promotion of multilateralism as a norm is indeed a reality. However, after looking at a number of case studies, it became clear that this convergence and preference has significant shortcomings. The thesis argues that Brazil and the EU are strategic partners without a strategy. One central reason for this is that it became harder and harder for the established powers to convince Brazil that it should follow the rules shaped notably by the EU and the US. This research has the merit to foster knowledge on the driving forces of global interactions and interdependencies in an era of power transition
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Zyla, Benjamin. « Multilateralism à la Carte ? : The Bush II administration and US foreign policy ». Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2007/1343/.

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The use of unilateral force under George W. Bush is not a new phenomenon in US foreign policy. As the author argues, it is merely a continuation of Bill Clinton’s foreign policy and is deeply rooted in both the foreign policy traditions of Jacksonianism and Wilsonianism. The analysis concludes that Clinton used unilateralist foreign policy with a 'smile' whereas the Bush administration uses it with an attitude.
Die unilaterale Außenpolitik unter George W. Bush ist kein neues Phänomen der US-Diplomatie. Dem Autor zufolge ist sie vielmehr eine Fortführung der Politik der Clinton-Regierung und hat ihre Wurzeln in den Traditionen eines Andrew Jackson und Woodrow Wilson. Clinton vermochte jedoch seine unilaterale Politik mit einem "Lächeln" zu verkaufen, wohingegen die Art und Weise der Bush-Administration stets Irritationen hervorrief.
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Fernandes, Sandra Dias. « Multilateralism and European Union-Russia relations : the praxis of a competitive cooperation ». Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010IEPP0045.

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Notre hypothèse principale concerne l'existence de spécificités multilatérales dans la pratique des relations UE (Union-Européenne)-Russie. Nous soutenons qu'il existe plusieurs types d'interaction multilatérale dans les rapports entre l'UE et la Fédération de Russie qui se produisent à trois niveaux différents. Nous divisons donc notre hypothèse en trois perspectives qui se matérialisent dans trois types de multilatéralisme entre l’UE et la Russie: le "multilatéralisme interactif», le «multilatéralisme sélectif» et le «multilatéralisme systémique». Ils se complètent et sont en concurrence les uns avec les autres. La capacité de la relation à produire des solutions aux problèmes abordés par les deux acteurs est le résultat de cet équilibre. Cette typologie du «multilatéralisme» issu des relations UE-Russie vise à contribuer à surmonter certaines des limitations de la pensée actuelle sur le concept et ses pratiques, et les points de vue divergents sur l'importance de la relation. Les trois premiers chapitres analysent les caractéristiques de chaque type et comment ils s’influencent mutuellement. Le dernier chapitre fait un bilan des relations UE-Russie en raison de leur forme multilatérale tri-dimensionnelle spécifique et analyse la nécessité récurrente de concevoir un modèle satisfaisant et efficace de coopération entre les deux acteurs
Our main hypothesis concerns the existence of multilateral specificities in the praxis of EU-Russian relations. We argue that there are several kinds of multilateral interaction which inform the relationship between the EU and the Russian Federation which occur at three different levels. We divide, thus, our hypothesis in three perspectives that materialise in three types of multilateralism informing EU-Russian interactions: “interactive multilateralism”, “selective multilateralism” and “systemic multilateralism”. They complement and compete with each other. The capacity of the relationship to deliver is a result of this balance. This typology of “multilateralism” that is produced by EU-Russian relations aims at contributing to overcome some of the above-mentioned limitations of existing thinking about the concept and its practices, and the diverging views about the significance of the relationship. The first three chapters analyse the way each of the types materialised and impacted on each other. The last chapter draws on the balanced assessment of EU-Russian relations as a result of its tri-dimensional specific multilateral shape and on the recurrent need to devise a satisfying and effective model of cooperation between the two players
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Priest, Andrew John. « Two among many : Anglo-American relations, multilateralism and naval policy, 1962-1968 ». Thesis, Online version, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.273742.

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Ottoboni, Martina <1995&gt. « Deglobalization : the crisis of multilateralism and neoliberal globalization. The Brexit case study ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/13923.

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The crisis of multilateralism represents one of the major changes in the field of international relations in the 21st century, after a century-long effort to integrate politics and economics. Particularly, the economic philosophy that supported international integration since the 1970s, namely Neoliberalism, has been most recently put under trial by civil society and by the revival of Nation States. This thesis traces back the development of Neoliberalism as the hegemonic economic philosophy since the late 20th century and the subtle connections between neoliberal integration and US foreign policy interests, taking into consideration the cases of Chile and East Asia. The incredible reach of the economic trinity (International Monetary Fund, World Bank and World Trade Organization) has entailed venomous social effects by prioritizing economic stability over social stability. Uprisings all over the world acknowledge the controversial effects of Neoliberalism and they claim a reform of neoliberal bodies, if not their dismantlement. The question I forward in this thesis is whether Neoliberalism is able to reform itself to overcome its contradictions and to answer to society’s claims, or, whether recent developments in international politics allow us to forward the hypothesis that time is ripe for a new economic and social narrative for the 21st century. Among these recent development, Brexit represents the shocking revolt of the First World to international integration and neoliberal politics. A detailed investigation of the roots of discontent behind the Brexit vote confirms that, among alternatives to neoliberal globalization, the revival of nationalism is taking the lead.
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Pan, Shaohua. « Asia Pacific economic co-operation and regionalism in the world of globalisation and regionalisation ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299568.

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Weber, Stefan G. [Verfasser], Max [Akademischer Betreuer] Mühlhäuser et Simone [Akademischer Betreuer] Fischer-Hübner. « Multilaterally Secure Pervasive Cooperation / Stefan G. Weber. Betreuer : Max Mühlhäuser ; Simone Fischer-Hübner ». Darmstadt : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Darmstadt, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1106113276/34.

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Weber, Stefan Georg [Verfasser], Max [Akademischer Betreuer] Mühlhäuser et Simone [Akademischer Betreuer] Fischer-Hübner. « Multilaterally Secure Pervasive Cooperation / Stefan G. Weber. Betreuer : Max Mühlhäuser ; Simone Fischer-Hübner ». Darmstadt : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Darmstadt, 2011. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:tuda-tuprints-28422.

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Jackson, John Wesley. « China in the South China Sea : genuine multilateralism or a wolf in sheep's clothing ? / ». Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Dec%5FJackson.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Secutiry Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): H. Lyman Miller, Christopher P. Twomey. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-87). Also available online.
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Jackson, John W. « China in the South China Sea genuine multilateralism or a wolf in sheep's clothing ? » Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/9984.

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The South China Sea claimants base their claims on ancient documentation and archeological evidence. However, they largely ignored the territories until the 1960s, when natural resources speculations began. The 1982 UNCLOS magnified interest as claimants hoped to extend exclusive economic rights from their claims rather than continental coastlines. Another possible factor behind Chinese claims is the theory that Beijing desires to establish Chinese hegemony in the region. Beijing's shift from bilateral diplomacy and military aggression to multilateral diplomacy has created debate among Sinologists. Many argue China lacked the power necessary to assert its claims and now can finally attempt assertion again, thus the naval buildup. Others argue that natural resources drive China's SCS policy and still others believe bureaucratic infighting drives policy. Economic data shows a possible causal relationship between trade and China's political behavior. The 1996 U.S. Presidential campaign slogan, "It's the economy stupid," apparently applies to Beijing's SCS approach as well. The U.S. approach to the disputes remains one of ambivalence. As long as the United States maintains freedom of navigation through the area, Washington should remain concerned but uninvolved. Beijing largely feels the same way, with the important addition of guaranteeing access to the region's natural resources.
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Miller, James Nicholas. « Wartime origins of multilateralism, 1939-1945 : the impact of Anglo-American trade policy negotiations ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/284023.

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Yoshitome, Kota. « The Western order under quasi-multilateralism : the Bosnian conflict and the West 1992-1995 ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 2005. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/436/.

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Ths thesis presents an interpretation of the forniation process of the post-Cold War international order with special reference to the Western debate regarding use of coercive power in the Bosnian conflict of 1992-1995. As the role of multilateralism and the authority of the UN were the most contentious issues of the debate, this thesis will provide a critical resource for comprehending the origin and the nature of 'American unflateralism',and its relationship with other Western allies. It will also be a useful tool in predicting future outcomes. This research will apply the concept of 'Quasi-multflater-alism' to analyse the relationship between the US and other Western states during the Bosnian conflict. It is held that the US justified its policies in the name of collective action without adhering to the outcomes of genuine multilateral consultation with its allies. However, this inevitably undermined th e quality of justice that the West alleged to promote. More specifically, this work will analyse the fact that there was a clear tension between Western states who sought to legitimize their role in international order based on shared values,and thus it will argue that the content of 'Western Value' was a product of power politics. Accordingly, this research will conclude that America's interpretation of justice was used as a means to project its own national interest under the logic of Quasi-multilateralism. This thesis will challenge the Liberal view of the present world order that Western states have common interests in promoting democracy and market economies across the globe and implementation of those Western values will make the world safer and fairer.
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Zubane, Patrick Sphephelo. « A historical analysis of South Africa’s post-1994 multilateral drive in selected international multilateral organisations ». Thesis, University of Zululand, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1524.

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A thesis submitted to the Faculty Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts (Development Studies) in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2017.
In 1994, South Africa became a more inclusive democratic state when Nelson Mandela became the first black president. This era marked a new course for a new democratic South Africa. The post-apartheid political dispensation has ushered in a prestigious opportunity for a newly democratic South Africa to reconnect with the other states in different multilateral institutions. The proliferation of Multilateralism as a strategy for states including South Africa has its merit and demerits. In this regard, South Africa has connected and reconnected with different multilateral institutions both regionally and globally. The following are some of the multilateral institutions that the country has connected and reconnected with in the aftermath of 1994. These institutions include the United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Brazil, Russia, India and South Africa bloc (BRICS). In connection with these relations that the country has made thus far, there have been little studies that account and juxtapose the implications and significance of these relations for South Africa. In this regard, this study attempts to do an appraisal/assessment of the reliance, significance and implications for South Africa association to these multilateral organisations. The following questions were asked in the study: How has the international objectives of South Africa fared in her interactions with the UN (Agencies); How has South Africa’s regional economic interactions via the SADC and BRICS developed since 1994; To what extent has South Africa contributed to African Union since 1994 and has its membership impacted on the country’s other multilateral drives? In order to answer the aforementioned questions, a qualitative desktop based research methodology was employed using thematic and historical analysis of secondary data. Based on the extensive literature review and thematic analysis, the study found that as much as South Africa’s multilateralism promises great advantages than disadvantages, these relations requires caution as they are critical to the future of the economy of South Africa.
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Carey, Brendan John. « Complex multilateralism in global economic governance : the case of India, South Africa and the G20 ». Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.600634.

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This thesis examines the roles played by Indian and South African actors in the G20 networks. It explores the mechanisms, internal dynamics and evolution of the networks and also how Indian and South African actors contribute to G20 outcome formulation and consensus dissemination. The study adopts a process-focussed approach in order to examine the diverse logics of interaction which shape G20 outcomes. The study provides the most significant empirical study of the evolution of Indian and South African participation in the G20 to date. It also provides a comprehensive account of the G20's evolving roles in steering IMF governance reforms, in crisis management and response and in global development governance. The thesis details how IMF governance reforms have been G20 led since 2006 and how G20 deputy deliberations have incrementally overcome seemingly intractable conflicts outside of the more formal confines of the IMF executive board. With regards crisis management and response, the G20 has twice played a crucial overseeing role. The thesis illustrates in particular how Indian perspectives on G20 post crisis management have carried more weight since 2008. With regards global development governance, the G20 has undergone a partial and contested developmental turn since the creation of the leaders' level networks. South African G20 participants, as representatives of the only African G20 member, have adopted a niche leadership role in this developmental turn. Overall South Africa is positioned as an engaged middle power in the G20, whose G20 representatives draw upon honest brokerage and leverage their African leadership role as key sources of G20 influence. Meanwhile, Indian G20 participants are positioned as representatives of an increasingly engaged rising power, who nevertheless primarily focus their G20 efforts on endeavours to prevent the G20 from overly encroaching on Indian policy space.
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St, John Taylor. « The power of modest multilateralism : the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), 1964-1980 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aeca5b93-4493-4b75-9654-182a2c76e62a.

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In 1965, amid antagonism between capital-importing and capital-exporting states over investment protection, the World Bank created ICSID. ICSID facilitates the resolution of disputes between foreign investors and states. Since major initiatives to create investment rules have failed within the UN and OECD, ICSID is the only successful attempt to create a multilateral, inter-state organization dedicated to investment. This thesis probes the intellectual, political, and economic forces behind the creation and early development of ICSID. This study combines archival work, oral histories, and interviews with econometric work. On this basis, it illuminates how ICSID's creators-mainly staff in the World Bank's Legal Department-adapted their ideas to suit the charged political context. When disseminating the idea of ICSID to states, they relied on ambiguity, expertise, and incrementalism. These three characteristics constitute an approach to organization building that I term "modest multilateralism" since the World Bank's President praised ICSID as "a modest proposal." By illustrating how this approach operated in ICSID's case, I generate insights that are applicable to other international organizations. ICSID's creation differs from the expectations of institutionalist IR theory in important ways. First, there was little state leadership, and ICSID's founding Convention is devoid of substance-it merely outlines a procedure. In this way, it takes the idea of ambiguity to its extreme. Second, ICSID's founders took steps to shield the organization from the politics of investment protection: they asked states to send legal experts, not elected representatives, and avoided deliberative debate. Third, ICSID's design was explicitly evolutionary. ICSID can operate alongside changing substantive rules-multilateral, bilateral, or domestic. Finally, contrary to previous accounts, in this thesis the ICSID Secretariat emerges as a dynamic agent. The Secretariat actively pursued ratifications and advance consents to investor-state arbitration. The creation of ICSID fostered a community of practice, which subsequently redefined international investment law through treaty making and arbitral practice.
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Gravagno, Valeria. « La tutela dei diritti umani nelle clausole di condizionalità dell' UE e delle istituzioni finanziarie multilaterali ». Thesis, Università degli Studi di Catania, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10761/472.

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In anni recenti molta attenzione è stata dedicata al binomio diritti umani/sviluppo.La clausola di condizionalità utilizzata tanto dall'Ue che dalle Istituzioni finanziarie multilaterali risponde all'esigenza di subordinare l'aiuto allo sviluppo al rispetto dei diritti fondamentali. La comparazione tra il piano europeo e quello internazionale, rivelera' l'esistenza di un fondamentale gap. Da un lato, la maggiore efficacia della condizionalità applicata nel contesto regionale dell'Ue rispetto a quella attuata dalle Istituzioni finanziarie internazionali. Dall'altro,l'assenza di meccanismi giuridici utili a sanzionare eventuali violazioni dei diritti umani nell'ambito del FMI, della Banca Mondiale e dell'OMC.
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Gruenig, Britta. « The people's republic of China, multilateralism and the United Nations taking stock of thirty years of participation / ». St. Gallen, 2004. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/01650472001/$FILE/01650472001.pdf.

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Baquero, Mauricio. « Reconciling multilateralism, regionalism and unilateralism in the move towards financial liberalisation : the case of the Andean sub-region ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.444983.

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Taylor, Ian. « Hegemony, 'common sense' and compromise : a neo-gramscian analysis of multilateralism in South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51785.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter revolution. Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world. This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework. Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led administration. Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair" trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations. SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined: the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vorige tekortkominge in die analise van post-apartheid Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid te oorkom. In teenstelling met die "verduidelikings" wat deur meeste vorige analises gebied word, illustreer die werk dat Pretoria se buitelandse gedragspatroon nie onveranderlik is en bloot onderhewig is aan die globale "realiteite" nie, maar voortvloei uit die besondere historiese tydsgewrig van magte wat saamgevoeg is gedurende die oorgang van apartheid na 'n onvoorspelbare era. Die veranderinge binne die African National Congress se ekonomiese en politieke beleid gedurende die oorgang periode word voorgehou as die sleutel tot enige poging om Pretoria se post-1994 buitelandse gedrag te verklaar. Strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie en die veranderinge in die magsbalans tussen internasionale klasse as gevolg van neo-liberalisme, het 'n fundamentele impak op die aard van hierdie buitelandse gedrag. Met behulp van 'n teoretiese raamwerk gedistilleer uit die werk van die Italiaanse Marxis, Antonio Gramsci plaas die studie Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid in 'n wêreld waarin die neo-liberale ideologie hoogty vier veral onder die transnasionale elite klas - fraksies van nasionale elites verteenwoordigend van die belange van finansiële kapitaal. Sodanige hegemoniese projek onderlê die oortuiging van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid (RNE) en voortvloeiende buitelandse beleidsaksies. Die studie probeer vasstel hoe en waarom die ANC toenemend gehoor gegee het aan die oorheersende neo-liberale diskoers en waarom hierdie toetreding gekontekstualiseer moet word in terme van die strukturele beperkinge waaronder die RNE onderhewig is in 'n immerglobaliserende wêreld. Hierdie toetrede tot neo-liberale oortuiginge het aanleiding gegee tot teenstrydighede intern, tussen strydende klasfraksies asook binne die ANC se eie geledere. Hierdie teenstrydighede word ook weerspieël in Pretoria se buitelandsebeleids aksies in die algemeen. Aan die een kant aanvaar Suid- Afrika fundamenteel die normatiewe basis van wêreldorde, terwyl daar ook aan die ander kant gepoog word om Pretoria se posisie binne hierdie wêreldorde te bowe te kom. Suid-Afrika se gedrag in multilaterale organisasies in die besonder word gekenmerk deur 'n taktiese intermediêre rol ("middlepower role") hoofsaaklik van 'n probleem-oplossende aard, wat daarop gemik is om die internasionale sisteem so glad moontlik te funksioneer en teenstrydighede binne die wêreldorde te oorkom. Hierdie rol konstitueer 'n fundamentele wysiging van die aktivistiese rol wat van 'n ANC-regeerde Suid-Afrika verwag is. Die aktiwiteite wat wel deur Suid-Afrika geopenbaar is, sentreer hoofsaaklik om die bevordering van vrye en regverdige handel, alhoewel gerigsnoer deur 'n bewustheid van die behoefte om sodanige posisie te versoen met die aanvaarding van die bestaande hegemoniese orde aan die een kant en die eise van arbeid en politieke steun aan die Linkerkant van die politieke spektrum. Pogings om hierdie twee posisies te versoen - om "vrye" sowel as "regverdige" handel te versoen byvoorbeeld, weerkaats die algemene teenstrydighede waardeur Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid gekenmerk word. Die paradokse is tekenend van die historiese kompromie wat tot die ANC se bewindsoorname aanleiding gegee het asook die regering se behoefte om sy neoliberale orientasie te balanseer met bepaalde hevormingsoortuiginge. Hierdie patroon is besonder merkbaar in die geval van multilaterale organisasies. Ses multilaterale inisiatiewe en Pretoria se verhoudinge met elk van die volgende internasionale organisasies word van naderby bekyk, veral ten opsigte van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie, die Cairns Groep, die Verenigde Nasies Konferensie oor Handel en Ontwikkeling, die Onverbonde Beweging, die Statebond en die Kernspêrverdrag. Daar word gewys op die implikasies vir Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid, terwyl daar krities gevra word of sodanige rolle wat deur Pretoria gespeel word, 'n bepaalde onveranderlikheid geniet of ook onderhewig is aan veranderinge.
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Ivey, Madison. « It Takes a Village : An Analysis of Multilateralism and the Legal Mechanisms Designed to Prevent Violence Against Women ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1377.

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Treaties and international organizations work together to create a global environment that protects the rights of a person and actively promotes the well-being of society. However, they do not necessarily guarantee the rights of everyone. Since women are not explicitly named in human rights documents, they are often not granted equal human rights. Therefore, it takes more than just international legal instruments to guarantee women's rights as human rights. A combination of civil society (NGOs), International organizations (IOs), and domestic government creates a perfect coalition to beat the barriers that must be overcome to fully protect women from violence.
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Feng, Yuan. « Ideas as Domestic Factors in the Formation of China's Multilateralist Foreign Policies : Cases of WTO, ASEAN+3 and SCO ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/238130.

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This thesis discusses how ideas, as domestic factors, have decided the formation of China’smultilateralist foreign policy. It tries to provide an profound understanding of China's foreignpolicy development with the theoretical tools provided by discursive institutionalism andhistorical institutionalism.Three empirical cases are studied: the case of WTO, the case of ASEAN+3 and the case ofShanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). These three cases have represented China'sinvolvement of multilateral institutions at different time and level.The findings show that China has gradually turned to an active participants of multilateralinstitutions, and it is trying to constructing a new type of multilateralism: competitivemultilateralism. Whether it can be compatible with existing institutions is an open question.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Ivanovic, Marija. « Middle Power Dreaming : Mexico between Aspirations and Reality ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264078.

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This thesis examines the case of Mexico as middle power. More precisely, it tries to see what were the limitations and possibilities that Mexico faced in the period 2000-2012, while trying to engage more in the international system and rise its international profile. The PAN governments that were in power at that time devoted much of their energy trying to better international position of Mexico, and implicitly the thesis will answer the question of how successful were their strategies.
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Gugliotta, Oscar. « I Meccanismi di accountability delle Istituzioni finanziarie multilaterali : dall’Inspection Panel della Banca Mondiale al Project-Affected People’s Mechanism dell’Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank ». Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/11385/223978.

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Accountability e responsabilità delle istituzioni finanziarie multilaterali nel diritto internazionale. La nascita dei meccanismi di controllo (Independent Accountability Mechanisms – IAMs). I meccanismi indipendenti di accountability (IAMs) delle principali MFIs: composizione, competenze, procedure e funzioni. I diversi meccanismi indipendenti di accountability (IAMs) a confronto.
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Harrison, Tyler. « Realism, sovereignty and international relations : an examination of power politics in the age of globalization ». [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2006. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001776.

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Johnson, Jared L. « Strategic Positioning : UNESCO's Use of Argumentation to Encourage a U.S. Return to Membership ». Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/communication_diss/21.

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This dissertation is an argumentation analysis of UNESCO’s use of argumentation theory to encourage a U.S. return to membership in 2003. The U.S. left UNESCO in 1985 under complaint that it had become politicized and was fraught with budgetary mismanagement. It is an attempt to bridge international communication scholarship and international relations scholarship on an organization that is positioned to have great influence in the international community.
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Adam, Gabriel Pessin. « União Eurasiana : o multimaterialismo na política externa da Federação Russa nos anos 2010 ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/114398.

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O século XXI iniciou para a Federação Russa marcado por sensíveis mudanças, tanto no âmbito doméstico como na política externa adotada pelo país, muitas delas implementadas com o intuito de reverter os efeitos perversos de escolhas feitas durante o Governo Yeltsin (1991-1999). No plano externo, o objetivo principal da Rússia passou a ser a retomada do posto de grande potência no sistema internacional. A fim de atingir tal meta, a política externa do primeiro Governo Putin (2000-2008) e do Governo Medvedev (2008-2012) foi pautada pelas seguintes características: defesa da multipolaridade, eurasianismo, pragmatismo, a utilização da geoeconomia na política externa e maior assertividade. Nos primeiros anos do século XXI, a multipolaridade defendida por Moscou vai se tornando realidade. Com vistas a ser um dos polos desta nova configuração sistêmica de poder, o segundo Governo Putin (2012-) investe no projeto da União Eurasiana, uma organização regional que abrigará preferencialmente países do espaço pós-soviético e tem como alicerce os avanços da União Aduaneira e do Espaço Econômico Comum, organizações formadas por Rússia, Cazaquistão e Bielorrússia. A criação da União Eurasiana indica a revalorização do multilateralismo, o que em alguma extensão modifica a política externa russa, pois a ela acresce uma nova característica. Diante de tal cenário, surge a dúvida: por que o segundo Governo Putin investe na União Eurasiana e no multilateralismo? A hipótese adotada é a de que a resposta ao questionamento proposto é encontrada na análise das conjunturas regional e sistêmica nas quais a Federação Russa está inserida no início dos anos 2010.
The 21st century brought significant changes to the Russian Federation, both in the domestic and the foreign policies of the country. Most of the policies were implemented with the goal of reversing the perverse effects of the policies implemented during the Yeltsin years (1991-1999). In relation to foreign affairs, the main goal of Russia was to regain the position of a great power in the international system. In this sense, the foreign policies of the first Putin mandate (2000-2008) and of the Medvedev government (2008-2012) were guided by advocating multipolarity, eurasianism, pragmatism, economization of the foreign policy and assertiveness. In the early 21st century, the multipolarity advocated by Moscow begins to take shape. With the goal of becoming one of the poles of the new systemic configuration of power, the second Putin government (2012-) investes in the Eurasian Union project. The goal is to establish a regional organization encompassing mainly the post-soviet space countries. The organization, in turn, is based on the advancements of the Customs Union and the Common Economic Space. These two organizations include the Russian Federation, Kazakhstan and Belarus. The creation of the Eurasian Union represents the rebirth of multilateralism, which, to some extent, changes Russia’s foreign policy by adding a new trait to it. Thus, the following question arises: why does the Putin government invest in the Eurasian Union and in multilateralism? The hypothesis of the present dissertation is that the answer may be in the evaluation of the regional and systemic situations in which the Russian Federation has been inserted in the early 2010s.
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Castro, Thales Cavalcanti. « O jogo do poder internacional : unipolaridade, realismo multilateralista e a fabricação de consensos no processo decisório do Conselho de Segurança da ONU (1990-2004) ». Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2005. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/1382.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-12T15:49:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 arquivo4809_1.pdf: 3005610 bytes, checksum: 39a73b1a8edbd5665ec9723b6bb47db4 (MD5) license.txt: 1748 bytes, checksum: 8a4605be74aa9ea9d79846c1fba20a33 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005
Muitas das críticas endereçadas ao Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU) resultam de uma compreensão equivocada de seu funcionamento endógeno, de seu fundamento teleológico e de sua estrutura axiológico-cratológica. Grande parte de tais erros também decorre da tendência de associar o CSNU ao paradigma do institucionalismo liberal-internacionalista (ILI) que criou a ONU em outubro de 1945 e demais organismos internacionais no pós-guerra. O CSNU é exceção ao paradigma do ILI e deveria ser interpretado por meio de um realismo multilateralista que se fundamenta na fabricação de consensos, evidenciando o poderio unicêntrico dos EUA em meio à dicotomia polaridade x lateralidade. Dessa forma, o CSNU não é, necessariamente, um órgão mantenedor da paz e da segurança internacionais como determina a Carta da ONU de 1945. É um órgão de preservação do status quo da atual ordem mundial tendo como eixo a liderança hegemônica dos EUA que, ao exercê-la, utilizam os consensos como mecanismo decisório para o CSNU. Autorização de operações de paz, extensão do mandato das operações vigentes e os projetos reformistas seguem, conseqüentemente, a lógica do realismo multilateralista e da consensualização coercitiva e não da legitimidade e do principismo da segurança coletiva. Dessa forma, buscou-se estabelecer uma correlação epistemológica entre a politicidade da ordem mundial e o processo decisório do CSNU. O corte temporal adotado foi o período compreendido pela primeira vaga pós-bipolar, isto é, entre aprovação no CSNU das resoluções 660 de 02/08/1990 até a 1546 de 08/06/2004, ressaltando a fabricação de consensos termo aqui cunhado para designar a quantidade elevada (89,1%) de unanimidades nas votações (15x00x00). Os eixos de conexão (linkages) entre política interna e externa dos EUA com sua liderança hegemônica unipolar, a relação do CSNU com o Secretário-Geral da ONU, os impactos da Doutrina Bush e a polemologia (estudo dos conflitos armados) fornecem subsídios para os argumentos da tese. Estudos de caso sobre a atuação do CSNU têm por fundamento a análise do poder, da assimetria, da força e dos interesses hegemônicos dos P-5 à revelia da democratização legitimante das relações internacionais contemporâneas
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Tomazini, Rosana Corrêa. « A posição do Mercosul no actual cenário económico internacional, caracterizado pela globalização e regionalização ». Master's thesis, ISEG, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/21987.

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Mestrado em Economia Internacional.
O actual cenário económico internacional dá lugar, principalmente, a dois fenómenos polémicos: Globalização e Regionalização. A globalização é um fenómeno visível, cujos efeitos se têm vindo a desenvolver de forma dinâmica e com consequências notáveis, principalmente a partir dos anos 80. Em paralelo à globalização ocorre o fenómeno da regionalização, podendo ser encarado como resposta ou como reforço ao primeiro. A grande polémica neste debate consiste, de facto, em saber se a regionalização é um impulso ou uma ameaça à globalização. Ainda é cedo para apurar a questão anterior, mas o facto é que os países têm vindo, cada vez mais, a constituir diversos tipos de acordos com outros países de forma a ganhar cada vez mais competitividade na economia internacional. É exactamente neste contexto que ressurge o velho sonho integracionista da América do Sul, sob a forma de um novo acordo de integração regional, o Mercosul. O Mercosul pode ser encarado como uma resposta ao fenómeno da globalização e também como um "Building Block" para o mesmo, na medida em que é caracterizado como um caso de "Regionalismo Aberto".
The actual international scenery leads mainly to a couple of polemic phenomenons: Globalization and Regionalization. Globalízatíon is a vísíbie phenomenon whose effects have been developing in a dynamic way and with notable consequences, mainly since 1980. In parallel to globalization occurs regionalization, which can be seen either as an answer or as an impulse of the former. The controversy conceming this discussion is just about knowing whether regionalism is a thrust or a threat to globalization. It is early to answer that question, but the fact is that countries have been looking for different kinds of agreements with other countries, with the purpose of gaining competitiveness in the international economy. Is exactly in this context that the old Latin American integradonist dream comes up again through a new agreement: Mercosul. Mercosul can be seen as an answer and also as a "Building Block" toward globalization, in the sence that it is characterised as an "Open Regionalism".
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Tenório, Gabriela Ibara [UNESP]. « O papel do multilateralismo e da ONU na construção do mundo pós-1945 : as dificuldades de implementação ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/157067.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
O multilateralismo e a constituição de organizações internacionais são fenômenos ligados à construção de uma ordem internacional, na qual se impera a busca pela elaboração de regras de convivência entre as nações. Os fenômenos surgem e se desenvolvem de forma praticamente conjunta, mais especificamente no final século XIX: portanto os dois fenômenos estão intimamente ligados um ao outro. Dessa forma, esta dissertação tem como objetivo principal realizar um breve resgate histórico do conceito de multilateralismo e das organizações internacionais, através de autores de referência, a fim de entender as dificuldades de implementação desses princípios que deveriam permear o sistema segundo essa lógica. Nas conclusões apontaremos que as dificuldades de implementação do multilateralismo estão ligadas principalmente com as imprevisibilidades, incertezas e desconfianças entre os países.
Multilateralism and the constitution of international organizations are phenomena related to the construction of an international order, in which the search for the elaboration of rules of coexistence between nations is imperative. The phenomena arise and develop in a practically joint way, more specifically in the late nineteenth century: therefore the two phenomena are closely linked to one another. Thus, this dissertation has as main objective to make a brief historical rescue of the concept of multilateralism and international organizations, through reference authors, in order to understand the difficulties of implementing these principles that should permeate the system according to this logic. In the conclusions we will point out that the difficulties of implementing multilateralism are mainly related to the unpredictability, uncertainty and distrust between countries.
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Cousineau, R. Laurent. « Wars Without Risk : U.S. Humanitarian Interventions in the 1990s ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1276889541.

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Upadhayay, Neha Bhardwaj. « Uncovering the proliferation of contingent protection through channels of retaliation, gender and development assistance ». Thesis, Paris Est, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PESC0022.

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Cette thèse contribue à la littérature empirique sur la protection commerciale à travers trois chapitres indépendants ayant un point commun : l’utilisation de la protection contingente par les économies. En plus d’aborder la question traditionnelle des déterminants stratégiques de la protection contingente en mettant l’accent sur le rôle des représailles (chapitre 1), cette thèse deux nouvelles études sur l’imbrication de l’économie politique avec la protection contingente. La première s’intéresse au rôle du genre du dirigeant national (chapitre 2) et la seconde traite des effets de l’aide publique au développement (chapitre 3)
This dissertation contributes to the empirical literature on trade protection through three independent chapters that have a common strand between them: use of contingent protection by trading economies of the world. In addition to tackling the conventional question on strategic determinants of contingent protection with a special focus on the role of mechanisms like retaliation (Chapter 1), this dissertation contributes two novel studies to the intertwinings of political economy with contingent protection: gendered role of national leadership (Chapter 2) and official development assistance (Chapter 3)
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Marchesi, Daniele [Verfasser], Wolfgang [Akademischer Betreuer] Wessels et Wolfgang [Akademischer Betreuer] Leidhold. « The Weak Link : European Union-United Nations Cooperation and Effective Multilateralism in the Mediterranean and the Middle East / Daniele Marchesi. Gutachter : Wolfgang Wessels ; Wolfgang Leidhold ». Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1052993230/34.

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Wissenbach, Uwe [Verfasser], et Dirk [Akademischer Betreuer] Messner. « Nationalism versus multilateralism : International Society 2.0 and the diffusion of power in complexity - Europe and NE Asia in a world of issues / Uwe Wissenbach ; Betreuer : Dirk Messner ». Duisburg, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1171704984/34.

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Gul, Murat. « German Foreign Policy : Change And Continuity (1949-2000) ». Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/1267681/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to analyse the change and continuity issue in German Foreign Policy. In this study, the basic aim is to identify the basic parameters of the West German foreign policy during the Cold War and identify the implications of the reunification on foreign policy of Germany. Actually, after the reunification, the economically giant Germany has started to pursue a more self-reliant foreign policy course but there is not a radical shift from the basic parameters and the core values. The concept of &
#8216
civilian power&
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and the international climate within which the foreign policy is formulated, will be given priority. It is argued that from the Gulf War in 1990-1991 to the Kosovo War of 1999, German contribution to military operations has increased. However, Germany has done this within a multilateral context and the aim has been to keep the values of respect for democracy and human rights. Thus, continuity dominates over change in German foreign policy, with regard to its policy record during the 1990s.
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Kjellman, Peter. « Reformeringen av Försvarsmakten - på vilka grunder ? : En fallstudie av Sveriges försvars- och säkerhetspolitiska utveckling under åren 1999 - 2009 ». Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-2702.

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Undersökningen är en fallstudie av de uttalade motiven för reformeringen av den svenska Försvarsmakten under åren 1999-2009, med nedslag i tre försvarspropositioner.Syftet med denna undersökning har varit att analysera de svenska regeringarnas argumentation för den försvarsreform som successivt genomförts under 2000-talet.Detta har studerats med fokus på en förändrad hotbild och förändrad inställning till multilateralt försvarssamarbete genom två olika teorier, det vidgade säkerhetsbegreppet och Pooling and Sharing.Resultatet visar att influenserna av teorierna har ökat, vilket kan förklara delar av reformeringen av försvarspolitiken.
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Serrano, Maria Rita de Matos. « Globalização e fim dos territórios : a propósito das teses de Bertrand Badie ». Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/18402.

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Bertrand Badie observa que o desenvolvimento da sociedade internacional está fortemente marcado pela globalização. O mundo caminha num sentido em que os limites territoriais equivalentes à fronteira do Estado-nação estão a desaparecer. Verifica-se, cada vez mais, a consolidação de um cenário público aberto, sem fronteiras. O desaparecimento, mesmo que fictício, do limite territorial, abriu o caminho à invasão de um rol de actores e agentes que marcam definitivamente o espaço público internacional. A proliferação de organizações e instituições não-governamentais veio alterar as regras do jogo estabelecidas, deitando por baixo muitas das regras que cimentavam a organização política internacional. /ABSTRACT; Bertrand Badie observe that the development of the international society is strongly marked by the globalization. The world walks in a sense, in that the equivalent territorial limits to the border of the State-nation are to disappear. lt is verified, more and more, the consolidation of an open public scenery, without borders. The disappearance, even if fictitious, of the territorial limit, that made the way to the invasion of one rolls of actors and agents that mark the international public space definitively. The proliferation of organizations and institutions no government it carne to alter the rules of the game established, lying down many of the rules that cemented the international political organization underneath.
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Chang, Alice. « Would You Like It Hot or Cold ? An Analysis of U.S.-China Climate Policy ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1204.

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As the world’s largest emitters and economies, the United States and China play a critical role in global climate mitigation. Using Putnam’s two-level game showcases how the domestic political context of each country impacts their international policies. However, Putnam’s framework does not differentiate between bilateral and multilateral circumstances. The clarity and concentration of perceived costs and benefits for the United States and China from climate policies lead to differing outcomes on the multilateral and bilateral stage. Fear of the free-rider effect makes players assume payoffs that resemble the Prisoner’s Dilemma during multilateral climate negotiations, whereas bilateral negotiations usually result in more cooperative outcomes. These contrasting policy outcomes reflect the hot and cold relationship between the United States and China. The additional expediency and effectiveness of bilateral agreements suggest that substantial climate action will likely originate from strong bilateral agreements. In an optimal scenario, increased U.S.-China climate collaboration translates into a stronger relationship between the two global superpowers and provides other nations with the confidence and certainty to invest in abatement in a renewed global climate regime.
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Mahan, Grace Caroline. « Coalitions, Institutions, and Counterinsurgency : The U.S. - NATO Alliance in Afghanistan ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/932.

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This paper evaluates the differences between U.S. multilateralism within ad hoc coalitions and U.S. multilateralism within permanent institutions – specifically NATO, the only standing defense alliance with which the U.S. is involved – within the context of the war in Afghanistan's COIN operations. Specifically, this work contrasts the strategies of Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF), the portion of the war that was undertaken by U.S. forces and a coalition of allies, and the operations of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), which were defined by U.S. cooperation with NATO. Along with contrasting the overarching strategies of OEF and ISAF, this thesis evaluates the tactical differences between the two operations as they presented themselves within two pairs of tactical maneuvers: OEF Operation Red Wings vs. ISAF Operation Siege of Sangin and OEF Operation Eastern Resolve II vs. ISAF Operation Panther’s Claw.
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Thiel, Meryl. « Les groupes d'Etats et l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce ». Thesis, Nice, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013NICE0009.

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Dans le système financier et commercial actuel, l'OMC est au cœur des débats, sa politique libérale divisant tant les universitaires que les praticiens sur les formes de gouvernance économique mondiale. Très ouverte à la participation de divers acteurs du commerce mondial, l'OMC a en effet vu la percée lente mais assurée des ONG lors des négociations. Dans le même temps, les intégrations économiques régionales se sont multipliées et leur participation aux négociations de l'OMC s'est accrue, ce qui a conduit à augmenter les interrogations sur les formes de gouvernance étatique économique mondiale. Au sein de l'Organisation, il est un type de regroupement étatique qui a un rôle de plus en plus important, mais dont l'étude reste quasi inexistante : les Groupes d’États, qui reposent sur le respect et la défense de relations équitables. or, l'équité est affichée comme un des objectifs de l'OMC. L'approche constructiviste et de politique juridique permettront d'analyser les modalités et conséquences de l'interaction entre les Groupes et l'Organisation. Cette analyse mettra alors en lumière le degré de contribution des groupes au droit de l'OMC et, dans une plus large mesure, dessinera uen nouvelle acception de l'équité et des formes de gouvernance économique mondiale
The WTO, which is one of the most criticized international organizations in the world, is currently the focus of debates because of its liberalisms policies. As academics as lawyers wonder how the WTO philosophy can be linked to different forms of international economic governance. Indeed, the number of NGO has grown in the WTO negotiations. In the same time, the number of Regional Economic Integration and their participation to the WTO negotiations increased. As a consequence, interrogations concerning international economic governance rose. At the WTO, a kind of coalitions is particularly remarkable but rarely studied in law: State Coalitions, which are based on the respect and defence of Equity. Similarly, one of the goals of the WTO is to establish Equity in international economic relations. Thanks to constructivism, this thesis highlights the interaction between State coalitions and the WTO. The focus is to point up how important is the contribution of State coalitions to WTO law. As a consequence, this thesis will draw a new meaning of Equity and international economic governance
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