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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Multilaterality »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 25 janvier 2025

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Multilaterality"

Toropygin, A. V. « Modern Theoretical and Practical Approaches to Multilateralism in International Relations : the EAEU Case ». EURASIAN INTEGRATION : economics, law, politics 17, n^o 2 (6 juillet 2023) : 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2023-02-169-180.

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Modern theoretical approaches to interpretations of the concepts “multilaterality”, “multipolarity”, “multi-vector foreign policy” are investigated. Features of multi-vector foreign policy are considered in the countries of the post-Soviet space.Aim. Determine the basic theoretical and consider practical approaches to multilateralism in international relations.Tasks. To identify the main differences in the interpretations of the concept of “multi-line” at the present stage. Determine the ratios between multilaterality and multipolarity. Formulate the main differences in views on the versatility between Western and developing countries. Consider the main manifestations of the multi-vector’s external policy of the countries of the post-Soviet space, paying attention to the EAEU countries.Methods. The main place in the study was taken by the comparison method. Multilateity was seen as the principle of conducting international affairs and making decisions by the state; In other words, the foreign policy process. For this, the model of R. Patema was used, in which foreign policy decisions are made in the logic of a two-level game, with the domestic political and foreign policy levels. Multilateity is the factor of the second level. The factor of the first level is the manifestation of the socio-economic policy of the state.Results. Modern theoretical and practical approaches to multilateralism have been investigated.Conclusions. There are no uniform interpretations of the concept of multilaterality. The main differences are associated with a place that occupies the concept of “values”. Whether the values are the basis of multilaterality or vice versa — the versatility of the process of coming to common values. This is a fairly fundamental issue for multipolarity. Multipolarity can exist without multilateralism.The centuries-old foreign policy in the conditions of the post-Soviet space contributes to the instability of states and leads to economic and political crises in these states.

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Sydorchuk, Orystlava. « MULTILATERALITY OF UKRAINE'S SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEM ». Economic discourse, n^o 1 (mars 2020) : 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.36742/2410-0919-2020-1-10.

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Introduction. Ensuring social security at the level of an individual, society or state is a central concept of activity of all branches of government in Ukraine, as it is a guarantee of public perception of the activities of public institutions and successful implementation of reforms. The lack of stability in Ukrainian society is particularly relevant to the task of ensuring multi-level social security and encourages the deepening and development of organizational and managerial principles of its regulation. Methods. The dialectical method of scientific cognition, complex, systematic, logical approaches, as well as a sociological survey were used to identify the state, problems and directions of providing social security, the sample size of which was 2515 respondents in 110 settlements of Ukraine, statistical error (probability 0,95, design effect 1,5) did not exceed 3,2% for metrics close to 50% and not less than 0,7% for metrics close to 1% and 99%. Results. Based on the hierarchy of the construction and functioning of social systems, there is reason to argue that the social security system is a complex multilevel system, which is formed and operates in the plane of objective and subjective processes from the influence of many factors of internal and external origin. A high level of social security is achieved by creating favourable conditions for ensuring a sufficient standard of living for the population and is characterized by the size of real incomes and the volume of economic benefits. Social security management is a purposeful activity of social security entities that develop and implement governmental, regulatory, coordinating, controlling, regulatory and organizational-managerial influences on social security objects for the purpose of forecasting, timely detection, prevention and neutralizing threats. Discussion. Further research should be carried out in the direction of developing the scientific basis of state regulation of social security, aimed at timely response to and elimination of social threats, formation of targeted mechanisms for achieving social security, coordination and interaction of authorities. Keywords: social progress, public administration, social security system, national security, social risks, social and economic interests.

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Sung, Hyun-Young, et JI-Young Kim. « A Study on the Social and Political Multilaterality of Music Art ». Global Knowledge and Convergence Association 3, n^o 2 (31 décembre 2020) : 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47636/gkca.2020.3.2.161.

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Heemann, Lisa, et Patrick Rosenow. « Multilateralismus in der Krise, die Vereinten Nationen unter Druck und die Rolle Deutschlands ». Sicherheit & ; Frieden 37, n^o 4 (2019) : 193–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2019-4-193.

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Multilateralism is currently in a crisis, according to many opinions. However, this is only partly true. It is noticeable that particularly the powerful states are questioning multilaterally negotiated procedures as a cornerstone of the current world order and are putting pressure on the United Nations as the central international organization of multilateralism. This most obviously concerns the US with its “America First” policy under President Donald Trump, but also Russia under Vladimir Putin and China under Xi Jinping. However, it should not be forgotten that the majority of UN member states continue to believe that global problems can only be solved multilaterally. What role can Germany play in renewing multilateralism and strengthening the United Nations? The current non-permanent membership in the UN Security Council 2019/2020 represents an opportunity in this regard.

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Ho, Selina. « ‘Big brother, little brothers’ : comparing China's and India's transboundary river policies ». Water Policy 18, S1 (4 octobre 2016) : 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2016.103.

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Hydro-hegemons can provide both positive and negative forms of leadership, the former leading to cooperative outcomes and the latter to conflict in transboundary river basins. What constrains hydro-hegemons and under what conditions do they cooperate? This paper examines China's and India's hydro-hegemonic behavior, using case studies of the Mekong and the Ganges, respectively. As a positive hydro-hegemon, China cooperates multilaterally with other Mekong riparians, while India takes a limited sovereignty view by sharing water with Bangladesh and Nepal in the Ganges. China and India behave as dominant hydro-hegemons when they engage in resource capture strategies, such as water diversion projects and unilateral dam-building activities. The regional context and domestic politics of hydro-hegemons constrain their behavior, and determine the forms of positive and negative leadership they provide. When strong multilateral mechanisms already exist in the regional context, hydro-hegemons are more likely to cooperate multilaterally. This explains why China cooperates multilaterally in the Mekong while India rejects multilateralism in the Ganges. Domestic considerations also explain why China cooperates multilaterally in the Mekong but avoids water-sharing discussions. In India's case, electoral politics account for the eventual signing of the Ganges and Mahakali treaties after decades of negotiations.

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Kamine, Jorge. « Remarks by Jorge Kamine ». Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 114 (2020) : 332–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2021.60.

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If we focus on the past sixty years, which coincides with the founding of the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB), we can unequivocally say that there have been a number of notable and successful examples of “multilateralism” in Latin America in the context of economic development and integration. This assumes we define “multilateralism” broadly as groups of countries in Latin America (1) cooperating or participating in institutions, organizations, and initiatives that include more than two countries; (2) which include among their goals or objectives the advancement of economic development or economic integration in the region; and (3) which have produced or resulted in some economic outcome or benefit for the participating countries that we generally believe could not have been achieved by one country alone. While this definition may not perfectly follow John Ruggie's definition, my formulation of the definition of “multilateralism” ensures that we do not overlook or discount important examples of institutions formed by Latin American states and other states that are based on principles to address issues of common concern, namely economic development in the region. The advances and benefits that have been achieved through these institutions have been significant even if the more ambitious (and perhaps more aspirational) goals over the years of certain Latin American political leaders of a broader inter-American political and economic integration modeled on the European Union or even the narrower (but also ambitious) goal of projects focused on economic integration, like the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA), have not been fully achieved. Based on the definition that I have proposed of “multilateralism” with its focus on economic development, I would highlight some common features of the examples and cases where we have seen successful multilateralism and common features of the challenges that have been encountered in advancing multilateralist projects.

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Saggi, Kamal, Alan Woodland et Halis Murat Yildiz. « On the Relationship between Preferential and Multilateral Trade Liberalization : The Case of Customs Unions ». American Economic Journal : Microeconomics 5, n^o 1 (1 février 2013) : 63–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.5.1.63.

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This paper compares equilibrium outcomes of two games of trade liberalization. In the Bilateralism game, countries choose whether to liberalize trade preferentially via a customs union (CU), multilaterally, or not at all. The Multilateralism game is a restricted version of the Bilateralism game in that countries cannot form CUs and can only undertake non-discriminatory trade liberalization. When countries have symmetric endowments, global free trade is the only stable equilibrium of both games. Allowing for endowment asymmetry, we isolate circumstances where the option to form CUs helps further the cause of multilateral liberalization as well as where it does not. (JEL F12, F13)

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Hidayatullah, Nur Luthfi. « MIDDLE POWER’S ROLE IN HEALTH DIPLOMACY DURING COVID-19 ». Sunan Ampel Review of Political and Social Sciences 1, n^o 1 (27 novembre 2021) : 94–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/sarpass.2021.1.1.94-110.

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This article seeks to respond towards the growing skepticism questioning MIKTA’s role in middle power diplomacy during the Covid-19 pandemic era. In recent years, the middle power informal forum MIKTA, consisting of Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, and Australia has been accused of being dysfunctional with lack of significant contributions towards multilateralism. Moreover, during the Covid-19 pandemic, MIKTA member states struggle to resolve domestic issues such as rising infections rate and economic recession, which indicate their withdrawal from regional and multilateral affairs. This article proves otherwise. The author argues that despite facing domestic problems related to Covid-19, MIKTA member states remain committed towards multilateralism through exemplary domestic regulations and regional contributions in a new public diplomacy role MIKTA has never taken before: health diplomacy. This descriptive-quantitative research implements quasi-experimental method by selecting five states representing middle powers from various regions and examine their health diplomacy role in domestic, regional, and multilateral affairs using indicators from Neo-Liberalist and Constructivist perspectives. This article concludes that MIKTA member states’ role in health diplomacy remain essential in supporting global health diplomacy efforts during the pandemic. Domestically, Australia and South Korea’s effective Covid-19 containment policy have served as an example for other states to follow. Regionally, MIKTA member states’ assistance towards neighboring states highlight their commitment towards regional leadership. Multilaterally, all MIKTA member states have unanimously agreed on the need to support Covid-19 vaccine availability for all countries.

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Weiß, Wolfgang, et Cornelia Furculita. « The EU in Search for Stronger Enforcement Rules : Assessing the Proposed Amendments to Trade Enforcement Regulation 654/2014 ». Journal of International Economic Law 23, n^o 4 (21 novembre 2020) : 865–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgaa033.

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Abstract Considering the new focus of the European Union (EU) trade policy on strengthening the enforcement of trade rules, the article presents the proposed amendments to the EU Trade Enforcement Regulation 654/2014. It analyzes the EU Commission proposal and the amendments suggested by the European Parliament Committee on International Trade (INTA), in particular with regard to uncooperative third parties and the provision of immediate countermeasures. The amendments will be assessed in view of their legality under World Trade Organization (WTO), Free Trade Agreement (FTA), and general international law and in view of their political implications for the EU’s multilateralist stance. Finally, the opportunity to amend Regulation 654/2014 to use it for the enforcement of FTA trade and sustainable development chapters will be explored. The analysis shows that the shift towards more effective enforcement should be pursued with due care for respecting existing international legal commitments and with more caution to multilateralism.

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Kadewandana, Donie. « Indonesian Foreign Policy and the COVID-19 Pandemic ». Foreign Policy Review 14, n^o 3 (2021) : 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.44-59.

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This paper examines Indonesia’s foreign policy regarding the handling of the global COVID-19 pandemic. As the third most populous country in Asia after China and India, Indonesia has taken strategic steps to handle COVID-19, looking after its citizens both within the country and abroad. The study shows that Indonesia’s foreign policy is carried out through the Alliance for Multilateralism. First, Indonesian citizens abroad are protected by the Indonesian government with the help of large-scale repatriation, especially in countries that have been severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Second, the Indonesian government encourages the strengthening of governance within the global health framework by supporting the policies of the World Health Organization (WHO). In addition, Indonesia cooperates with various countries, both regionally and multilaterally, in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic. The factors that influence Indonesia’s foreign policy regarding the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic include Indonesia’s national interests and the international political situation. These have characterized foreign policy implementation under President Joko Widodo during the COVID-19 pandemic.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Multilaterality"

Mouhib, Mohamedyassine. « L'intermédiation : contribution à une théorie générale en droit du travail ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Bordeaux, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024BORD0455.

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Le développement des plateformes numériques au milieu des années 2000 s’est accompagné d’un intense débat juridique cherchant à déterminer la nature de l’activité exercée par ces nouveaux acteurs économiques. Ces derniers prétendent n’être que des intermédiaires. Mais qu’est-ce que cela peut-il bien signifier du point de vue du droit du travail ? Cette étude cherche à répondre à cette interrogation en proposant une théorie qui se veut générale, à même de resituer l’activité des plateformes numériques parmi les autres formes traditionnelles d’intermédiation que connaît déjà le droit du travail. Face au développement croissant de nouvelles techniques d’intermédiation, du portage salarial au CDI intérimaire en passant par le prêt de main-d’oeuvre auprès d’une jeune, petite ou moyenne entreprise ou encore par les plateformes numériques, cette théorie cherche à révéler la cohérence sous-jacente de phénomènes qui peuvent se présenter au premier abord comme répondant à des logiques distinctes. En proposant une représentation d’ensemble, la construction d’une telle théorie est l’occasion d’identifier une propriété fondamentale de tout schéma d’intermédiation : la multipolarité. Cela signifie simplement que ces montages contractuels mobilisent une pluralité d’acteurs. La multipolarité des schémas d’intermédiation est cependant saisie de manière très diverse par le droit du travail. Le cadre d’application des règles juridiques à partir desquelles ces formes de travail sont encadrées peut être tantôt bilatéral, tantôt multilatéral. Dans ce dernier cas de figure, en s’émancipant de la figure traditionnelle de l’employeur, le droit du travail prend en compte une pluralité d’acteurs indépendants les uns des autres pour appliquer une règle juridique à une situation de travail. Ainsi, en proposant une représentation d’ensemble des différentes formes d’intermédiation, la présente étude a donc vocation à révéler la diversité des modes d’application du droit du travail
The development of digital platforms in the mid-2000s was accompanied by an intense legal debate seeking to determine the nature of the activity carried out by these new economic players. They claim to be no more than intermediaries. But what does this mean from the point of view of employment law ? This study seeks to answer this question by proposing a theory that is intended to be general, capable of resituating the activity of digital platforms among the other traditional forms of intermediation that are already familiar to labour law. Faced with the growing development of new intermediation techniques, from portage salarial to CDI intérimaire, from prêt de main-d’oeuvre auprès d’une jeune, petite ou moyenne entreprise to digital platforms, this theory seeks to reveal the underlying coherence of phenomena that may appear at first glance to respond to distinct logics. By proposing an overall representation, the construction of such a theory provides an opportunity to identify a fundamental property of any intermediation scheme : multipolarity. This simply means that these contractual arrangements mobilise a plurality of protagonists. However, the multipolarity of intermediation schemes is addressed in very different ways by employment law. The framework for applying the legal rules that govern these forms of work may be bilateral or multilateral. In the latter case, by emancipating itself from the traditional figure of the employer, labour law takes into account a plurality of mutually independent actors when applying a legal rule to a work situation. Thus, while offering an overall representation of the different forms of intermediation, this study aims to reveal the diversity of ways in which labour law is applied

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Sherman, Richard Scott. « Managing political exchange : multilateralism in global trade policy / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10737.

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Olsson, Helena. « Svenskt multilateralt bistånd : Uppfyller FN de svenska biståndsmålen ? » Thesis, Karlstad University, Faculty of Economic Sciences, Communication and IT, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-779.

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År 2000 presenterades en ekonometrisk analys av världens bistånd i artikeln ”Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?”, av Alebrto Alesina och David Dollar. Undersökningens syfte var att försöka hitta de variabler som ligger till grund för länders beslut om att skänka bistånd. Resultatet visade att det oftare ligger strategiska och politiska motiv bakom biståndsgivningen, snarare än en önskan om reducerad fattigdom och ökad tillväxt. Efter denna undersökning konstaterade man från svenskt håll att någon liknande undersökning rörande det svenska biståndet aldrig genomförts. Detta trots att Sverige är en av världens största biståndgivare i relativa mått mätt. Sverige skänker varje år så mycket som 0,7 % av BNI i bistånd, och detta bara till FN. Syftet med denna uppsats är därför att undersöka om FN uppfyller de biståndsmål som Sverige har satt upp.

Genom att försöka hitta variabler som på ett konkret sätt ska mäta de olika biståndsmålen har en ekonometrisk tvärsnittsanalys genomförts. Undersökningen sträcker sig över fem 5-årsperioder, med start 1980. Som beroende variabel har FN:s bistånd per capita använts och som oberoende variabler används BNP per capita, demokrati, rättssäkerhet, jämställdhet, öppenhet, livslängd, barnmortalitet och totalt bistånd. En undersökning av skillnaden i bistånd mellan länder från olika regioner, olika inkomstklasser och med olika skuldsättning har också genomförts.

Resultatet verkar peka på att FN inte uppfyller de svenska biståndsmålen i sin allokering av bistånd till utvecklingsländer. Men det är svårt att dra några säkra slutsatser på grund av att så få av variablernas koefficienter visar signifikanta värden. Fler undersökningar bör göras innan en säker slutsats kan dras.

In year 2000 an econometric analysis of the world’s ODA was presented in the article “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” by Alberto Alesina and David Dollar. The purpose of the study was to find the variables that lie as ground for countries’ decision to give foreign aid. The result showed that there are more often strategic and political motives behind the donations, rather than a wish of reduced poverty and economic growth. After this study Sweden concluded that a similar study of the Swedish ODA never had been done. This despite the fact that Sweden is one of the world’s most generous donors, relatively spoken. Sweden donates as much as 0.7 % of its GNP each year, and that’s just to the UN. The purpose of this paper is therefore to investigate whether the UN fulfil the Swedish goals of foreign aid.

By trying to find variables that correctly measure the different goals, an econometric cross section analysis has been done. The study is divided into five 5-year periods, starting 1980. As dependent variable the UN’s aid per capita is used and as independent variables GDP per capita, democracy, rule of law, equality, openness, expected lifetime, childrens’ mortality and total aid. A study of the difference in aid between countries from different regions, different income classes and with different levels of debt has also been carried out.

The result implies that the UN does not act in accordance with the Swedish goals of foreign aid, when allocating ODA to developing countries. But it is hard to draw any real conclusions since so few of the coefficients show significant values. More studies should be done before any real conclusion can be made.

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MacMillan, Euan Fraser. « Explaining rising regionalism and failing multilateralism in trade negotiations ». Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.510902.

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Boonrawd, Rutchabhoom. « Bilateralism and multilateralism in the law of state responsibility ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.620040.

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Jacinto, Silvie Lee Lai. « The ITER fusion energy project : a case study of multilateralism ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2006. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1951109.

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Iverson, Andrew Wesley Pascal. « From Eurafrica to multilateralism : the Europeanization of France's Africa policy ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31353.

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This paper explores the forces driving the far-reaching changes in French Africa policy over the past fifty years. Why has France's Africa policy changed? How has France's position within the EU affected these changes? Has French Africa policy "Europeanized"? After placing my approach in the context of the wider field of Europeanization research, this paper explores exceptionalism in French colonial policy and discusses its legacy in the EC's early Africa policy. I will demonstrate that in the first years of EC policy, France managed to impose its national agenda on the EC level. I then show that this changed by the mid-1970s as the EC gained a strengthened identity in the area of development policy. Based on analysis of changes in military policy, political discourse styles, and institutions, this paper will show that EC development policy has significantly shaped the context of France's current policy in Africa.
Arts, Faculty of
Central Eastern Northern European Studies, Department of
Graduate

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Parks, J. F. « Britain's South African foreign policy 1979-1989 Bilateralism and multilateralism ». Thesis, Keele University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265353.

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Wu, Pei-Ju. « Change and continuity in German foreign policy in East Central Europe, 1990-2002 ». Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288118.

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From the Kaiser Reich to the Berlin Republic, the weight of German foreign policy has shifted from national greatness to international co-operation. As international factors have played the major part in foreign policy making, the distinctive principle of German foreign policy has been mutlilateralism since the end of WWII. The thesis investigates Germany's foreign policy in East Central Europe in the period from 1990 to 2002 to explore whether and to what extent Germany's present foreign policy corresponds to multilateralism and if there has been continuity in German foreign policy since WWII. It employs modified neo-realist foreign policy theory assuming that Germany's post-unification foreign policy behaviour will choose to strengthen international institutions in which it itself participates and join in multilateral actions. The thesis argues that the German government assists in the political and economic reforms of the eastern candidates countries in order to speed up their entry to the EU. The major contribution is to provide information and analysis on Germany's East Central European policy after the demise of communism. The thesis demonstrates that Germany's policy in East Central Europe best fits the modified neo-realist prediction of loss of both influence and autonomy because Germany has chosen to multilateralise its relations with weaker states (i. e. East Central European countries), aiming at dealing with them within a multilateral framework (i. e. EU). The overall conclusion is that with the Berlin Republic there has been some change in German foreign policy, but underlying this is a basic continuity in the multilateralism of German post Second World War political culture.

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Tian, Han Bo. « The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.

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Livres sur le sujet "Multilaterality"

Prantl, Jochen, dir. Effective Multilateralism. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137312983.

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Schechter, Michael G., dir. Future Multilateralism. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27153-5.

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Wu, Chien-Huei, Francesco Giumelli et Frank Gaenssmantel. Multilateralism in Peril. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003167358.

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Kissack, Robert. Pursuing Effective Multilateralism. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230281974.

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Thomas, Christopher R., et Juliana T. Magloire. Regionalism Versus Multilateralism. Boston, MA : Springer US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-4317-6.

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Schechter, Michael G. Innovation in Multilateralism. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27151-1.

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Mattoo, Aaditya. Multilateralism beyond Doha. [Washington, D.C : World Bank, 2008.

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Winters, L. Alan. Regionalism versus multilateralism. Washington, D.C : World Bank, International Economics Dept., International Trade Division, 1996.

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G, Schechter Michael, dir. Innovation in multilateralism. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1999.

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Gill, Stephen, dir. Globalization, Democratization and Multilateralism. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25555-9.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Multilaterality"

Malone, David M., et Rohinton P. Medhora. « Multilateralism ». Dans The SAGE Handbook of Political Science, 1300–1319. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP : SAGE Publications Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781529714333.n80.

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Leffler, Christian. « Championing Multilateralism ». Dans The European Union’s New Foreign Policy, 23–32. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48317-3_2.

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Feng, Yuan. « China’s multilateralism ». Dans China and Multilateralism, 26–37. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series : Globalisation, Europe, multilateralism : Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429031748-2.

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Chaturvedi, Devyani. « Multilateralism 2.0 ». Dans Multilateralism in the Indo-Pacific, 32–43. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003278719-4.

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Kaur, Silky. « Maritime Multilateralism ». Dans Multilateralism in the Indo-Pacific, 173–87. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003278719-15.

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Higgott, Richard. « Relearning multilateralism ». Dans States, Civilisations and the Reset of World Order, 95–108. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003175087-9.

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Rao, P. V. « Naval multilateralism ». Dans India's Naval Diplomacy, 40–59. London : Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003289272-3.

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Laya, Arancha González. « Reclaiming Multilateralism ». Dans China and Globalization, 3–11. Singapore : Springer Nature Singapore, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-97-2558-8_1.

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Michalopoulos, Constantine. « Reviving Multilateralism ». Dans Aid, Trade and Development, 393–418. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-96036-0_14.

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Wei, Ling. « Inclusive multilateralism ». Dans The EU and China, 106–26. London : Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032677675-10.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Multilaterality"

Mutmainah, D., N. Nurmalitasari et M. Farayunand. « Multilateralism in US Coercive Diplomacy to North Korea ». Dans Proceedings of the First Brawijaya International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, BSPACE, 26-28 November, 2019, Malang, East Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.26-11-2019.2295151.

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Schwarte, Philipp, Mohamed Bourimi, Marcel Heupel, Dogan Kesdogan, Rafael Gimenez, Sophie Wrobel et Simon Thiel. « Multilaterally Secure Communication Anonymity in Decentralized Social Networking ». Dans 2013 Tenth International Conference on Information Technology : New Generations (ITNG). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/itng.2013.84.

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Lin, Clay, et Zhijun William Zhang. « A Two-Tier Blockchain Architecture for the Digital Transformation of Multilateralism ». Dans 2020 IEEE 91st Vehicular Technology Conference (VTC2020-Spring). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/vtc2020-spring48590.2020.9128957.

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Manasov, Zamirbek. « Multilateralism versus Regionalism in Eurasia : Theoretical Reasons of Choosing Sides for Kyrgyzstan ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00319.

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This paper asks whether Kyrgyzstan should take part in the newly established Customs Union among Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia or in the World Trade Organization (WTO). From the start of the foundation of the new Customs Union there have been deep discussions among the proponents and opponents of organization. This issue attracted extra attention and interest because the new Customs Union includes non-members of the World Trade Organization such as Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan. In Addition, the new Customs Union, unlike previous regional trade agreements, has formed a supranational body –the Custom Union Commission - which will decide on Common External Tariffs. Kyrgyzstan is already a member country of WTO and is going to join the new Customs Union. How will this membership work for Kyrgyzstan in short and long-term period? Will the new Customs Union be substitutive or complementary to the WTO in the development of international trade of Kyrgyzstan? Which side would be more beneficial for Kyrgyzstan: membership to a regional Customs Union or to a multilateral WTO? This paper hopes to answer these main questions. This paper will have five sections. Section one will provide a brief introduction. Section two will analyze the development of regionalism and multilateralism in the region. In section three, theoretical compatibility of regionalism and multilateralism will be discussed. Section four will determine what can be proposed for the current situation of Kyrgyzstan according to selected theoretical literature. Concluding remarks will be given in last section.

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Budaichieva, Aidai, Kiyalbek Akmoldoev et Jarkyn Junushbaeva. « Developing Country Concerns on Multinational Trade : Problems of Kyrgyzstan’s Trade Development ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00265.

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The essence of global economy lies in creation of multilateral trading system. However, in current world practice the multilateralism does not respond to its ideal concept: countries do not get equal gains from multilateral trading system. Dependence on import is the major concern of developing countries within WTO. As other developing countries Kyrgyzstan has a negative trade balance. Yet non-membership appears to be an even less viable option. The aim of this paper is to find out an appropriate trade policy for Kyrgyzstan.

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Kurniasari, Emilia. « China’s Model of Multilateralism : A Critical Discourse Analysis of Xi Jinping’s Speech on Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank ». Dans Proceedings of the 6th International Conference on Social and Political Enquiries, ICISPE 2021, 14-15 September 2021, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.14-9-2021.2321376.

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Narkhova, Elena Nikolaevna, Dmitry Yur'evich Narkhov et Ekaterina Gennad'evna Kalyuzhnaya. « THE HIGHER EDUCATION IN MODERN RUSSIA AS INSTITUTE OF CULTURAL TRANSFER AND TRANSFORMATION ». Dans Fourth International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia : Universitat Politècnica València, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head18.2018.8106.

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The problem of changes in modern Russian education is analyzed in the article. Modernization of the Russian education system staticized questions of a ratio of traditions and innovations in education, about maintaining parity of training and education. The aerticle’s purpose is to define the mechanism of implementation of education in the system of modern Russian education as traditions of culture (2014-2017). The research of the relation of scientific and pedagogical workers, students, administrative and managerial personnel to the matter influences effectiveness of their activity. Extent of consent with this or that point of view staticizes the potential of communities of education that appears in the form of the social capital. Authors emphasize value of an educational role of institute of education as culture translator as in the course of education, comprehension of the world of people gets own perception of this world, the system of estimates of this world, the system of coordinates, including valuable. The cultural background which the person perceives in the course of education gives the chance already more multilaterally to perceive also modern reality, and itself in this reality

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Tudor, Andreea-Loredana. « THE CHALLENGES OF GLOBAL SECURITY GOVERNANCE ». Dans 10th SWS International Scientific Conferences on ART and HUMANITIES - ISCAH 2023. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscah.2023/fs01.01.

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The international system is constantly changing, and the phenomenon of globalization is a reality embraced by all participants on the world stage. Amongst the countless facilities felt both at the individual, national and even international level that have resulted from the phenomenon of globalization, insertions of negative consequences have permeated the world order. The complexity and diversity of interactions between the various subjects of international law have accelerated the emergence and spread of phenomena that threaten the security of individuals and the international system. However, in the current context, the security of the international system is threatened in several areas, which seems to have instilled fear among individuals and shaken the current world order. The failure of multilateralism, the ineffectiveness of global governance and the lack of active involvement of the international scene's representative actors are just some of the grievances voiced by both political leaders and citizens of the main players in the international system. But is it legitimate for international organizations to intervene to solve current problems, despite the principle of non-intervention? What is the place of national sovereignty in a context of international crisis? This paper seeks to analyze from a political-legal perspective the action and importance of global governance in the context of current international crises. Moreover, the paper aims to study the question of the legitimacy of the action of international organizations in relation to the prerogatives established by the member states.

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Iacob, Corneliu-George, et Dumitru Miron. « Analysis of interest groups that may matter at the level of the reform process of the most relevant international organizations ». Dans Economic Security in the Context of Systemic Transformations, 3rd Edition. Academy of Economic Studies of Moldova, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.53486/escst2023.28.

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The current international environment, viewed from a geopolitical and geoeconomic point of view, is characterized by unpredictability and heightened dynamism. After the Second World War, the theoretical and doctrinal landscape was marked by an increasing openness to the concepts of harmony, cooperation, structural peace, prohibition of war. The UN is a symbol of multilateralism and sustained worldwide efforts for peace, security and sustainable development. Strategic autonomy, national security and other non-economic objectives (environmental sustainability, protection of workers and human rights) motivate calls for collaboration between countries with similar political-economic values and systems. In today's conditions, security considerations have already become more prominent in trade relations. Since the end of the 90s, several scenarios have been proposed for the reform of the United Nations: the reform of the Security Council, the reform of the UN Secretariat, the financial reform, the reform of human rights, the reform of operational activities and, last but not least, the reform of the Economic Council and Social. The research methodology uses various research methods: the logical analysis method, the systemic method, the comparative method, the historical method, the situation analysis used in geopolitical theory and the stakeholder analysis to understand the positions and perspectives of the players (stakeholders) who have an interest and/or likely to be affected by a particular reform, as well as to outline the prospects for reform and how particular states/organizations might influence the outcome of the process.

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El Massoudi, Nezha. « Global Citizenship Education (GCED) in The Digital Era : The Unexpected Tool for Peacebuilding. How 21st Century Fluencies Can Shape Sustainable Global Peace ? » Dans 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.006.

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Abstract If education is unanimously recognized as a powerful and impactful tool for social advancement, its use in global affairs as a major component has not yet been fully acknowledged. The current world state, with multiplying challenges amidst a global crisis - caused by the fallouts of an unmanageable pandemic - exposed the limits of multilateralism, undermining international cohesion already struggling over geopolitical rivalries and bursting territorial conflicts. Growing gaps between citizens and governing bodies are threatening the very essence of democracy, the quintessence of people representation, the act of being a citizen. If such struggles arise even within states’ borders, needless to say, building a global citizenship feeling of belonging may prove difficult, requiring exceptional efforts and a strong driver, such as education, leaning on an innovative approach. Peacebuilding through education to global citizenship is one of the pillars of the United Nations 2030 Agenda. In this regard this work is directly relevant to the Sustainable Development Goal 4.7 (Education for sustainable development and global citizenship, and the promotion of a culture of peace and non-violence), an indicator building a basis for decision-making and institutional frameworks, reflecting on citizen political involvement on a local/global level, leaning on the tryptic pattern of foundation/adaptation/integration. GCED could be one of the strongest peace advancement tools to think globally and act locally, by integrating emotional intelligence, creating a common shared value, tackling climate change and gender equity, as women are often in the frontline of rising challenges. This work will investigate and analyze the paradigms of GCED in peacebuilding using a cross-national analysis within the framework of digital humanities and peace studies research fields. KEYWORDS: peace, education, peacebuilding, digital citizenship, emotional intelligence, critical thinking, global security, 21st century skills, peacetech, innovation, empowerment

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Multilaterality"

von Hammerstein, Elisabeth, Anna Merk, Nora Müller, Sophie Eisentraut, Christoph Erber et Benedikt Franke, dir. Munich Young Leaders Anniversary Report : Multilateralism is Dead. Long Live Multilateralism ! Körber-Stiftung ; Munich Security Conference, août 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47342/jdpq3986.

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Everett, Michael W. Multilateralism in Southeast Asia. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, juin 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada385716.

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Jordan, Matthew J. Multilateralism in North East Asia. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, février 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada415621.

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Takamiya, Kenji. Multilateralism, Regionalism, and Unilateralism Retrospectives : Case for Hybrid Multilateralism for Trade Liberalization in Developing Countries. Manila, Philippines : Asian Development Bank, avril 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/brf240226.

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Overholt, William. Revive multilateralism or fail global development. East Asia Forum, février 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1392804015.

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McCawley, Peter. Will Malpass be a malady for multilateralism ? East Asia Forum, février 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1550270174.

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Winters, L. Alan. Regionalism and Multilateralism in the Twenty-First Century. Inter-American Development Bank, novembre 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011002.

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The growth of regional trading blocs has been one of the major developments in international relations in recent years. Virtually all countries are members of a bloc and many belong to more than one; more than one third of world trade takes place within such agreements. Regional agreements vary widely, but all have the objective of reducing barriers to trade between member countries and hence, implicitly, of discriminating against trade with other countries. Attheir simplest they merely remove tariffs on intra-bloc trade in goods, but many go beyond that to cover non-tariff barriers and to extend liberalisation to trade investment and other policies.

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Yuan, Jing-dong. Asia-Pacific Security : China's Conditional Multilateralism and Great Power Entente,. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, janvier 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada373719.

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Steuber, George W. Multilateralism, a More Effective Operatioanl Approach to Asia-Pacific Security. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, mai 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada382120.

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Krishna, Pravin. Preferential Trade Agreements and the World Trade System : A Multilateralist View. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, février 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w17840.

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