Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Movement-party interaction »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « Movement-party interaction ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "Movement-party interaction"
1
Chen, Rilly, et Fei Yan. « Dynamics of Multidimensional Interaction ». Contention 7, no 2 (1 décembre 2019) : 76–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2019.070205.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article provides a multidimensional approach to understanding the interactional dynamics of political contention. By reexamining the highly influential case of the Beijing student movement in 1989 with newly published memoirs from top party leaders and central student figures of the movement, we show more clearly that the escalating conflict between the government and protesters and their nuanced interplay grew, developed, and took on its own identity as the process evolved. It was the increasingly boisterous divisions within both the Communist Party and the student body itself, coupled with their close interactional relationship and interdependence, that resulted in a violent outcome that neither party had envisaged or intended. This finding suggests that multidimensional interactions may have triggered causal processes that escalated both the scale and the influence of the mobilization.
2
George, Stacy M. K. « Interaction Rituals and Religious Culture in the Tea Party ». Religion and Society 9, no 1 (1 septembre 2018) : 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arrs.2018.090104.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Scholars have noted the variety of ideological and religious perspectives present in the Tea Party movement. This study addresses why both religious and nonreligious individuals may be involved in the Tea Party despite its cultural connection to ‘traditional’ conservative Christianity. The article explores Tea Party participation and commitment, arguing that group membership is sustained by the party’s ability to create interaction rituals reflective of Christian culture as an acknowledgement of American Christian values. The Tea Party frames its ideology as sacred, thereby establishing group commitment and cohesion. As a result, it is capable of attracting constituents from inside and outside of the Religious Right. By validating the experiences of others and creating a system of interdependency, the Tea Party has the potential to create group solidarity leading to collective action and exceptional political influence.
3
Berker, Lars E., et Jan Pollex. « Friend or foe?—comparing party reactions to Fridays for Future in a party system polarised between AfD and Green Party ». Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 15, no 2 (11 mars 2021) : 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-021-00476-7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractFridays for Future has risen as a new environmental movement pushing politicians to take action against climate change. However, its interaction with other political actors, most importantly political parties, has hardly been addressed systematically by scientific research. In this article, we take stock of party reactions to the movement on the national and subnational level in Germany. Furthermore, we investigate possible explanations for variances in these reactions in a comparison of subnational party organisations and thereby, focus on dynamics of party competition, especially on the impact of the Green Party as established contender and of the populist radical right AfD and its new role in environmental politics. We show that party reactions to the movement vary widely reflecting a clear divide on the left-right-spectrum. While centre-left parties, particularly the Green Party, support the movement, centre-right parties are utmost cautious and the populist radical right AfD stands out with a blatantly hostile attitude. Though indications for the impact of party competition dynamics were minor, we observed a strong polarisation on the climate issue that may take effect in the near future.
4
Proudford, Karen L., et Kenwyn K. Smith. « Group Membership Salience and the Movement of Conflict ». Group & ; Organization Management 28, no 1 (mars 2003) : 18–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1059601102250014.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Conflict in and among groups often erupts in surprising and unexpected ways. Building upon extant theory regarding the movement of conflict, the authors posit that conflict gets enacted in distinct ways when individuals and groups are heterogeneous. The relative impermeability of identity group boundaries fundamentally changes the patterns of interaction required to achieve a state of balance in three-party interactions. The authors present two cases that explore the movement and transformation of conflict among employees in a large financial institution. The intricate dynamics suggest that organization and identity group memberships spawn layers of interaction that generate, escalate, resolve, and/or conceal conflict among organizational participants.
5
Savolainen, Sonja, et Tuomas Ylä-Anttila. « The climate change movement and political parties : Mechanisms of social media and interaction during the 2019 electoral period in Finland ». Nordic Journal of Media Studies 3, no 1 (1 juin 2021) : 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njms-2021-0003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Building on the framework of electoral contention, we investigate the interaction dynamics between social movements and political parties during elections. We argue that social media today is an important venue for these interactions, and consequently, analysing social media data is useful for understanding the shifts in the conflict and alliance structures between movements and parties. We find that Twitter discussions on the climate change movement during the 2019 electoral period in Finland reveal a process of pre-election approaching and post-election distancing between the movement and parties. The Greens and the Left formed mutually beneficial coalitions with the movement preceding the elections and took distance from one another after these parties entered the government. These findings suggest that research on movement-party interaction should pay more attention to social media and undertake comparative studies to assess whether the approaching-distancing process and its constituent mechanisms characterise movements beyond the climate strikes in Finland.
6
Diplomatov, Andrey. « The development of the Communist Party within the left movement of Venezuela (1928—1945) ». Latinskaia Amerika, no 10 (2022) : 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0022308-7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes the relationship of the communist movement with other left-wing opposition parties and movements from the very beginning of the formation of opposition to the dictatorial regime of Juan Vicente Gomez in the 1920s until the military coup in 1945. The commitment to the formation of a political party solely on the basis of the proletarian electorate had a decisive importance in the issue of interaction of communists with the rest of the Venezuelan opposition and led to the loss of the Communist Party's ability to lead the masses in the struggle against the regime in the period after the dissolution, which was reflected in the events that occurred after the dissolution of the Third, Communist, International. The work is based on a structuralist approach to the historical process and, while analyzing the development of the Communist Party within the framework of the left movement through the study of domestic and foreign bibliography, is based on archival documents of the III Comintern Communist International. In the article, the author identifies the features and main trends in the development of the Communist Party of Venezuela, and comes to conclusions about the role of the communist movement in the development of the left movement of Venezuela and its role in the development of the left movement. The development of the Communist Party of the country of Venezuela at the first stages of its development directly depended on the policy of the Comintern of Moscow, which could sometimes lead to erroneous decisions that led to a split in the ranks of the Venezuelan communists and the loss of potential allies.
7
Korotkova, Lia G. « The Rise and Fall of the Communist Party of Indonesia ». Oriental Courier, no 1-2 (2021) : 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310012670-5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines a rather extensive period in the history of Indonesia — from the beginning of the rise of the national liberation movement until the coup of September 30, 1965. The primary attention is paid to the formation, development, and crises of the Communist Party of Indonesia (CPI)— one of the leading forces of the national liberation movement in Dutch India. The work highlights the crisis of Dutch colonial rule during the First World War and the gradual radicalization of the protest movement, the formation in 1920 of the Indian Communist Association (CPI since 1924), its opposition to the colonial authorities, as well as interaction and contradictions with other national forces. The reasons for the rapid growth in the popularity of the party in 1925–1927 and the equally rapid decline in the 1930s are explained. The second part of the article is devoted to the activities of the CPI during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia and its place in the political system of independent Indonesia, as well as the position of the party in 1965–1966, the moment of the beginning of repressions against its members and the official ban of the communist organization on March 12, 1966.
8
MOUBAYED, SAMER AL, GABRIEL SKANTZE et JONAS BESKOW. « THE FURHAT BACK-PROJECTED HUMANOID HEAD–LIP READING, GAZE AND MULTI-PARTY INTERACTION ». International Journal of Humanoid Robotics 10, no 01 (mars 2013) : 1350005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219843613500059.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this paper, we present Furhat — a back-projected human-like robot head using state-of-the art facial animation. Three experiments are presented where we investigate how the head might facilitate human–robot face-to-face interaction. First, we investigate how the animated lips increase the intelligibility of the spoken output, and compare this to an animated agent presented on a flat screen, as well as to a human face. Second, we investigate the accuracy of the perception of Furhat's gaze in a setting typical for situated interaction, where Furhat and a human are sitting around a table. The accuracy of the perception of Furhat's gaze is measured depending on eye design, head movement and viewing angle. Third, we investigate the turn-taking accuracy of Furhat in a multi-party interactive setting, as compared to an animated agent on a flat screen. We conclude with some observations from a public setting at a museum, where Furhat interacted with thousands of visitors in a multi-party interaction.
9
Hanapiah, Pipin. « The Golkar’s Structures and Political Interaction Changes (Study on The Golkar Party in Bandung, Indonesia) ». Journal of Social and Development Sciences 7, no 1 (15 avril 2016) : 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v7i1.1234.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Each political party will be changed because it is determined by its internal and external factors. The changes are ongoing at their political process and mechanism, towards their objective and gives an impact to environment both to internally and externally. The change occured on Golkar’s structures and political changes in facing national reformation movement. Research affords to describe the changes that have been going on, through external dan internal determinants, process and mechanism, as well as the objective and impact. The research object is Golkar’s structures and political interaction that changed at the Golkar party in Bandung. The research used political sociology studies, qualitative approach, and descriptive methods. Meanwhile, the techniques of collecting data used document, literature, observation, and in-depth interview with using resource triangulation. The result of research showed Golkar faces process and mechanism changes, particularly about political structures and interaction. It determined by external (national reformation movement) and internal (democracy demand) factors. It leads to objective (adapting, modernizing, democratic, and decentralization) and impacts (to the Indonesian armed forces retired members and the civil servant and also the people to make and manage new political parties). To modernize its structure and political interaction, Golkar in Bandung should be continue the commitment, consistency, and adaptation to the nation development and dynamic of the region in Bandung.
10
Ataev, A. V. « Conventional model of interaction between government and society in the Republic of South Ossetia ». Russia & ; World : Sc. Dialogue, no 1 (26 mars 2022) : 92–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-1(3)-92-107.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the conventional model of interaction between government and society in the Republic of South Ossetia. Attention is focused on ideological meanings and processes of transformation of political reality in this Transcaucasian state. It was ideological meanings and the new political reality that radically transformed after the August 2008 war that contributed to the formation of a conventional model of interaction between government and society. The article also analyzes the role of the current President of South Ossetia A.I.Bibilov in the formation and consolidation of the conventional model of interaction.The South Ossetian conventional model of interaction between government and society has a number of features, the key of which is an obvious vision of the future and progressive movement towards it based on public consensus. The image of the future formed by the current President A.I.Bibilov and the United Ossetia party headed by him provides for the entry of South Ossetia into Russia.The model of interaction between the government and society provides for a clear regulation prescribed by the United Ossetia political party, which was outlined by the current President of South Ossetia in the framework of two election campaigns. The program of the current President of the Republic of South Ossetia A.I.Bibilov «Five steps to Russia» is part of the conventional model of interaction between government and society. Thus, the conventional model of interaction in South Ossetia also has the function of a regulator of public relations, providing an explanation of the current political reality, as well as movement towards a new political status, which provides for joining Russia.
Thèses sur le sujet "Movement-party interaction"
1
Stasko, Carly. « A Pedagogy of Holistic Media Literacy : Reflections on Culture Jamming as Transformative Learning and Healing ». Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/18109.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This qualitative study uses narrative inquiry (Connelly & Clandinin, 1988, 1990, 2001) and self-study to investigate ways to further understand and facilitate the integration of holistic philosophies of education with media literacy pedagogies. As founder and director of the Youth Media Literacy Project and a self-titled Imagitator (one who agitates imagination), I have spent over 10 years teaching media literacy in various high schools, universities, and community centres across North America. This study will focus on my own personal practical knowledge (Connelly & Clandinin, 1982) as a culture jammer, educator and cancer survivor to illustrate my original vision of a ‘holistic media literacy pedagogy’. This research reflects on the emergence and impact of holistic media literacy in my personal and professional life and also draws from relevant interdisciplinary literature to challenge and synthesize current insights and theories of media literacy, holistic education and culture jamming.
Livres sur le sujet "Movement-party interaction"
1
Breslauer, George W. The Rise and Demise of World Communism. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197579671.001.0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Sixteen states came to be ruled by communist parties during the twentieth century. Only five of them remain in power today. This book explores the nature of communist regimes—what they share in common, how they differ from each other, and how they differentially evolved over time. The book finds that these regimes all came to power in the context of warfare or its aftermath, followed by the consolidation of power by a revolutionary elite that came to value “revolutionary violence” as the preferred means to an end, based upon Marx’s vision of apocalyptic revolution and Lenin’s conception of party organization. All these regimes went on to “build socialism” according to a Stalinist template, and were initially dedicated to “anti-imperialist struggle” as members of a “world communist movement.” But their common features gave way to diversity, difference, and defiance after the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953. For many reasons, and in many ways, those differences soon blew apart the world communist movement. They eventually led to the collapse of European communism. The remains of communism in China, Vietnam, Laos, North Korea, and Cuba were made possible by the first three transforming their economic systems, opening to the capitalist international order, and abandoning “anti-imperialist struggle.” North Korea and Cuba have hung on due to the elites avoiding splits visible to the public. Analytically, the book explores, throughout, the interaction among the internal features of communist regimes (ideology and organization), the interactions among them within the world communist movement, and the interaction of communist states with the broader international order of capitalist powers.
2
Saito, Hiro. The Growth of Transnational Interactions, 1965–1988. University of Hawai'i Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824856748.003.0003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Between 1965 and 1988, the history problem emerged after Japan normalized its diplomatic relations with South Korea and China. After normalization, Japanese A-bomb victims and affiliated NGOs began to commemorate foreign victims of Japan’s past wrongdoings. The South Korean and Chinese governments also pressed the Japanese government over history textbooks and prime ministers’ visits to the Yasukuni Shrine. In response, the LDP government incorporated cosmopolitanism in Japan’s official commemoration, though the LDP continued to defend nationalism. At the same time, in South Korea, ethnic nationalism was energized by the country’s economic success and the democratization movement, and in China, the communist party began to promote patriotic education to manage social instabilities created by economic reforms. Hence, nationalist commemorations in the three countries were set on a collision course.
3
Wright Rigueur, Leah. The Loneliness of the Black Republican. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159010.001.0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Covering more than four decades of American social and political history, this book examines the ideas and actions of black Republican activists, officials, and politicians, from the era of the New Deal to Ronald Reagan's presidential ascent in 1980. Their unique stories reveal African Americans fighting for an alternative economic and civil rights movement—even as the Republican Party appeared increasingly hostile to that very idea. Black party members attempted to influence the direction of conservatism—not to destroy it, but rather to expand the ideology to include black needs and interests. As racial minorities in their political party and as political minorities within their community, black Republicans occupied an irreconcilable position—they were shunned by African American communities and subordinated by the Grand Old Party (GOP). In response, black Republicans vocally, and at times viciously, critiqued members of their race and party, in an effort to shape the attitudes and public images of black citizens and the GOP. Moving beyond traditional liberalism and conservatism, black Republicans sought to address African American racial experiences in a distinctly Republican way. This book provides a new understanding of the interaction between African Americans and the Republican Party, and the seemingly incongruous intersection of civil rights and American conservatism.
4
Aslanidis, Paris. Populism and Social Movements. Sous la direction de Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo et Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.23.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Populism is usually treated as an exclusively top-down affair where political party leaders mobilize diverse constituencies to reap electoral benefits. This perspective discounts a rich universe of bottom-up populist mobilization that remains exogenous to strict electoral contestation, thus unreasonably constraining the empirical study of the phenomenon. This chapter draws from social movement studies and social psychology to examine populist social movements under a comprehensive theoretical framework, aiming to bring together theorists of populism with scholars of social mobilization and encourage their mutually beneficial interaction. It argues that populism—as a compelling political dialect—has traditionally informed and continues to inform significant waves of grassroots contention around the world, triggering seemingly extraordinary developments at the party system level while also potentially determining processes of democratization. The chapter concludes by predicting an increasing relevance for grassroots populism, urging scholars to widen their scope of study by embracing it alongside its top-down variant.
5
Gold, Roberta. “Territorio Libre”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038181.003.0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter examines the work of young radicals in the Black Panthers, Young Lords Party, student left, and lower-profile neighborhood groups who sought to establish community say over housing during the Vietnam War period. It first provides an overview of ghetto radicalism in the late 1960s before turning to school activism and the involvement of women radicals in the housing struggle under the banner of community control. It then considers the emergence of the squatter movement, along with the squatter actions launched by young radicals in collaboration with older activists in an attempt to preserve ome of New York's scarce low-rent housing stock. It also discusses the interaction between Old and New Left housing organizers that amplified the feminist awakenings taking place in New York during this period. In particular, it looks at how young people who became active with Met Council on Housing were mentored by women whose brand of feminism focused on a deliberate analysis of sexual exploitation.
6
Avril, Emmanuelle, et Yann Béliard, dir. Labour united and divided from the 1830s to the present. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526126320.001.0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Spanning a period which stretches from the 19th century to the present day, this book takes a novel look at the British labour movement by examining the interaction between trade unions, the Labour Party, other parties of the Left, and other groups such as the Co-op movement and the wider working class, to highlight the dialectic nature of these relationships, marked by consensus and dissention. It shows that, although perceived as a source of weakness, those inner conflicts have also been a source of creative tension, at times generating significant breakthroughs. This book seeks to renew and expand the field of British labour studies, setting out new avenues for research so as to widen the audience and academic interest in the field, in a context which makes the revisiting of past struggles and dilemmas more pressing than ever. The book together brings well-established labour historians and political scientists, thus establishing dialogue across disciplines, and younger colleagues who are contributing to the renewal of the field. It provides a range of case studies as well as more wide-ranging assessments of recent trends in labour organising, and will therefore be of interest to academics and students of history and politics, as well as to practitioners, in the British Isles and beyond.
Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Movement-party interaction"
1
Singh Senjam, Suraj. « Smartphones for Vision Rehabilitation : Accessible Features and Apps, Opportunity, Challenges, and Usability Evaluation ». Dans Software Usability [Working Title]. IntechOpen, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.97703.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In today’s world, digital technology and smartphones have become a part of our everyday lives. Smartphones are one of the most advance forms of digital technology that can be viewed as assistive technology for disabled, including for individual with a visual loss. However, they are often not considered as assistive technology for visual impairment and blind, especially in low middle-income countries. There have been a lot of development in the mobile technology that incorporates computer technology, including electronic information, communication technology as well as touch-screen accessibility. Such an advancement in smart technology of mobile devices leads to the transformation of the interface technique from visual smartphones interaction into a truly eyes-free means interaction by using other body senses, such as haptic, gesture, and sound, etc. These innovative accessible features and applications enhance the accessibility of smartphones significantly to individuals with visual impairment. There are many built-in accessible features and third-party accessible applications that enable to access many useful information and contents in the smartphones. Such aesthetic technology facilitates in performing daily activities, independent functioning, movement, social inclusion and participation, educational activities, accessing information of today’s digital society, sighted help, and finally helps to improve the quality of life. Therefore, these smart technologies make smartphones to serve as assistive technology for people with visual impairment and blindness. The smartphones are visually and physically demanding, and are ubiquitous any time and any place, and user can carry it at everywhere. They are universally design, so less social stigma to the users and less discomfort when using it. To view smartphones as assistive technology universally, healthcare providers, caregivers or rehabilitation professionals need to be informed, and make aware of the beneficial aspect of smartphones and its accessibility. Finally, engineers and developers are continuously fostering to develop more innovative and readily accessible apps for visual impairment. Since single app does not fit all purposes for visual impairment and blind, there is a potential need of developing clinical guidelines on the use of such accessible apps or features that will help to recommend appropriately for various types of functions.
2
Rushdi, Osama. « The Collective De-Radicalisation of the Islamic Group in Egypt : A First-Hand Testimony * ». Dans Bullets to Ballots, 45–67. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474467117.003.0003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter is a testimony that focuses on the history and multiple transformations of Egypt’s Islamic Group (IG). The testimony is provided by Osama Rushdi, the former spokesperson of the IG and the current political advisor of its party (Construction and Development). The chapter provides the history of the formation of the IG in the mid-seventies in Egyptian universities, resulting from many societal interactions after the June 1967 defeat. It attempts to explain the various developments within the group's ideology and structure, from an unarmed student movement providing services, to developing its jihadist ideology in Upper Egypt, to assassinating President Anwar Sadat and leading a long national and transnational insurgency against the Mubarak regime in Egypt. This was followed by a process of de-radicalisation and transformation into a political party that managed to win 13 seats in the 2011-2012 parliamentary elections.
3
Onderco, Michal. « “Babes in the Woods” ». Dans Networked Nonproliferation, 63–81. Stanford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503628922.003.0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Chapter 4 discusses the cooperation between the US and South Africa. While US efforts to “co-opt” South Africa can be traced back to late 1994, the cooperation really started only after a meeting between then vice president of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, and US vice president Al Gore in late February 1995. Mbeki was instrumental in reversing the position of South Africa, which until then favored a green-light rolling extension. Mbeki also overruled his own party, which favored a one-off, short-term extension. By breaking from both his diplomats and his party, Mbeki created a situation that helped to break the anti-extension block within the Non-Aligned Movement and pave the position toward extension. In this chapter, I scrutinize the domestic process within South Africa in late 1994 and early 1995 as well as the cooperation with the US and the interactions between Mbeki and Gore.
4
Drevon, Jerome. « The Emergence of Non-Violent Political Alternatives ». Dans Institutionalizing Violence, 156—C6.N49. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197643693.003.0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Chapter 6 analyzes the emergence of non-violent political alternatives. The chapter argues that the emergence of alternatives is contingent on the interactions of jihadi groups with the Islamist social movement and on the credibility of non-violent political alternatives. But jihadi groups do not necessarily join the political process when authoritarian regimes democratize. A consensual decision to create a political party is contingent on the ability of jihadi groups to take consensual decisions at the leadership level while maintaining the loyalty of their members, which in the case of the IG and JG was rooted in these groups’ institutionalized collective group identities.
5
Jasper, James M., Luke Elliott-Negri, Isaac Jabola-Carolus, Marc Kagan, Jessica Mahlbacher, Manès Weisskircher et Anna Zhelnina. « Introduction ». Dans Gains and Losses, 1–8. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197623251.003.0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In recent years, scholars have tried to explain what impact protest and social movements have on the world. Some efforts succeed and others, probably most, fail, but they all have a range of consequences. This book looks for patterns of gains and losses by concentrating on the interactions between protestors and various other strategic players as they engage in a range of arenas. This chapter also provides brief summaries of the book’s cases: the battle to establish a $15-an-hour minimum wage in Seattle, the establishment of participatory budgeting in New York City, a radical insurgency within New York’s Transport Workers Union, the efforts by the Communist Party of Graz, Austria to gain electoral success while helping residents with their housing needs, the internal struggles that led to the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong, and Russia’s electoral reform movement following the White Revolution of 2011.
6
Snape, Michael. « ‘Marching as to War’ ». Dans A Church Militant, 37—C1.P139. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192848321.003.0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This chapter surveys the emergence and growth of the Anglican Communion in the latter half of the nineteenth century and the interactions, orientation, and widely touted mission of this Anglophone (and, for many Anglican apologists, emphatically Anglo-Saxon) Communion around the turn of the twentieth century. In light of the ‘Anglo’ and imperial identity of Anglicanism, it examines its close association with the British Army and the Royal Navy, illustrating the historic (even growing) ascendancy of Anglican influence, the vigour of Anglican pastoral work among soldiers and sailors, and the increasing significance of Anglican links with the armed forces at a local level, in the garrison towns of Great Britain and in the missionary context of British India. It examines the gathering strength of ‘Christian militarism’ in the late Victorian period and expressions of military culture within the Church of England and Church of Ireland on the eve of the First World War, reflected in the rise of the Church Army, the St John Ambulance movement, the Church Lads’ Brigade, and the Ulster Volunteer Force. It also discusses how the English Church came to dominate the fledgling military forces of the settler colonies (or Dominions) and elucidates how the Protestant Episcopal Church established its pre-eminent position in the armed forces of the United States. Finally, it draws attention to the importance of Britain’s armed forces as a site for Anglican party conflict, the solutions that were found for this problem, and their consequences following the outbreak of the First World War.
7
Meidinger, Errol. « TPP and Environmental Regulation ». Dans Megaregulation Contested, 175–95. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825296.003.0008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter examines the environment-related provisions of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) to assess how and how much they contribute to a larger megaregulatory program for the Asia-Pacific region. TPP calls for “high levels” of environmental protection and effective enforcement; incorporates duties from several multilateral environmental agreements; adds new provisions addressing several important environmental problems; mandates administrative best practices; promotes corporate social responsibility and the use of voluntary certification systems; and provides implementation mechanisms for most of these provisions ranging from Party negotiations to committee processes and binding arbitration. On the whole, it promotes a model of environmental regulation consistent with that of the most OECD countries. The resulting movement toward cross-border regulatory alignment is likely to make member state environmental programs increasingly legible and navigable for transnational business actors. Alignment dynamics are likely to contribute to increased economic and political integration through implementation of common administrative techniques, increasing levels of communication and idea-sharing among mandated committees and resulting networks of officials, and increased trade and regulatory interactions across member states. While these developments seem likely also to lead to modest strengthening of environmental regulation in some member states, they clearly leave the dominant role to markets and trade as the driving forces in megaregional integration. Finally, TPP’s environmental regulatory program is quite different from China’s current model, and seems likely to provide an important arena for engaging and countering Chinese policies. While TPP’s environmental provisions are likely to spur improved environmental regulation in some member countries, they do not pre-figure a governance system capable of controlling the environmental degradation wrought by continuingly intensifying production and trade.
8
Xu, Lai, et Paul de Vrieze. « E-Contracting Challenges ». Dans Electronic Services, 1620–29. IGI Global, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-61520-967-5.ch099.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A decade ago, IT — through its innovations in business process reengineering — led the way in breaking down the inefficiencies within companies. Firms in the new millennium now face relentless pressure to perform better, faster, cheaper, while maintaining a high level of guaranteed results. Firms must thus focus on their core competencies and outsource all other activities. Working with a partner, however, requires breaking down the inefficiencies between organizations and coping with frequent change across the entire end-to-end value chain. In this new world of collaborative commerce and collaborative souring, a standard business process is simply inadequate. Using e-contracts to build new business relationships and to fulfill e-contracts through the Internet are important trends. E-contracting is however not a new concept. The history of e-contracting can be reviewed from legal and technology aspects. Over the last 20 years or so, a growing body of research in artificial intelligence has focused on the representation of legislation and regulations (Sergor, 1991). As specific regulations, contracts are used to regulate the actions of twoor multi-party interactions. Gardner (1987) has developed contract formation rules. Her work concerns legislation about the nature of exchanges that lead to contractual relations. The ALDUS project and Legal Expert project investigated drafting the Sale Goods contract (ALDUS, 1992) and the United Nations Convention on contracts for the international sale of goods (Yoshino 1997, 1998), respectively. Detailed information on developing logic-based tools for the analysis and representation of legal contracts can be found in Daskalopulu (1997, 1999). The law regards contracts as collections of obligations; research in this area includes automated inference methods, which are intended to facilitate application of the theory to the analysis of practical problems. The purpose of a legal e-contracting system is to clarify and expand an incomplete and imprecise statement of requirements into a precise formal specification. In the early 1990s, the development of EDI (electronic data interchange) was a significant movement for electronic commerce. EDI was considered a term that refers solely to electronic transactions and contracts (Justice Canada, 1995). EDI requires an agreement between trading partners that not only dictates a standard data format for their computerto- computer communications, but also governs all related legal issues of EDI usage. In 1987, the first set of EDI rules was named the Uniform Rules of Conduct for Interchange of Trade Data by Teletransmission (UNCID, 1987). In 1990, the American Bar Association (ABA) published a Model Trading Partner Agreement and Commentary, together with an explanatory report (Winn & Wright, 2001). In 2000 IBM submitted to OASIS (for standardization) the first example of an XML-based EDI TPA language, called Trading Partner Agreement Markup Language (tpaML). While the EDI standard introduced efficient communication channels between companies, its implementation was not widely accepted due to its high installation costs, lack of flexibility, and technological limitations (Raman, 1996). With the development of the Internet, electronic contracting began to be interpreted in broader terms. In this new view, an e-contract is not only used as a legally binding agreement between a buyer and seller, but it can also used across different workflow systems to cross different organizational business processes (Koetsier, Grefen, & Vonk, 1999; Kafeza, Chiu, & Kafeza, 2001; Cheung, Chiu & Till, 2002) to integrate different Web services (Cheung et al., 2002, 2003). E-contracting has become synonymous with business integration over electronic networks.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Movement-party interaction"
1
Ishii, Ryo, Shiro Kumano et Kazuhiro Otsuka. « Prediction of Next-Utterance Timing using Head Movement in Multi-Party Meetings ». Dans HAI '17 : The Fifth International Conference on Human-Agent Interaction. New York, NY, USA : ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3125739.3125765.
Texte intégral
2
Kuru, Ahmet T. « CHANGING PERSPECTIVES ON ISLAMISM AND SECULARISM IN TURKEY : THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT AND THE AK PARTY ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mmwz7057.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The debate between secularists and Islamic groups, a conspicuous feature of Turkish politics for decades, changed in the late 1990s when the political discourse of mainstream Islamic groups embraced secularism. The establishment elite advocate the existing French model of an ‘assertive secularism’, meaning that, in the public domain, the state supports only the ex- pression of a secular worldview, and formally excludes religion and religious symbols from that domain. The pro-Islamic conservatives, on the other hand, favour the American model of ‘passive secularism’, in which the state permits the expression of religion in the public do- main. In short, what Turkey has witnessed over the last decade is no longer a tussle between secularism and Islamism, but between two brands of secularism. Two actors have played crucial roles in this transformation: the Gülen movement and the Justice and Development (AK) Party. Recently the Gülen movement became an international actor and a defendant of passive secularism. Similarly, although the AK Party was originated from an Islamist Milli Görüş (National Outlook) movement, it is now a keen supporter of Turkey’s membership to the European Union and defends (passive) secularist, democratic regime. This paper analyses the transformation of these important social and political actors with regard to certain structural conditions, as well as the interactions between them.In April 2007, the international media covered Turkey for the protest meetings of more than a million people in three major cities, the military intervention to politics, and the abortive presidential election. According to several journalists and columnists, Turkey was experienc- ing another phase of the ongoing tension between the secularists and Islamists. Some major Turkish newspapers, such as Hürriyet, were asserting that the secularists finally achieved to bring together millions of opponents of the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma (Justice and Development) (AK) Party. In addition to their dominance in military and judicial bureauc- racy, the secularists appeared to be maintaining the support of the majority of the people. The parliamentary elections that took place few months later, in July, revealed that the main- stream Turkish media’s presentation was misleading and the so-called secularists’ aspira- tions were unrealistic. The AK Party received 47 percent of the national votes, an unusual ratio for a multiparty system where there were 14 contesting parties. The main opposition, Cumhuriyet Halk (Republican People’s) Party (CHP), only received 21 percent of the votes, despite its alliance with the other leftist party. Both the national and international media’s misleading presentation of Turkish politics was not confined by the preferences of the vot- ers. Moreover, the media was primarily misleading with its use of the terms “Islamists” and “secularists.” What Turkey has witnessed for the last decade has not been a struggle between secularism and Islamism; but it has been a conflict between two types of secularism. As I elaborated else- where, the AK Party is not an Islamist party. It defends a particular understanding of secular- ism that differs from that of the CHP. Although several leaders of the AK Party historically belonged to an Islamist -Milli Görüş (National Outlook)- movement, they later experienced an ideational transformation and embraced a certain type of secularism that tolerates public visibility of religion. This transformation was not an isolated event, but part of a larger expe- rience that several other Islamic groups took part in. I argue that the AKP leaders’ interaction with the Gülen movement, in this regard, played an important role in the formation of the party’s new perspective toward secularism. In another article, I analyzed the transformation of the AK Party and Gülen movement with certain external (globalization process) and internal (the February 28 coup) conditions. In this essay, I will focus on the interaction between these two entities to explore their changing perspectives. I will first discuss the two different types of secularism that the Kemalists and conservatives defend in Turkey. Then, I will briefly summarize diverse discourses of the Milli Görüş and Gülen movements. Finally, I will examine the exchanges between the Gülen movement and the AK Party with regard to their rethinking of Islamism and secularism.