Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Mother and baby home (London, England) »

ObjectivesTo quality assure a Trusted Third Party linked data set to prepare it for analysis.SettingBirth registration and notification records from the Office for National Statistics for all births in England 2005–2014 linked to Maternity Hospital Episode Statistics (HES) delivery records by NHS Digital using mothers’ identifiers.ParticipantsAll 6 676 912 births that occurred in England from 1 January 2005 to 31 December 2014.Primary and secondary outcome measuresEvery link between a registered birth and an HES delivery record for the study period was categorised as either the same baby or a different baby to the same mother, or as a wrong link, by comparing common baby data items and valid values in key fields with stepwise deterministic rules. Rates of preserved and discarded links were calculated and which features were more common in each group were assessed.ResultsNinety-eight per cent of births originally linked to HES were left with one preserved link. The majority of discarded links were due to duplicate HES delivery records. Of the 4854 discarded links categorised as wrong links, clerical checks found 85% were false-positives links, 13% were quality assurance false negatives and 2% were undeterminable. Births linked using a less reliable stage of the linkage algorithm, births at home and in the London region, and with birth weight or gestational age values missing in HES were more likely to have all links discarded.ConclusionsLinkage error, data quality issues, and false negatives in the quality assurance procedure were uncovered. The procedure could be improved by allowing for transposition in date fields, and more discrimination between missing and differing values. The availability of identifiers in the datasets supported clerical checking. Other research using Trusted Third Party linkage should not assume the linked dataset is error-free or optimised for their analysis, and allow sufficient resources for this.

Aims and MethodTo survey current specialist perinatal psychiatric provisions and opinion about these services in England. A brief semi-structured confidential questionnaire was circulated to the lead clinician or manager responsible for perinatal services of the 78 mental health trusts in England.ResultsFifty-seven trusts (73%) responded. In 26 trusts (46%), availability of either specialist in-patient facilities and/or intensive home treatment facilities were reported. In only 13 trusts (23%) was there evidence of provision of services covering both in-patient and community components. The number of mother and baby units or their equivalents has reduced in the past decade. The services were generally considered to be inadequate nationwide and opinion remains divided about the best approach for providing them.Clinical ImplicationsThere is a need for a recommendation of a national standard provision of perinatal services by mental health trusts.

<p>The sense of loss of a mother leads Anna Morgan to her imagined black identity. Being a Creole from Dominica, Morgan is alienated both in her home country and in London. Du Bois’s notion of double consciousness substantiates Morgan’s sense of alienation. The racial issue here is not only socially constructed, but it is also personally constructed, as Morgan does not consider England as her homeland although she is as white as English people. people. The character is struggling from identity conflict, as she internalizes the impact of the British colonialization to the black people in Dominica. She feels more black than white because of the image of blackness that she creates from the image of her mother and black women in general, as nurturing, warm and domestic. In addition to that, the geographic location contributes to Morgan’s sense of loss.</p>

In early November 1790, Edmund Burke noted the existence in England of “several petty cabals, who attempt to hide their total want of consequence in bustle and noise, and puffing, and mutual quotation of each other.” Burke's observation both informed and amused conservative opinion, but its condescension masked the seriousness of the situation that it described. Throughout Britain men were assembling into societies organized in celebration of French liberty and motivated by the prospect of parliamentary reform at home. While it was true that the leading members of these clubs sometimes indulged in “puffing” and “mutual quotation,” their commitment to reform was nevertheless deeply held. Joseph Priestley, for one, sacrificed his home, his laboratory, and nearly his life in defense of the cause; Maurice Margarot, Joseph Gerrald, and Thomas Muir sacrificed their freedom; sadly, Thomas Hardy sacrificed his wife and unborn child. For their equally obstinate devotion to reform, the Revolution Society, which took its name in commemoration of the Glorious Revolution rather than in envy of the French uprising, and the Society for Constitutional Information, a longtime reform leader reinvigorated after the fall of the ancien régime, became the objects of Burke's ridicule. But in his conviction that “contemptuous neglect” was the best method by which to defeat the “vanity, petulance, and spirit of intrigue” displayed by these societies, Burke exposed an embarrassing improvidence. For if, as he claimed, these associations were “inconsequential” in their own conduct, their agitation would eventually prompt the emergence of a new generation of populous and, therefore, menacing societies. By spring 1794, neither Burke nor Pitt would be able to ignore the reformers any longer. What were once “petty” had become “the mother of all mischief.”

In the previous issue of Q.A.R. it was noted that G.K.E. Fairholme had three articles published in the Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London in 1856 (Love 1984:97). Further research indicated that these were based upon information obtained during a trip down Moreton Bay in the company of the Lord Montagu party in 1853. This was revealed in the extensive Letter-Journal prepared by the Reverend Henry Stobart M.A., Tutor to Lord Montagu (Stobart 1896). It was compiled from letters he sent home to his mother in England. The Moreton Bay trip included Stradbroke Island, St. Helena Island, Pine River entrance, Bribie Island, Durundur, the Bunya scrub and Nerang Creek. Like Fairholme, Stobart writes about local aboriginal culture and thus provides a rare set of first-hand notes of use to archaeologists and culture historian alike.

One of the more drastic results of marital breakdown can occur where a mother decides to leave the country permanently and relocate with a child. Such cases can pose an acute dilemma where, as in Payne v. Payne [2001] 1 F.L.R. 1052, the father has enjoyed substantial contact with the child which is bound to be severely curtailed (if not entirely destroyed) by the mother’s relocation on the other side of the world. Here the mother, a New Zealander, had been ordered by a New Zealand court to return the child to England, following her “wrongful retention” there, under the Hague Convention which governs international child abduction. In the present proceedings she sought leave to return home to her original family with her four-year-old daughter. The father had substantial staying contact, which was sufficiently extensive that it might almost be termed “time-sharing”, and he countered with an application for a residence order. It was not in dispute that the child had an exceptionally good relationship with the father and with the paternal relatives in Newmarket. The mother, who by this time had grown to loathe her home in London, was adamant that she could only provide the child with a happy and secure upbringing if allowed to return to New Zealand. The father unsuccessfully opposed her application in the Cambridge County Court but appealed on the basis that the settled principle applied by the courts was in breach of the European Convention on Human Rights and in conflict with the Children Act 1989. The essence of the argument was that the Convention enshrined a right of contact between parent and child as an aspect of respect for family life under Article 8 and that the Children Act also required much greater significance to be attached to the preservation of such contact.

David Phillips was born on 7 March 1924 in Ellesmere, Shropshire, a small country town with a population then of 2000, on the border between England and Wales. His father, Charles Harry Phillips, was a Master Tailor and a Wesleyan Methodist local preacher. His mother, Edith Harriet Phillips (née Finney), was a London-trained midwife, the organist at Ellesmere Methodist Church and a member of the Ellesmere Urban District Council. She was the daughter of Samuel Finney, who was one-time secretary of the Midland Miners' Federation, a Member of Parliament 1916-22, and also a Primitive Methodist local preacher. David's unusual middle name is the maiden surname of his mother's great-grandmother and it was a reminder that the family was supposed to be related to the Pilgrim Father James Chilton, who sailed on the Mayflower. David was known as Chilton Phillips in Ellesmere. There was one sister who was four years older than David. She left home at fourteen to train as a child nurse, later became a telephonist and married. Tragically, she died in 1942 from diabetes.

The best way to ensure that preterm infants benefit from relevant neonatal expertise as soon as they are born is to transfer the mother and baby to an appropriately specialised neonatal facility before birth (“in utero”). This review explores the evidence surrounding the importance of being born in the right unit, the advantages of in utero transfers compared to ex utero transfers, and how to accurately assess which women are at most risk of delivering early and the challenges of in utero transfers. Accurate identification of the women most at risk of preterm birth is key to prioritising who to transfer antenatally, but the administrative burden and pathway variation of in utero transfer in the UK are likely to compromise optimal clinical care. Women reported the impact that in utero transfers have on them, including the emotional and financial burdens of being transferred and the anxiety surrounding domestic and logistical concerns related to being away from home. The final section of the review explores new approaches to reforming the in utero transfer process, including learning from outside the UK and changing policy and guidelines. Examples of collaborative regional guidance include the recent Pan-London guidance on in utero transfers. Reforming the transfer process can also be aided through technology, such as utilising the CotFinder app. In utero transfer is an unavoidable aspect of maternity and neonatal care, and the burden will increase if preterm birth rates continue to rise in association with increased rates of multiple pregnancy, advancing maternal age, assisted reproductive technologies, and obstetric interventions. As funding and capacity pressures on health services increase because of the COVID-19 pandemic, better prioritisation and sustained multi-disciplinary commitment are essential to maximise better outcomes for babies born too soon.

The author, Derek Beatty, was diagnosed with T1D Diabetes 45 years ago when living in High Wycombe, Buckinghamshire, England. Symptoms of thirst, tiredness, difficulty in reading small print, led to GP doctor consultation with fasting blood glucose Biochemistry tests. Possible Genetic Inheritance may have contributed to reduced Immunogenic resistance to infection possibly triggered from business travel to several African Countries including Kenya, Zambia, Nigeria, Sudan, Egypt, South Africa. Add the trauma as witness to a fatal car crash in Bricket Wood, St Albans, when a driver of a Rolls Royce crashed into the rear of a lorry in the dark on an October afternoon. With a natural Adrenalin trigger to help in an emergency and First Aid training when in a Scout Group in Edinburgh, to stop and assist, comfort the car driver, shout for an ambulance when others appeared. An ambulance arrived promptly (before the era of Mobile Phones), Paramedics took over with hospital transfer. This frightening event has left a vivid memory flashback scar along with near fatal Hypoglycaemia with Neuroglycopenia scars. The Police called 3 days later and requested a witness statement. There was no hesitation to be able to help. When asked about the car driver welfare the answer was that he had suffered severe neurological injury and sadly died. What followed was a correct Fatal Accident Inquiry before a Coroner identifying Accidental Death. With courage the wife and family spoke after to thank me for doing my best to help save the driver, but sadly he had passed. We hope and pray he rests in peace. This tragic experience has left a strong sense of courage and determination in the belief that prevention is better than cure. When, and if tragedy occurs, what might have been the cause always helps in learning and education and often offers future opportunity to enable prevention. We can learn from tragedy and take steps to forensically identify cause and seek to prevent recurrence. The experience of near fatal Diabetes Hypoglycaemia and Neuroglycopenia caused by ignorance and failure to educate a family what to do in a diabetes hypoglycaemia emergency involving the Hormone Insulin with NHS GP mismanagement and Gross Negligence in Public Office cover up, when combined with an Addisonian Adrenalin Crisis, both with Neuroglycopenia and Simultaneous, has led to 30 years forensic research of the event cause with identified errors in Law justifying disclosure and loss recovery from those responsible for legal errors. Today with global interest and helpful personal clinical support from an excellent Diabetes Endocrinology Team of Clinicians and Nurses in Edinburgh and recognition with interest from many clinicians and nurses worldwide of the importance of this work has enhanced personal positivity to succeed and Win in Insulin Chicanes when at the same time treating an incurable long term health condition requiring daily injections of the hormone Insulin platformed with dose adjustment to target normoglycaemia and accommodate lifestyle while addressing insulin dose and type; exercise; diet; differences in carbohydrate and fat content in foods; interest in Keto style diet; fruit; vegetables; food sugar content; adverse stress: happiness; family and friendship encouragement and support; education of damage of excess alcohol; smoking; recreational drugs; and the link to the medical mystery. Summary review of Virological attack associated with Obesity, Overeating, Alcohol, risk of Foetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder, Smoking, triggers for Parkinson’s Disease, Dyslexia, certain Ophthalmic conditions with possible links e.g., Nystagmus linked to Dyslexic, Genetically Inherited Addison’s Disease possibly from India after discovery by Thomas Addison in 1860 and add the Insulin Journey from discovery Banting, Best, Macleod, Collip, 1922, and the World’s First Hypoglycaemia Event with Neuroglycopenia experienced as a Clinical Event by Dr Jim Gilchrist and in L:aw recognised as Such by Banting, Best, Macleod, Collip, and Toronto Police, Canada at the time. Yes, Insulin can be used as a Poison, but it is a lifesaving Hormone for which today in 2024 all T1D Diabetes patients are exceedingly grateful for the research of over 100 years ago. One must never describe in Law Insulin as a Poison without good cause and reason. Insulin is a Hormone. This is important especially in tragic cases in pregnancy when Gestational Diabetes can occur leading to neonate and young baby infection and on occasion fatality. In 2023 I have experienced Blue Toe Syndrome associated with negative test Long COVID caused by vascular disturbance at toe extremity and Quinsi, very rare in long term Diabetes, sometimes in Tonsilitis during teenage and early adult life, but likely identified as Virological infection caused by Long COVID. Was prevention of Hypoglycaemia Unawareness in 1987–1994 possible? How do we discover? We need to research. We need social recognition and understanding in 2024 as we use this experience to better understand Clinical Hypoglycaemia and Neuroglycopenia in Law. 2023 published awareness of Hypoglycaemia, IDF INTERNATIONAL DIABETES FEDERATION with Immunogenic Issues in Diabetes and Addison’s Disease, has identified implications for COVID-19 Public Health Inquiry Investigation in Scotland. Forensic Aspects of Hypoglycaemia 4, now explores CPS Crown Prosecution Service and Court Reference Redacted in St Albans, Hertfordshire, England, to Correct Errors in Law identified from 1989 when a Law Society registered solicitor in Knutsford, Cheshire, who on the balance of probability, was aware that the Law Society in England at the time had allocated £500,000 in Public Funds to assess whether a case existed to identify Marketing and Safety adverse experience of Hypoglycaemia Unawareness? Investigation led to instances of personal injury and cases of unexplained death in bed syndrome to address a claim for damage experience against the Pharmaceutical Industry. A licence to market BHI Insulin on 26 August 1982 was given after close forensic safety consideration by application to the MHRA at the Department of Health, London. The Licence was granted with provisions that prescribing GP General Practitioner doctors reduced the Insulin dose by up to 20% when prescribed to T1D diabetes patients treated with Porcine or Beef Insulin, prescribed BG Blood Glucose monitoring medical devices to the patient, and provide clear education to the Patient and family members living with the Diabetes Patient, providing care for the patient, and knowing exactly what to do in a Diabetes Hypoglycaemia Emergency, and by default an Endocrine Red Alert Adrenalin Addisonian Crisis. On all counts the GP Practice in St Albans and Bricket Wood, Hertfordshire, failed miserably. When consulted in 1989 by the patient’s wife and sister-in-law the Knutsford solicitor firm failed to disclose known Law Society Investigation update involving Hypoglycaemia and education to the solicitor clients, the patient’s Wife and Sister-in-Law, and instead sent a libelous letter to the patient in 1989 with redisclosure in 1994. Character defamation of the patient in 1989 and 1994 is forensically identified in 2024 as clinical behavioural temporary mental health when in a state of hypoglycaemia unawareness and can be demonstrated in the animal rat model showing inferior quality Purkinje Cell Environmental Enrichment with insulin overdose or underdose leading to hyperglycaemia which when under corrected can lead to diagnose of T2D Type 2 Diabetes often associated with diet, lack of exercise, poor keto diet experience, alcohol abuse leading to obesity. In 2000, a request to the Court for medical notes disclosure was described as a ‘Fishing Trip’. Again in 2005 an Insurance Broker completely ignorant of Diabetes and Hypoglycaemia misled the court. Disclosure December 2020 by a Transaction Director, London, of the Firm EY, is identified as failure to identify and seek NHS help to address likely Genetically Inherited Addison’s Disease in an NHS patient, first suspected in 1994 when the GP Practice failed to act, then in March 1996 when the Official Solicitor was invited to investigate with referral failure. 2024 Forensic Analysis has identified opportunities to act and correct errors in law, nothing was done, why? In 2024 we investigate the cause of Suicide on 11 October 2020 in Alban Manor Nursing Home, St Albans, during COVID-19 Pandemic of Addison’s Disease Patient. Despite aged 79 her life could have been saved but alleged negligence in breach of the Mental Health Act 1983 caused the death with failure to take into account warnings from the Banting Lecture 1994 Hypoglycaemia, Real or Unreal, Lawful or Unlawful with Addison’s Disease Suicide. Under European Human Rights Law, The Human Rights Act 1998, and European Convention on Human Rights, a Public Immunity Argument exists to publish to learn from experience to prevent reoccurrence with implications to assist COVID-19 Public Health Inquiry Investigation.

Who was Clara?By Kaj ThaningIn this essay the author describes his search for Clara Bolton and her acquaintance with among others Benjamin Disraeli and the priest, Alexander d’Arblay, a son of the author, Fanny Burney. He gives a detailed account of Clara Bolton and leaves no doubt about the deep impression she made on Grundtvig, even though he met her and spoke to her only once in his life at a dinner party in London on June 24th 1830. Kaj Thaning has dedicated his essay to Dr. Oscar Wood, Christ Church College, Oxford, and explains why: “Just 30 years ago, while one of my daughters was working for Dr. Oscar Wood, she asked him who “Mrs. Bolton” was. Grundtvig speaks of her in a letter to his wife dated June 25th 1830. Through the Disraeli biographer, Robert Blake, Dr. Wood discovered her identity, so I managed to add a footnote to my thesis (p. 256). She was called Clara! The Disraeli archives, once preserved in Disraeli’s home at Hughenden Manor but now in the British Museum, contain a bundle of letters which Dr. Wood very kindly copied for me. The letters fall into three groups, the middle one being from June 1832, when Clara Bolton was campaigning, in vain, for Disraeli’s election to parliament. Her husband was the Disraeli family doctor, and through him she wrote her first letter to Benjamin Disraeli, asking for his father’s support for her good friend, Alexander d’Arblay, a theology graduate, in his application for a position. This led to the young Disraeli asking her to write to him at his home at Bradenham. There are therefore a group of letters from before June 1832. Similarly there are a number of letters from a later date, the last being from November 1832”.The essay is divided into three sections: 1) Clara Bolton and Disraeli, 2) The break between them, 3) Clara Bolton and Alexander d’Arblay. The purpose of the first two sections is to show that the nature of Clara Bolton’s acquaintance with Disraeli was otherwise than has been previously assumed. She was not his lover, but his political champion. The last section explains the nature of her friendship with Alex d’Arblay. Here she was apparently the object of his love, but she returned it merely as friendship in her attempt to help him to an appointment and to a suitable lifelong partner. He did acquire a new position but died shortly after. There is a similarity in her importance for both Grundtvig and d’Arblay in that they were both clergymen and poets. Disraeli and Grundtvig were also both writers and politicians.At the age of 35 Clara Bolton died, on June 29th 1839 in a hotel in Le Havre, according to the present representative of the Danish Institute in Rouen, Bent Jørgensen. She was the daughter of Michael Peter Verbecke and Clarissa de Brabandes, names pointing to a Flemish background. On the basis of archive studies Dr. Michael Hebbert has informed the author that Clara’s father was a merchant living in Bread Street, London, between 1804 and 1807. In 1806 a brother was born. After 1807 the family disappears from the archives, and Clara’s letters reveal nothing about her family. Likewise the circumstances of her death are unknown.The light here shed on Clara Bolton’s life and personality is achieved through comprehensive quotations from her letters: these are to be found in the Danish text, reproduced in English.Previous conceptions of Clara’s relationship to Disraeli have derived from his business manager, Philip Rose, who preserved the correspondence between them and added a commentary in 1885, after Disraeli’s death. He it is who introduces the rumour that she may have been Disraeli’s mistress. Dr. Wood, however, doubts that so intimate a relationship existed between them, and there is much in the letters that directly tells against it. The correspondence is an open one, open both to her husband and to Disraeli’s family. As a 17-year-old Philip Rose was a neighbour of Disraeli’s family at Bradenham and a friend of Disraeli’s younger brother, Ralph, who occasionally brought her letters to Bradenham. It would have been easy for him to spin some yarn about the correspondence. In her letters Clara strongly advocates to Disraeli that he should marry her friend, Margaret Trotter. After the break between Disraeli and Clara it was public knowledge that Lady Henrietta Sykes became his mistress, from 1833 to 1836. Her letters to him are of a quite different character, being extremely passionate. Yet Philip Rose’s line is followed by the most recent biographers of Disraeli: the American, Professor B. R. Jerman in The Young Disraeli (1960), the English scholar Robert Blake, in Disraeli (1963) and Sarah Bradford in Disraeli (1983). They all state that Clara Bolton was thought to be Disraeli’s mistress, also by members of his own family. Blake believes that the originator of this view was Ralph Disraeli. It is accepted that Clara Bolton 7 Grundtvig Studier 1985 was strongly attracted to Disraeli, to his manner, his talents, his writing, and not least to his eloquence during the 1832 election campaign. But nothing in her letters points to a passionate love affair.A comparison can be made with Henrietta Sykes’ letters, which openly burn with love. Blake writes of Clara Bolton’s letters (p. 75): “There is not the unequivocal eroticism that one finds in the letters from Henrietta Sykes.” In closing one of her letters Clara writes that her husband, George Buckley Bolton, is waiting impatiently for her to finish the letter so that he can take it with him.She wants Disraeli married, but not to anybody: “You must have a brilliant star like your own self”. She writes of Margaret Trotter: “When you see M. T. you will feel so inspired you will write and take her for your heroine... ” (in his novels). And in her last letter to Disraeli (November 18th 1832) she says: “... no one thing could reconcile me more to this world of ill nature than to see her your wife”. The letter also mentions a clash she has had with a group of Disraeli’s opponents. It shows her temperament and her supreme skill, both of which command the respect of men. No such bluestockings existed in Denmark at the time; she must have impressed Grundtvig.Robert Blake accepts that some uncertainty may exist in the evaluation of letters which are 150 years old, but he finds that they “do in some indefinable way give the impression of brassiness and a certain vulgarity”. Thaning has told Blake his view of her importance for Grundtvig, and this must have modified Blake’s portrait. He writes at least: “... she was evidently not stupid, and she moved in circles which had some claim to being both intellectual and cosmopolitan.”He writes of the inspiration which Grundtvig owed to her, and he concludes: “There must have been more to her than one would deduce by reading her letters and the letters about her in Disraeli’s papers.” - She spoke several languages, and moved in the company of nobles and ambassadors, politicians and literary figures, including John Russell, W.J.Fox, Eliza Flower, and Sarah Adams.However, from the spring of 1833 onwards it is Henrietta Sykes who portrays Clara Bolton in the Disraeli biographies, and naturally it is a negative portrait. The essay reproduces in English a quarrel between them when Sir Francis Sykes was visiting Clara, and Lady Sykes found him there. Henrietta Sykes regards the result as a victory for herself, but Clara’s tears are more likely to have been shed through bitterness over Disraeli, who had promised her everlasting friendship and “unspeakable obligation”. One notes that he did not promise her love. Yet despite the quarrel they all three dine together the same evening, they travel to Paris together shortly afterwards, and Disraeli comes to London to see the them off. The trip however was far from idyllic. The baron and Clara teased Henrietta. Later still she rented a house in fashionable Southend and invited Disraeli down. Sir Francis, however, insisted that the Boltons should be invited too. The essay includes Blake’s depiction of “the curious household” in Southend, (p. 31).In 1834 Clara Bolton left England and took up residence at a hotel in the Hague. A Rotterdam clergyman approached Disraeli’s vicar and he turned to Disraeli’s sister for information about the mysterious lady, who unaccompanied had settled in the Hague, joined the church and paid great attention to the clergy. She herself had said that she was financing her own Sunday School in London and another one together with the Disraeli family. In her reply Sarah Disraeli puts a distance between the family and Clara, who admittedly had visited Bradenham five years before, but who had since had no connection with the family. Sarah is completely loyal to her brother, who has long since dropped Clara. By the time the curious clergyman had received this reply, Clara had left the Hague and arrived at Dover, where she once again met Alexander d’Arblay.Alex was born in 1794, the son of a French general who died in 1818, and Fanny Burney. She was an industrious correspondent; as late as 1984 the 12th and final volume of her Journals and Letters was published. Jens Peter .gidius, a research scholar at Odense University, has brought to Dr Thaning’s notice a book about Fanny Burney by Joyce Hemlow, the main editor of the letters. In both the book and the notes there is interesting information about Clara Bolton.In the 12th volume a note (p. 852) reproduces a letter characterising her — in a different light from the Disraeli biographers. Thaning reproduces the note (pp. 38-39). The letter is written by Fanny Burney’s half-sister, Sarah Harriet Burney, and contains probably the only portrait of her outside the Disraeli biographies.It is now easier to understand how she captivated Grundtvig: “very handsome, immoderately clever, an astrologer, even, that draws out... Nativities” — “... besides poetry-mad... very entertaining, and has something of the look of a handsome witch. Lady Combermere calls her The Sybil”. The characterisation is not the letter-writer’s but that of her former pupil, Harriet Crewe, born in 1808, four years after Clara Bolton. A certain distance is to be seen in the way she calls Clara “poetry-mad”, and says that she has “conceived a fancy for Alex d’Arblay”.Thaning quotes from a letter by Clara to Alex, who apparently had proposed to her, but in vain (see his letter to her and the reply, pp. 42-43). Instead she pointed to her friend Mary Ann Smith as a possible wife. This is the last letter known in Clara’s handwriting and contradicts talk of her “vulgarity”. However, having become engaged to Mary Ann Alex no longer wrote to her and also broke off the correspondence with his mother, who had no idea where he had gone. His cousin wrote to her mother that she was afraid that he had “some Chére Amie”. “The charges are unjust,” says Thaning. “It was a lost friend who pushed him off. This seems to be borne out by a poem which has survived (quoted here on p. 45), and which includes the lines: “But oh young love’s impassioned dream /N o more in a worn out breast may glow / Nor an unpolluted stream / From a turgid fountain flow.””Alex d’Arblay died in loneliness and desperation shortly afterwards. Dr. Thaning ends his summary: “I can find no other explanation for Alexander d’Arblay’s fate than his infatuation with Clara Bolton. In fact it can be compared to Grundtvig’s. For Alex the meeting ended with “the pure stream” no longer flowing from its source. For Grundtvig, on the other hand the meeting inspired the lines in The Little Ladies: Clara’s breath opened the mouth, The rock split and the stream flowed out.”

Abstract OCTOBER 1498. Adam Winthrop was carrying his infant son, the next Adam, from his home to the church of Saints Peter and Paul sitting on the hill overlooking the prosperous town of Lavenham. There he would present the baby to the parish priest, Thomas Appleton, to be baptized according to the rites of the Catholic Church. Accompanying Adam were some of his friends from the parish, perhaps including members of the prominent Lavenham families, the Springs, the Risbys, and the Ponders. Jane Burton Winthrop, young Adam ‘s mother, was left lying in at home, denied entry into the holy precincts of the church until she was purified in a rite that usually came about a month after the childbirth. A booming regional economy, a strong sense of piety, and a desire to create monuments to that piety that would stand them in good stead when they went to their last judgment had recently prompted the Christians of Suffolk to expand and beautify the churches of the region, and nowhere was that more evident than in Lavenham. Just four years earlier the base of a new church tower had been laid, and plans were also under way to add a new chapel, dedicated to the Holy Trinity, on the north side of the chancel. Building supplies cluttered the church precincts, and the dust of construction floated in the air as the senior Winthrop and the friends he had chosen as sponsors, or godparents, met the priest at the south door of the church.

Abstract To a historian of childbirth, the illustration of the grandmother, mother, and newborn baby of a sharecropper’s family in the Mississippi Delta in 1937 raises a series of questions. Where was the baby delivered? Who was the birth atten dant? What kind of maternal care was available to such a family and how did it compare with maternal care in other parts of the world and other periods? From what is known of the history of childbirth in the USA, the baby was prob ably delivered at home, either by a midwife or general practitioner, or possibly a neighbour, and the risk of such a mother dying in childbirth was about twice as high in Mississippi as it was in New England, and about three times as high as it was in Scandinavia in the 1930s. This illustration serves as an introduction to this chapter, which will be concerned as much with systems of maternal care in various countries as the traditional landmarks and great names in the history of obstetrics.

Abstract On his return to England Grainger once more took up his duties as a pianist to London’s aristocracy. He had now come to accept his role with a detached and cynical tolerance. The frantic address-changing which had marked his life in Melbourne and Frankfurt-am-Main continued relentlessly in London. Within four years of his arrival in London he and his mother had changed their home as many times.

Postnatal depression (PND) in Japan, despite a traditional support system for perinatal women and cultural differences, is no less common than in western countries. Our previous two studies, which began in the 1990s, found that PND was experienced by about 15% of Japanese women. First, 98 Japanese women living in England (Yoshida et al. 1997) and then 88 Japanese women living in Japan (Yamashita et al. 2000) were recruited into two prospective studies of PND from late pregnancy to 3 postnatal months. Using the same research protocol and diagnostic method, (Schedule for Affective Disorders and Schizophrenia, Research Diagnostic Criteria), the incidence of PND was 12% and 17% respectively. We have a traditional support system for perinatal women called Satogaeri Bunben. Satogaeri means returning to their home towns where their families of origin live and Bunben means delivery. Pregnant women return to their home towns several weeks prior to their delivery and remain there, with their babies, after delivery for a couple of months. It seems to be a very supportive system. However, Satogaeri Bunben itself did not lower the incidence of PND in either of the groups mentioned above. A disadvantage of Satogaeri Bunben is that a woman cannot be monitored by the same midwife or obstetrician and her husband has to work and live separately until their reunion in their marital home (Yoshida et al. 2001). Most mothers with PND are unlikely to access psychiatric care, even though their depressive symptoms are serious (Mclntosh 1993). Therefore neonatal home visits by health visitors were seen as a potentially useful opportunity for detecting mothers with PND. Luckily, a home visit system by community health visitors has been well organized throughout Japan since the late 1940’s. In the past, the focus was on reducing infant death and promoting infant growth and development. In our city, the neonatal home visit service is provided for mother–baby dyads where (a) a baby’s birth weight is less than 2500 g, (b) first-born babies with a birth weight of less than 2800 g, (c) babies with perinatal or pediatric physical health problems.

Born Elizabeth Dorothea Cole Bowen in Dublin, Ireland, on 7 June 1899, the influential and celebrated Anglo-Irish author Elizabeth Bowen produced a body of work that initially comprised fiction (novels and short stories) and later historical essays and memoirs. While growing up, Bowen spent her summers at Bowen’s Court in Kildorrery, County Cork, the family home of her father, the barrister Henry Charles Cole Bowen. Beginning in 1905 Henry Bowen suffered from a series of nervous breakdowns that resulted in him being hospitalised. On the recommendation of her father’s doctors, Bowen and her mother Florence moved away and relocated to Hythe, on the Kent coast, in 1907. The pair then moved constantly around England and Ireland, living in coastal houses with a succession of relatives and friends until 1912, when Florence died of cancer. Following her mother’s death, when she was not attending boarding school at Downe House in Kent, Bowen was cared for by various aunts and family friends. After finishing school in 1917, she worked in a hospital where she cared for shell-shocked veterans of the First World War. After the war, Bowen attended the London County Council School of Art; while attending art school, she also wrote, eventually leaving off the visual arts and turning her attention entirely to writing.

The one multiple murderer whose name will for ever be linked to thallium is that of Graham Young. As we saw in the previous chapter, victims of thallium poisoning were generally thought to be suffering from some other condition and treated accordingly, so there was little in the way of evidence that we can use to follow the effect this metal had on them. In Young’s case there were several victims whose illnesses were carefully recorded and we can reconstruct the way that Young administered the poison, although it is difficult to deduce why he chose one person to die and not another. Young used two metal poisons: antimony and thallium, the former to punish, the latter to kill. With thallium acetate he murdered his stepmother, Molly Young, when he was a boy of 14, and later he murdered workmates Bob Egle and Fred Briggs. He fed antimony sodium tartrate or antimony potassium tartrate to all and sundry and thallium acetate in sub-lethal doses to some people. Altogether 13 people, and maybe more, felt the repressed wrath of Graham Young. Graham Young was born in the less-than-fashionable London suburb of Neasden on 7 September 1947 and his mother, Margaret, died of tuberculosis 15 weeks later on 23 December. His father, Fred Young, was obviously not capable of managing a single parent family and Graham was passed to Fred’s sister and her husband who lived nearby at 768 North Circular Road. Graham’s 8-year-old sister Winifred went to live with her grandmother. Despite the care of his aunt, baby Graham was already displaying a common outward sign of the emotionally disturbed child: excessive rocking to-and-fro in his cot. Whether his aunt could ever have supplied all the love of a mother is unlikely, especially as Graham taxed her patience by being a poor sleeper. Whatever chance of emotional stability he had was upset by his having to go to hospital for an operation on his ears. When his father found a new wife both Winifred and 3-year-old Graham went to live back home. By now Graham was a very withdrawn little boy and his childhood years were made even more miserable by his stepmother, whom he openly resented, and who returned his animosity.