Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Moroccan-Spanish Border Region »

Abstract The article aims at integrating the cultural psychology perspective of into the multidisciplinary field of border studies. It analyses the border phenomenon as a co-genetic system. The authors investigate the psychological side of people who relate to the border out of different motives. Then, it expands some of the theoretical concepts current in border studies by introducing psychological dimensions such as intentionality and directionality. Finally, the framework is applied to two case-studies representing the northern and southern European Union frontiers: the case of Estonian officer Eston Kohver in the Setumaa region on the Estonian–Russian border; and the experiences of border guards in the re-bordering process on the Spanish–Moroccan border. It offers an innovative conceptual resource based on a triadic co-genetic epistemological approach, which allows us to overcome the binary oppositions still very present in the contemporary debates in borders studies.

Abstract The article aims at integrating the cultural psychology perspective of into the multidisciplinary field of border studies. It analyses the border phenomenon as a co-genetic system. The authors investigate the psychological side of people who relate to the border out of different motives. Then, it expands some of the theoretical concepts current in border studies by introducing psychological dimensions such as intentionality and directionality. Finally, the framework is applied to two case-studies representing the northern and southern European Union frontiers: the case of Estonian officer Eston Kohver in the Setumaa region on the Estonian–Russian border; and the experiences of border guards in the re-bordering process on the Spanish– Moroccan border. It offers an innovative conceptual resource based on a triadic co-genetic epistemological approach, which allows us to overcome the binary oppositions still very present in the contemporary debates in borders studies.

The article is dedicated to one of the most important problems of Spain’s foreign policy, namely the problem of the two Spanish enclaves located on the territory of Morocco - Ceuta and Melilla. The historical and legal provisions form the basis of arguments of the Spanish and Moroccan parts justifying their claim to these disputed territories. A comparison is made between the problems of Ceuta and Melilla and Gibraltar.Particular attention is paid to the question of whether they are covered by NATO’s security guarantee. The author substantiates that Morocco is using the issue of Ceuta and Melilla as a means of pressure on Spain to get benefits in other areas, including trade, immigration, and fishing. Rabat also seeks to force Spain to change its position on the Western Sahara. The current situation of the Spanish cities in the light of their current economic, migratory and political problems is analyzed. It isemphasized that illegal immigration mostly from sub-Saharan countries is one of the main problems of the Spanish-Moroccan relations, complicating the situation in Ceuta and Melilla. This problem is far from being resolved. The main task of the Western countries regarding this issue is the maintenance of stability in the region, which perfectly meets the interests of Spain. Madrid’s efforts are focused primarily on prevention of such development of political and economic situation which would put the country before the need to strengthen its southern border by military means. This strategic objective has become particularly relevant in light of recent events in North Africa.

Introducción: El presente artículo es el resultado de un análisis de la realidad sociofronteriza de la frontera hispano-marroquí, concretamente del caso de Ceuta. Para ello, se hace una aproximación al contexto en el que se enmarca el objeto de la investigación, es decir, la importancia de la situación geopolítica de Ceuta y la región de Tetuán en la estructuración de un paso fronterizo –el Tarajal-; el cual tiene un elevado trasiego de personas y mercancías. Para indagar sobre este aspecto se ha centrado la atención en las mujeres transfronterizas que principalmente son: trabajadoras sexuales, empleadas domésticas y porteadoras; y es justamente en estas últimas sobre las que ha versado la investigación.Método: La etnografía es la lógica de investigación social que se ha seguido en el proceso de producción de datos. La metodología de la presente investigación parte de un planteamiento cualitativo en el cual de un modo inductivo se pretende indagar sobre una realidad social a partir del acercamiento directo con los sujetos objeto de estudio. Las técnicas de producción de datos de esta investigación se fundamentan en fuentes primarias o directas, para las cuales se utilizan los instrumentos de recogida de datos de la observación y la entrevista en profundidad. La técnica de análisis de datos empleada en esta investigación es la Teoría Fundamentada (Grounded Theory).Resultados: Los resultados que se presentan en este artículo muestran la diferenciación entre la tipología las mujeres que hemos denominado transfronterizas y cómo dentro de este endogrupo son las porteadoras las que tienen una situación más complicada. Además, analizando sobre las ellas también se llega a determinar un perfil/perfiles de las mujeres que trabajan como porteadoras.Discusión o Conclusión: Tras el proceso de investigación y análisis cabe concluir destacando que esta realidad fronteriza transcurre mientras que las instituciones gubernamentales encargadas de la regularización y el control fronterizo están obviando la situación de las mujeres porteadoras en la frontera hispano-marroquí. Introduction: This article derives from the analysis of social reality on the SpanishMoroccan border, especially on Ceuta. Therefore, the text focuses on the context where the investigation takes place: the awareness of the geopolitical situation in Ceuta and Tetuan region regarding the organization of the border crossing -the Tarajal-, crossed by enormous quantities of people and goods. To deep in the aspect, the text focuses on trans-boundary women, most of whom are domestic workers, prostitutes and porteadoras. This research is about the last ones.Methodology: Ethnography is the logic followed and used in the process of information’s production. The methodology of this investigation sets off from a qualitative explanation. That is intended to inquire into a social reality by direct approaching to the objects of study, all in an inductive way. The production of information techniques were based on primary or direct sources. For that, instruments of data acquisition of the research and the interview were used. The technique of data analysis used in this investigation is the Grounded Theory.Results: The results presented in this article clearly show the difference between the typology of trans-boundary women and how porteadoras have the most complicated situation from the women in this group. Also, researching about them, an stablished profile of this women can be settled.Discussion or Conclusion: After the research and analysis process, the article concludes highlighting this real situation on the borders that take place while governmental institutions, in charge of regularization and border control, are ignoring the situation of porteadoras on the Spanish-Moroccan border.

Defence date: 30 September 2006
Examining board: Prof. Juan Díez Medrano, Universitat de Barcelona ; Prof. Jaap Dronkers, European University Institute ; Prof. Christian Joppke, American University of Paris (Supervisor) ; Prof. Nonna Mayer, Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris/CNRS (External Co-Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

This chapter analyzes the regional consequences of the advent of American hegemony over the course of two decades. The smuggling and banditry that long characterized the region continued, ultimately undermining the Franco regime’s efforts to manipulate its currency and build an autarkic economy. Spanish attention to the southern border did not flag, however, as the Franco regime believed a strong authoritarian government in Morocco was necessary to prevent the spread of communism into northwest Africa and eventually Europe. This consideration, rather than the maintenance of a formal colonial position, guided Spanish action in Morocco from the middle of the World War II and throughout the decolonization era. Despite border conflicts further to the south, authoritarian Spain worked to support a strong independent Moroccan monarchy under Muhammad V and Hassan II, even when a revived Riffian movement presented Spain with the opportunity to restore a neocolonial foothold there.

This chapter examines the fate of trans-Gibraltar region during Spanish Civil War and the early stages of World War II. Although the insurgent army of Francisco Franco quickly took control of northern Morocco and southern Spain and invited its Nazi and Fascist allies to the strategically crucial region, the Entente order of 1904 proved resilient. New evidence is introduced detailing the Franco movement’s success in marshaling anti-French, anti-Semitic, and pro-German sentiments to recruit Muslim support, promising the construction of a new Hispano-Moroccan bulwark in the western Mediterranean. Other new documents indicate how quickly this enthusiasm cooled, however, as it became clear that Nazi agents were preparing to seize a position in northwest Africa without giving consideration for Spanish interests, while the British and much of the Jewish community of Tangier remained supportive of Spanish interests in Morocco.

This chapter explores various ways that imperial enclaves could project power over their borders. Examples include the increasing power of European consuls in Tangier to adjudicate conflicts between Jews and Muslims throughout Morocco; the processes by which officials in Gibraltar and Melilla asserted control over regional trade networks by protecting smugglers; and the role of French Oran in serving as a landing point for Spanish and Moroccan refugees and dissidents. Taken together, these examples illustrate the formation of a constellation of power in the trans-Gibraltar borderland that curtailed the ability of the Spanish and Moroccan governments to administer their own laws. The chapter ends with a discussion of the crisis of 1898, which set in motion a cooperative effort by Spain, Britain, and France to clearly delineate imperial spheres of influence, producing the Entente Cordiale of 1904.

Morocco is located in the Maghreb region in north-west Africa. It borders the Atlantic Ocean, the Mediterranean Sea, Algeria, and Mauritania. It has an area of 710,850 square kilometres (km) with a population of 35.7 million in 2017. Morocco claims the areas of Ceuta, Melilla, and Peñn de Vélez de la Gomera, which are all currently under Spanish jurisdiction. The capital of Morocco is Rabat, while its largest city is Casablanca. The working week is from Monday to Fridays from 0900 to 1700. Most businesses close for lunch for two hours from noon except during the month of Ramadan, when they remain open at midday but close earlier in the afternoon. The currency of Morocco is the Moroccan dirham (MAD).