Articles de revues sur le sujet « MOLDOVA, UCRAINA E GEORGIA »
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Bolgherini, Silvia. « Elezioni nel Mondo - Luglio-Dicembre 2012 ». Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 70, no 2 (30 décembre 2013) : 85–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9565.
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Europa: Georgia, Lituania, Montenegro, Paesi Bassi, Repubblica Ceca, Romania, Slovenia, Ucraina;
Africa: Ghana, Senegal;
Americhe: Messico, Stati Uniti, Venezuela;
Asia: Corea del Sud, Giappone, Timor Est.
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Veselovskyi, B. « Associated States : Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia ·Bohdan Veselovskyi ». European State Aid Law Quarterly 20, no 3 (2021) : 434–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21552/estal/2021/3/10.
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Bastianon, Christina Diane. « Youth Migration Aspirations in Georgia and Moldova ». Migration Letters 16, no 1 (31 décembre 2018) : 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v16i1.596.
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This study investigates in what ways individual and household capabilities and their general life aspirations affect migration aspirations in particular, among Georgian and Moldovan youth. The utilized sample was extracted from nationally representative surveys and considers youth aged 11 to 19 (N=3,583). Multi-level, step-wise probit models are used to predict youth migration aspirations. Among the findings are that individual capabilities, aspirations, and household capabilities significantly impact youth migration aspirations, while household aspirations are statistically insignificant. The results further emulate the importance of residential satisfaction, the effects of gendered social norms and inequalities on youth migration aspirations.
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Davies, Lance. « El aprendizaje institucional ruso y las operaciones regionales de paz : los casos de Georgia y Moldavia ». Comillas Journal of International Relations, no 3 (31 août 2015) : 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/cir.i03.y2015.006.
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Este artículo examina el comportamiento de Rusia con respecto a los conflictos intraestatales en sus espacios regionales próximos a partir de 1990. La documentación existente atribuye la posición de Rusia principalmente a una extensión de su lógica de seguridad principal basada en el fomento de los intereses regionales hegemónicos. Aunque estos intereses no pueden ser ignorados, este artículo propone que la falta de aprendizaje institucional de Rusia de la doctrina y práctica de las operaciones de paz ha sido también un factor determinante, aunque descuidado, al dar forma a su respuesta ante los conflictos. Se argumenta que esto está integrado en un subconjunto persuasivo de lógicas de seguridad secundarias, basadas en la preocupación legítima por la seguridad y estabilidad regionales. Este análisis se basa en el cuestionamiento de los conflictos regionales en Georgia y Moldavia, puesto que ambos son los casos más reveladores de la experiencia de Rusia en operaciones de paz. El artículo concluye con unos breves comentarios sobre la crisis actual en Ucrania y cómo se relaciona esta con la reacción de Rusia al conflicto regional intraestatal.
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DUMITRU, Ilie Răsvan. « UCRAINA ÎNTRE STAREA DE PACE ȘI CEA DE RĂZBOI CU RUSIA ». Buletinul Universității Naționale de Apărare „Carol I” 9, no 2 (2 juillet 2021) : 100–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2065-8281-21-12.
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După invadarea peninsulei Crimeea și amplificarea conflictelor din sud-estul Ucrainei, a devenit evident că politica Rusiei este axată pe prezervarea sferei de influență și a controlului strategic asupra deciziilor și direcțiilor politice luate de statele desprinse din fostul bloc sovietic. Pentru a putea înțelege efectele războiului ruso-ucrainean asupra Occidentului, precum și pentru a putea anticipa și a contracara o posibilă evoluție viitoare a unor fenomene similare, în state cu risc geopolitic, precum Moldova, dar chiar și în state membre ale NATO, precum țările baltice, România sau Bulgaria, merită să acordăm atenție consecințelor geopolitice ale pierderii Crimeii și a provinciilor de sud-est de către Ucraina. Articolul analizează rațiunea, mecanismele și mizele care au stat la baza declanșării războiului ruso-ucrainean atât din perspectivă geopolitică, cât și istorică. Înțelegerea modului în care diferite instrumente hibride pot fi folosite de Federația Rusă pentru a influența statele din proximitatea sa și, în special, a modului în care combinarea acestora conduce la o satisfacere eficientă a scopurilor este utilă pentru a evalua și a aborda riscurile și vulnerabilitățile sistemice ale statelor aflate în zonele disputate de Rusia și de Occident, în ultimii ani.
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Abbasov, Jeyhun A., et Khatai Aliyev. « Testing Wagner’s Law and Keynesian Hypothesis in Selected Post‑Soviet Countries ». Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 66, no 5 (2018) : 1227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201866051227.
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The aim of this research is to test Wagner’s law and Keynesian hypothesis in 9 Post‑Soviet countries – Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kyrgyz Republic, Moldova, and Ukraine. For this purpose, long‑ and short‑run causality between real per capita GDP and real per capita government expenditures are estimated by employing ARDL modelling approach. Estimation results support validity of Wagner’s law for Latvia, Lithuania, Uzbekistan, Georgia, Kyrgyz Republic and Ukraine, and validity of Keynesian hypothesis for Estonia, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyz Republic, and Moldova in the long‑run. Meanwhile, research findings indicate strong bidirectional short‑run causality in all countries except Lithuania and Kyrgyz Republic in the short‑run.
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Lavrelashvili, Teona. « Resilience-building in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine : Towards a tailored regional approach from the EU ». European View 17, no 2 (octobre 2018) : 189–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685818805680.
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The article considers the dimensions and specificity of the concept of ‘resilience’ as applied to the concrete cases of three Eastern neighbourhood states: Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. It argues that EU policymakers should acknowledge the similarities and differences between the three when considering policies to strengthen these countries’ resilience. At the same time, however, they need to recognise that the biggest common threat to their security emanates from neighbouring Russia. The article further suggests that fostering regional cooperation between Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova, as well as working with political institutions such as the political parties in these countries, will contribute to strengthening their resilience.
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Gorerainov, Victoria. « The results of the Republic of Moldova within the Eastern Partnership in the Light of the ―Eastern Partnership Index Study ». Analele Universității din Oradea. Seria : Relații Internaționale și Studii Europene 2022 (2020) : 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.58603/xxiz7690.
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This paper is an in-depth analysis of the results of the Republic of Moldova within the Eastern Partnership in the light of the “Eastern Partnership Index” study. For ten years, the Republic of Moldova has had different results in the Eastern Partnership, being considered even the “success story” in a certain period of time, and then giving way to Ukraine and Georgia in certain areas of development.
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Tskhomelidze, Elene. « Effectiveness of the deep and comprehensive Free Trade Area : A structural gravity model approach ». Journal of Eastern European and Central Asian Research (JEECAR) 9, no 6 (3 décembre 2022) : 965–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15549/jeecar.v9i6.990.
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Based on the gravity model of international trade, this article examines the ex-post impact of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) on integration between Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine with the European Union. We evaluate the welfare outcome of trade creation and trade diversion effects, compare the results of individual countries and identify differences between them. Additionally, the article evaluates the general effectiveness of the DCFTA as an instrument for trade integration. According to the structural gravity model estimations, as a result of the DCFTA, EU-Georgia trade increased by approximately 18%. In the case of EU-Moldova trade, the DCFTA impact is statistically less significant, around 9%. While DCFTA in Ukraine has a negligible effect on trade with European Union. The agreement brings welfare gains only in the case of Georgia. Generally, the average impact of the DCFTA on trade with the EU is positive but statistically insignificant for the region. The results are very different for each country.
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Sergeev, V. A. « III National Congress on Respiratory Diseases (St. Petersburg, December 1-5, 1992) ». Kazan medical journal 74, no 2 (15 avril 1993) : 174–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/kazmj64656.
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The Congress was attended by representatives of Russia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Moldova, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, as well as specialists from Austria, England, Germany, Holland, Canada, Poland, France, Finland, USA, Sweden.
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Shepenko, Roman A., et Lia Nani. « Legal regulation of liability for tax offnces and tax dispute resolution in Georgia, Moldova and Russian Federation. » Law Enforcement Review 4, no 3 (5 octobre 2020) : 46–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2542-1514.2020.4(3).46-68.
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The subject. For many years, Georgia, Moldova and Russia were part of the same state, which a priori indicates the existence of a similar legal system. Despite the positive experience of the European Economic Community, the trends that the USSR faced at the end of the XX century were reversed: the former republics gained independence and started to form their own legal systems. It seems appropriate to put forward the hypothesis that the newly formed States should have used a common legal heritage and/or tried and tested foreign examples of normative acts. However, this does not seem to be the case. Purpose of the study. The article represents an attempt to verify the aforementioned hypothesis and deals with selected provisions of the national legislation of Georgia, Moldova and Russia that, from one hand, relate to taxation and, from the other, are of general character, i.e. can be applied not only to particular cases. Methodology. The research was carried out with the application of the formally legal interpretation of legal acts as well as the comparative analysis of Georgian, Moldovian and Russian legal literature. Structural and systemic methods are also the basis of the research, The main results. The content of tax laws determines the chosen model of the distribution of law provisions on liability for breach of tax legislation, i.e. the fact whether such laws contain provisions on liability. The compulsory administrative stage of dispute resolution has proven to be ineffective for taxpayers, tax representatives and third parties. As for the international resolution of tax disputes there is a wide diversity of applicable means (particularly, arbitration which is not characteristic for the national order) and of specific dispute resolution mechanisms. Conclusions. Despite certain differences, the legal regulation of liability and dispute resolution in Georgia, Moldova and Russia is very similar. However, it is necessary to take into account the distinctive features arising from the limitation of the territorial legal effect of the norms of Georgia and Moldova.
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Majidli, Famil. « International Comparative and Competitive Advantage of Post-Soviet Countries in Tourism ». Research in World Economy 11, no 5 (14 septembre 2020) : 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/rwe.v11n5p369.
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In this study, the comparative and competitive advantage of Post-Soviet countries in the tourism sector is examined. Firstly, whether the tourism sector of the countries included in the sample developed between 1995 and 2018 was examined. Revealed Comparative Advantages Index which is developed by Balassa and Expanded Balassa Index were used to analyze the comparative and competitive advantage of countries, respectively, which are the main purpose of the study. The results of the study, which are calculated based on the data obtained from the database of the World Bank, provide information especially regarding the advantageous position of Georgia regarding Balassa Index. In addition to Georgia, Armenia, Kyrgyz Republic, Moldova, Tajikistan, Azerbaijan, Estonia and Uzbekistan have international comparative advantage and when the situation of the countries is evaluated over the EB index it is concluded to, Tajikistan and Georgia have strong, Kyrgyz Republic and Moldova have medium, Latvia, Estonia, Armenia, Lithuania and Belarus have weak competitive advantage. The research is important in terms of the policies that Post Soviet countries will form within the scope of tourism sectors.
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Latkovskyi, Pavlo, et Anna Marushchak. « PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF DEEPENING EU-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS ». Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no 2 (13 mai 2019) : 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-2-96-103.
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Three countries: Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine have concluded European Union Association Agreements, under similar terms and conditions of European Partnership. Analytical review allowed determining that in their political integrative development, they have similar problems and ways to overcome them. They are distinguished by a relatively high level of democratic freedoms and political pluralism; however, none of them can be considered as a consolidated democracy, these countries have hybrid political regimes. Among the main obstacles occurring on the way of their integration processes, one can distinguish problems associated with ethical, regional, and cultural conflicts; specific features of the formation of constitutional systems; features of the formation of PR technologies of government and society; deep-rooted corruption and influence of oligarchs in party systems and, as a consequence, propensity to use non-constitutional means of political struggle and economic development. Despite these structural problems, favouring European values and norms demonstrated by societies of the three countries holds the promise of consolidating democratic institutions and overcoming problems. The purpose of the article is to determine problems and prospects of deepening relations of the EU with three countries: Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia, and to substantiate theses stating that consistent and reinforced integration of the European Union in this region is crucial for further success and development of all actors of this process. Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine do not compose a single region (both in a geographical and economic context); however, since 2014 they are developing according to the same scenarios. Their aspiration to integration has provoked problems in relations with Russia and intensified opposition to the policy of Europeanisation within the countries. In Ukraine, the most difficult and severe events took place: it passed through government overthrow, loss of territory, and military actions in Donbas caused by Russia, which continue to this day. For Moldova and Georgia, the choice of democratic imperatives also had grave consequences. In Georgia, they were identified as two long-term wars for the separation in Abkhazia and South Ossetia; ended with the defeat of central authorities and creation of two unrecognized states. Moldova has faced a similar problem in Transnistria in 1992. In all countries, Russian armed forces were important actors who played an important role in determining the results of these conflicts. According to the Democracy Index, Moldova is evaluated as “imperfect democracy”; Georgia – as “hybrid regime”; Ukraine has moved below, from the category of “imperfect democracy” to the lowest “hybrid regime”. Over the political pressure of Russia, the EU and Ukraine postpone the provisional application of the DCFTA (Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area) to January 1, 2019. There are marked positive consequences of Ukrainian export to the EU, which volume has increased by 30% in 2017. The structure of exports to the EU has shifted towards machines and equipment, fats and oils of vegetable or animal origin, ready-made meals, and products of animal origin. The EU share in Ukrainian exports and imports has also increased due to a significant reduction in trade with Russia. The application of the EU tariff quotas for agricultural production has increased over the 2014–2017 years because Ukrainian producers have gradually overcome the problems with food safety and weak demand for their production. European choice is an extremely important factor for continuous democratization of all these three countries. In spite of competition among European and Eurasian identities, each of them considers itself a European country. The choice to continue the path of association with Europe, made by these countries, despite obvious political risks (especially severe for Ukraine), is the best evidence of their real adherence to European development path.
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Arishvili-Hanturia, Irina, Iurie Rošca et Philip Dimitrov. « Georgia, Moldova and Bulgaria : Dismantling Communist Structures Is Hardly Extremism ». Demokratizatsiya : The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization 12, no 2 (1 avril 2004) : 311–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/demo.12.2.311-320.
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Selezniov, V. I., et S. O. Yakubovskiy. « CONSEQUENCES OF LAND REFORM IN UKRAINE ON THE EXAMPLE OF GEORGIA AND MOLDOVA ». Actual problems of regional economy development 2, no 17 (30 novembre 2021) : 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/apred.2.17.135-148.
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The article is aimed at investigating the expediency of land reform in Ukraine. The process and consequences of land reforms in Georgia and Moldova are considered. The indicators of development of the agricultural sector and the degree of involvement of the population in it are revealed. The world experience of land distribution was analysed. The most effective strategy of land reform development by analysing the research in the dependence of efficiency of land plots utilization on the size of households that cultivate them was revealed. The efficiency of agroholdings and family farms is compared. Determined trends in the distribution and size of plots in developed countries. Analysed the gradual adoption of decisions in the development of land reform and their effects on the success of such reform in Georgia and Moldova.
The current decisions of the Ukrainian government on the way to reforming land distribution and use of land resources are considered. Parallels of the current Ukrainian land reform based on the experience of Moldova and Georgia are identified. The assumption of success and expediency of the decisions taken, which could potentially come into force when the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine discusses the format of the land reform, was put forward. Analysed the further development of the land sector according to the gradual entry into force of the adopted legislation. The issues of expediency of opening the land market to foreigners were considered. Penetrated the experience of international partners and countries already decided on the admission or non-admission of foreign contractors to the national land market. The degree of development of accounting and inventory of existing land plots and completeness of filling the land cadastre of the three countries under study was determined.
The research method was the analysis of the current land system of Georgia and Moldova by studying articles on the dynamics of changes in local legislation. The main economic indicators that may indicate the degree of success of the reforms in these countries are considered. Due to such indicators, a detailed analysis of the latest changes in the legislation of Ukraine predicted and assessed the feasibility of the reforms.
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Shiyan, N. « Type and authentic specimens of names of the family Asteraceae taxa described from Russia, Republic of Moldova and Georgia, kept in the National Herbarium of Ukraine (KW) ». Novitates Systematicae Plantarum Vascularium 44 (2013) : 235–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31111/novitates/2013.44.235.
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The data on type and authentic specimens of nine species and one variety of the family Asteraceae described from Russia, Republic of Moldova and Georgia, deposited in the Collection of types of the Vascular Plants of the National Herbarium of Ukraine (KW) are presented.
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Caras, Valeria Stefania. « Eastern Partnership ». Debater a Europa, no 25 (28 décembre 2021) : 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_25_2.
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This work analyses the relationship between the European Union and the Eastern Partnership countries which includes Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine. We propose to move beyond the center-periphery and external governance models which presume the hierarchical, power-based relations. The specific conditions of the region require us also consider Russia’s role in the region as well as local factors of the Eastern Partnership countries which can challenge EU integration. The theory of linkage and leverage is used to analyze the complex interactions between the EU, Eastern Partnership countries, and Russia. The Eastern Partnership Index demonstrates that Eastern Partnership countries have rather intensive linkages with the EU, especially Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia. The resource revenues allow Azerbaijan to be less dependent on both Russia and the EU, but its trade relations are closer to the EU. While Belarus and Armenia have more intensive linkages with Russia and Russia’s leverage for these two states is more powerful.
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Bolkvadze, Ketevan. « To Reform or to Retain ? Politicians’ Incentives to Clean Up Corrupt Courts in Hybrid Regimes ». Comparative Political Studies 53, no 3-4 (4 juillet 2019) : 500–530. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019859029.
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This article offers a novel take on the problem of judicial independence in nondemocracies. Some scholars hold that political fragmentation leads to more judicial independence; others argue that it leads to less independence in nondemocracies. These studies have focused on judicial politicization and neglected judicial corruption. Using a process-tracing controlled comparison of reforms in Georgia and Moldova, I investigate the impact of political fragmentation on judicial corruption. I argue that politicians in less fragmented regimes, as in Georgia, have stronger incentives to reform corrupt courts, and utilize anticorruption measures for establishing long-term political control. In more fragmented regimes, as in Moldova, politicians have stronger incentives to resist anticorruption measures and instead utilize corrupt courts for short-term private gains. These findings suggest that political fragmentation in hybrid regimes can propel politicians to delegate neither more, nor less power to courts, but instead to use distinct avenues, or “entry-points,” to influence judicial outcomes.
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Dzotsenidze, Tsitsino. « COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF MONETARY POLICY OF EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES AND GEORGIA ». Economic Profile 17, no 1(23) (4 août 2022) : 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52244/ep.2022.23.16.
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Relevance of the study: Central banks exert their influence on the economy by changing the money supply using appropriate instruments in a free financial market. The combination of these tools gives us the operational framework of the National Bank. Aim of the research: to study the instruments (operational framework) of monetary policy regulation of Georgia, Moldova and Montenegro, to identify problems and to find ways to solve them. Research Methods: Use of comparative analysis method based on the database of the National Bank of Georgia, Geostat and the International Monetary Fund. The impact of Georgia's monetary policy regime and instruments on the country's macroeconomic indicators, such as inflation and GDP growth rates. Analysis of the macroeconomic parameters, monetary policy regime and regulatory instruments of Moldova and Montenegro. Comparative analysis of the operational framework of the monetary policy of Georgia, Moldova and Montenegro and ways to solve the identified problems. Monetary policy only changes the future outlook for inflation, and central banks respond to one-time exogenous factors when those factors are so strong that they reflect long-term inflation expectations. Therefore, further tightening of monetary policy (already tightened) will lead to a slowdown in GDP growth and unemployment. According to current forecasts, the inflation rate in 2022 will remain high. Given that the role of temporary and exogenous factors in inflation remains to be determined, while monetary policy is still in a tightening phase, the National Bank has decided to maintain the current level of interest rates. However, in the face of strong supply shocks, the threat of further growth in inflation is still relevant. Against the background of these inflationary risks, a tightening of monetary policy or an increase in interest rates is probably still expected.
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Kozachuk, Oleh, et Grigore Vasilescu. « EU’s Resilience in the Eastern Partnership Region vs Russia’s Hybrid Aggression ». Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no 9 (28 décembre 2021) : 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2021.9.78-86.
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The article examines the issues of counteracting the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation in the countries of the Eastern Partnership. It is stated that European Union has been implementing the Eastern Partnership policy for more than ten years. This implementation has been a resounding success for all, without exception, the six target states. Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Georgia have advanced much more in their European aspirations. However, this does not stop the Russian Federation from further positioning all the states that were once part of the USSR as a sphere of its ultimate influence. Russia is also producing rivalry with the EU for influencing all, without exception, the Eastern Partnership states and even the EU. An overview of academic research analyzing the resilience of the EU in the face of Russia in the context of its impact on the Eastern Partnership countries is set out in this article. Some approaches have been used to define the EU as a “normative power” and Russia’s controversial policy towards neighbouring countries. The examination of the works described in the article concludes that the Russian Federation continues to regard neighbouring states as its sphere of influence, particularly Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia. Moscow considers any attempt by a third party to interfere as an intrusion on its unique field of power. As can be observed from the investigated sources, Russia’s activities are scarcely diplomatic or focused on global democratic norms. In its Eastern Partnership strategy, the EU, on the other hand, utilizes values as a guideline. Simultaneously, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, and Georgia must demand immediate modifications to the Eastern Partnership policy. The potential of EU membership, in particular, must be appropriately explained by Brussels.
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Maydanyk, Roman A., Nataliia I. Maydanyk et Natalia R. Popova. « Peculiarities of Usufruct in the Countries of Roman-German Law : Implementation of Best Practice in Ukrainian Law ». Open Journal for Legal Studies 4, no 2 (10 novembre 2021) : 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojls.0402.02061m.
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The article examines the features of usufruct in the European countries of Romano-Germanic law, determines the terms for the implementation of the best European practice of usufruct in the law of Ukraine. The law of European countries of continental law recognizes the usufruct as a real right of personal possession for use, which is considered an independent real right to another's property or a kind of easement. The peculiarities of usufruct in some countries of Romano-Germanic law, in particular in Germany, France, Georgia, Moldova and Russia, are researched. The peculiarities of usufruct in some countries of Romano-Germanic law, in particular in Germany, France, Poland, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Georgia, Moldova and Russia, are researched. The issues of usufruct implementation in the law of Ukraine are considered. The issues of usufruct implementation in the law of Ukraine are considered. The authors came to the conclusion that it is necessary to introduce the institute of usufruct into the Ukrainian law by supplementing the Civil Code of Ukraine with a new chapter “Uzufruct”, the framework provisions of which are proposed in this paper.
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Grodzicki, Tomasz. « Trade Flows Between the European Union and the Eastern Partnership Countries : Dynamics and Prospects ». Nowa Polityka Wschodnia 35, no 1 (2022) : 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw20223507.
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The Eastern Partnership is a part of the European Neighbourhood Policy focusing on the EU’s Eastern neighbours. Its main objective is to deepen the political and economic integration of the EU with six countries in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. The aim of this paper is to assess the development of EU trade relations with Eastern Partnership Countries from 2002 to 2021 and to indicate its prospects. The results show that the EU is in a group of main trading partners of the Eastern Partnership countries. The EU noticed both: a trade surplus with Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Armenia (except in 2005); and a trade deficit with Azerbaijan. The volumes of imports and exports had increased over the years which also led to better economic integration with the EU. However, the future EU-Eastern Partnership trade characteristics and dynamics remain unknown due to the Russian invasion on Ukraine that caused troubles in trade flows in Ukraine and economic sanctions on Russia and Belarus.
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Ciobanu, Natalia. « The Route of Republic of Moldova in Eastern Partnership : Between Achievements and Political Failures ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 37-38 (12 décembre 2018) : 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.31-38.
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Eastern Partnership is an initiative of consolidation and deepening of cooperation between European Union and six partner states form Eastern Europe and South Caucasus: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Republic of Moldova and Ukraine. The cooperation with Eastern Partnership states is founded on two dialog frameworks: bilateral (signing and implementing the association agreement, creating a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, the liberalization of visa regime) and multilateral (it is implemented throughout specialized platforms and initiatives).
In this article, the author sets the objective to approach multilaterally the position of Republic of Moldova throughout the set of perspectives and opportunities of political, economic and social integration in the European community, outlining specifically that Republic of Moldova has achieved the main objectives that were agreed on in Prague in 2009:signing the Association Agreement with EU, The Agreement of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area and implementing the liberalization of visa regime in Schengen area for the owners of biometric passports.
The author's opinion states that the topicality of this study lies in evaluation of the potential of Republic of Moldova to perceive the impact of this European initiative of foreign policy and to value the membershipwithin the Eastern Partnership for the perspective of integration in European Union.
Keywords: Eastern Partnership, European Union, Republic of Moldova, multilateral and bilateral cooperation
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Kornilova, E. N., N. I. Kornilov et O. N. Vasiltseva. « Monitoring of the Eurasian Natural Mineral Waters of Chloride-Hydrocarbonate Type ». Chemistry Journal of Moldova 4, no 1 (juin 2009) : 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.19261/cjm.2009.04(1).07.
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Mineral waters of Russia, the CIS countries (Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Uzbekistan) and EU (Germany, France, Italy, Spain and some East European countries) carried to Chloride-Hydrocarbonate type have been investigated in this work. The analytical dependences connecting, entered by authors, characteristic parameters of structure of waters (В, Ф, R) with independent variables of ionic structure and concentration are resulted.
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Morari, C. « European integration of Georgia and the Republic of Moldova : evolution and prospects ». Moldoscopie (Probleme de analiza politica), no 3 (66) (2014) : 174–86.
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Trumbo, Silas P., Dana Silver, Oxana Domenti, Hamlet Gasoyan, Eka Paatashvili, Bruce G. Gellin et Jennifer L. Gordon. « Strengthening legal frameworks for vaccination : The experiences of Armenia, Georgia, and Moldova ». Vaccine 37, no 35 (août 2019) : 4840–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.vaccine.2018.10.069.
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Eremina, Natalia V. « Formation of a Common Euro-atlantic Strategy of Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine : Tasks, Problems, Prospects ». Eurasia. Expert, no 3 (2021) : 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s271332140017006-3.
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The task of joining the EU and NATO has been officially announced in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Therefore, in this case, we cannot talk about the competition of several integration projects in these countries. Moreover, Eurasian integration, in which Russia actively participates, is viewed by them as a factor of expansion and expansion of Russian political and economic influence. This exacerbates disputes about the prospects for European integration not only in the political establishment of these countries, but also among ordinary citizens who will finance the European aspirations of national elites. Cooperation with the EU and NATO is seen as a tool to overcome the possible "temptation of Eurasian integration" and the military superiority of Russia and its partners. At the same time, the question remains open - whether this desire corresponds to the positions of citizens or is an elite project. The purpose of the article is to analyze the grounds for uniting the efforts of Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine in promoting the idea of European integration and joining NATO, correlating them with the readiness of both the EU and NATO to admit the three post-Soviet countries into their ranks.
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Timofti, Elena, Paulina Osborne, Svetlana Petrascu et Daniela Popa. « The Investment Attractiveness of the Agricultural Sector in Republic of Moldova in Terms of European Integration ». Zeszyty Naukowe SGGW w Warszawie - Problemy Rolnictwa Światowego 18(33), no 3 (28 septembre 2018) : 315–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/prs.2018.18.3.89.
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The modernization of the Agro-food sector, and revitalization of its conditions and standards, needs to attract funding sources from international donors, which helps stimulate the development of high value agriculture. Consequently, attracting agricultural investment is a strategic priority for Moldovan farmers, as this represents tangible economic growth based on retooling and modernization of agriculture. The National Bureau of Statistics ranks Moldova second in relation to the interest rates charged for loans. The average annual interest rate for lending to agriculture is 14.13%. Georgia in first place with 29%. Despite all the successes of banking, agriculture (as a sector) still remains an unattractive investment for banks in Moldova. The banking sector has also expressed reluctance in supporting small-scale agribusiness.
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Garczewski, Krzysztof. « Republika Federalna Niemiec wobec państw Partnerstwa Wschodniego w kontekście niemieckiej polityki wschodniej w XXI wieku. Implikacje dla Polski ». Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no 25/1 (28 avril 2017) : 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2017.25.06.
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This article presents the relationships of the Federal Republic of Germany with six countries that joined the Eastern Partnership programme: Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. It also contains an analysis of the German Federal Government’s approach towards the Eastern Partnership project, which was initiated by Poland with the support of Sweden. The author takes account of the implications for Poland of Germany’s policy in this region.
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Barbulescu, Iordan Gheorghe. « La nueva Comunidad Política Europea y la reconstrucción del continente más allá de la Unión Europea, ¿un déjà vu, político ? » Revista Española de Desarrollo y Cooperación 49, no 2 (10 novembre 2022) : 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/redc.82769.
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Emanuel Macron, presidente de Francia, en su comparecencia ante el Parlamento Europeo el 9 de mayo de 2002 habló sobre un nuevo instrumento complementario/una nueva estrategia complementaria y no sustitutivo/sustitutiva aplicable a los países candidatos a la Unión Europea y lo llamó Comunidad Política Europea. En este trabajo mostramos que la situación actual del continente europeo es similar a la existente con la caída del Muro de Berlín y que, en aquella ocasión, la Unión Europea desarrolló dos estrategias para su ampliación hacia Países de Europa Central y Oriental (PECO). Una denominada “preadhesión”, con el fin de que estos países lograran la adhesión formal a la Unión. Otra denominada “Espacio Político Europeo”, con el fin de conseguir una integración paralela y progresiva de los mismos en las otras organizaciones democráticas occidentales, como el Consejo de Europa, la Organización para la Seguridad y la Cooperación en Europa (OSCE) o la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte (OTAN). En este sentido, se encuentran similitudes entre lo que pasó en aquel momento y lo que pasa ahora con la Comunidad Política Europea. Se trata de demostrar que lo que sirvió hace 30 años a los PECO, pueden servir ahora a los países de los Balcanes Occidentales (Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia del Norte, Albania Bosnia-Herzegovina y, algún día, Kosovo), y a los países que funcionan bajo las reglas de la Política de Vecindad (Moldavia, Ucrania o Georgia).
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Cebotari, Victor, Melissa Siegel et Valentina Mazzucato. « Migration and the education of children who stay behind in Moldova and Georgia ». International Journal of Educational Development 51 (novembre 2016) : 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2016.09.002.
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Legvold, Robert, et Dov Lynch. « Russian Peacekeeping Strategies in the CIS : The Cases of Moldova, Georgia, and Tajikistan ». Foreign Affairs 79, no 5 (2000) : 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049936.
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Eisele, Katharina, et Anja Wiesbrock. « Enhancing Mobility in the European Neighborhood Policy ? The Cases of Moldova and Georgia ». Review of Central and East European Law 36, no 2 (2011) : 127–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092598811x12960354394885.
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AbstractIn 2004, the EU launched the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) with the objective of avoiding new dividing lines between the EU and its neighbors in the East and the South. This was offered as an alternative to full EU membership. The ENP is intended to bring about prosperity, stability, and security. In this context, the EU has agreed on a number of Action Plans on a bilateral basis with twelve ENP partner states. The mobility of persons is a key policy priority in the framework of the ENP, which is substantiated by the conclusion of 'mobility partnerships' with Moldova (2008) and Georgia (2009). Even though the Action Plans have been negotiated on the basis of 'joint ownership', it is arguable that EU interests have come to dominate the cooperation. The question arises to what extent these policy plans are beneficial for the neighboring countries and individual migrants. This article focuses on the rules and policy priorities contained in the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements, the Action Plans, the visa facilitation and readmission agreements, as well as the mobility partnerships concluded with Moldova and Georgia. The analysis unfolds that the main emphasis of the ENP is on border control and the fight against irregular migration, whereas little has been done to enhance legal migration opportunities. Therefore, we argue that the ENP falls short of meeting the objective to create cooperation based on mutual interest and joint ownership.
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Gutorov, Vladimir A., Valeriu Mosneaga et Tatiana Turco. « The Republic of Moldova and visa-free regime : Problems and solutions ». Political Expertise : POLITEX 16, no 2 (2020) : 225–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2020.203.
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The article analyzes the visa-free regime of the Republic of Moldova within the framework of the CIS and the European Union. The main steps towards achieving the visa-free regime are reviewed. The authors investigate the process of implementing the visa-free regime with the European Union as a recent success of the Republic of Moldova. At the same time, the authors identify the positive and negative effects that accompany the introduction of the Republic of Moldova — European Union visa-free regime. A comparative analysis with other post-Soviet countries that have also obtained the visa-free regime (Georgia and Ukraine) is conducted. The authors note that a visa- free regime is an important tool that allows the EU to regulate relations with third countries. This regime provides important benefits for citizens and strengthens social, cultural, and economic ties between the EU and its partners. At the same time, the visa-free regime holds it responsible for maintaining the progress achieved in the framework of the visa liberalization dialogues and for ensuring a well-managed migration and security environment. The article makes wide use of statistical and sociological data as well as analytical and empirical materials.
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ÇALIŞKAN, Orçun. « An Analysis of Georgia-EU Relations through the Expectation of Candidacy Status ». Sosyolojik Bağlam Dergisi 3, no 3 (15 décembre 2022) : 263–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.52108/2757-5942.3.3.4.
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Since Georgia's inclusion in the European Neighborhood Policy program in 2006, Georgia-EU relations have been in a stable and gradual development process, taking into account the geopolitical balances in the region. During this process, the European Union provided Georgia with a political framework for integration, both at the institutional and legislative levels. Georgia, on the other hand, concluded this process positively, which resulted in the Association Agreement, and succeeded in taking its relations with the EU to the next level. This rapid reform process, which brought Georgia closer to the EU acquis, has also made the European Union the most important and influential external actor in the country. In this context, as opposed to Moldova and Ukraine, the EU's unwillingness to grant a candidate status to Georgia has created a great disappointment in Georgia. The primary goal of this article is to assess the effects of the EU Commission's decision to link Georgia's EU candidacy status to the reform conditions, following Georgia’s application in 2022. Using qualitative research methods and utilizing a variety of primary and secondary sources, this study examines the problems encountered in the implementation of reforms on political polarization, oligarchization, and the protection of vulnerable minorities, which we consider will be the most difficult to resolve. The conclusions of the study are important in terms of the steps that Georgia should take to fulfill the EU candidacy status requirements, the technical assistance that the EU can provide to Georgia in this regard, and the possible implications of this process on Georgia’s politics.
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Vanore, Michaella, Melissa Siegel, Franziska Gassmann et Jennifer Waidler. « Adult Child Migration and Elderly Multidimensional Well-Being : Comparative Analysis Between Moldova and Georgia ». Research on Aging 40, no 7 (8 août 2017) : 599–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0164027517723077.
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Despite growing concern over the potential consequences of migration for the “left behind,” few systematic attempts have been made to document the relationship between the migration of an adult child and the well-being of his or her elderly parent(s) remaining in the country of origin. This article proposes a multidimensional elderly well-being index that enables the identification and comparison of outcomes between elderly individuals with and without adult migrant children in Moldova and Georgia, two former Soviet states that are both experiencing demographic and mobility transitions. The outcomes of elderly individuals with and without children living abroad are compared to illustrate in what domains child absence through migration corresponds to differing well-being outcomes. The findings suggest that the migration of an adult child is not as significant a factor in shaping well-being outcomes as would be expected based on past literature; other factors may play much stronger roles in shaping of well-being.
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Vystavna, Yuliya, Maryna Cherkashyna et Michael R. van der Valk. « Water laws of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine : current problems and integration with EU legislation ». Water International 43, no 3 (14 mars 2018) : 424–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02508060.2018.1447897.
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Mörike, Andrea. « The military as a political actor in Russia : The cases of Moldova and Georgia ». International Spectator 33, no 3 (juillet 1998) : 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729808456825.
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Demetskyi, V. D., et H. I. Lobodiuk. « THE FUTURE NUMBER OF REPRESENTATIVES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT FROM UKRAINE, MOLDOVA AND GEORGIA ». South Ukrainian Law Journal 1, no 4 (2022) : 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32850/sulj.2022.4.1.15.
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Guseletov, Boris. « ON THE INNTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 4 ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 27, no 3 (30 juin 2022) : 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran320223345.
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The article analyzes the cooperation of one of the leading pan–European political organizations – the Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists (AECR) – with its partners in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia and the Republic of Moldova). Since 2014, European conservatives and reformists have sought to establish partnerships with the conservative parties of these countries and even accepted them into their ranks as full members. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders, the results of participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections, interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of electoral and ruling coalitions were studied. The main provisions of their program documents, which reflect the pro-European choice, as well as press releases and statements by the leaders of the AECR concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership, are given. It is shown that the AECR actively supported this program and its partners, regardless of their electoral results. It was noted that in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia and Moldova, local AECR member parties initially achieved good results in elections, including in national parliaments, but in recent years some of them have found themselves on the political periphery. The reasons for this phenomenon vary from country to country. Nevertheless, European conservatives and reformists are confident that as the situation stabilizes, the issues of strengthening sovereignty and preserving traditional values will return to the political agenda and become in demand again.
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Agafonov, Y. « European Neighbourhood Policy’s Impact on Political Regimes of Eastern Partnership Countries ». World Economy and International Relations, no 10 (2015) : 40–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-40-49.
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The study deals with the impact of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) on political regimes dynamics in Eastern Partnership countries in the period 2007 to 2013. Based on the regime transition theory, Europeanisation perspective and political economy, the research claims to introduce a new theoretical model which allows to combine domestic and international factors of regime dynamics. By using the rational choice institutionalism as an analytical framework, and employing the multi-value qualitative comparative analysis (mvQCA) in combination with case studies of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine it shows that the ENP could lead to three different outcomes: democratization, stabilization of a hybrid regime, and authoritarian consolidation. The outcomes are explained by the fact that the assistance within the ENP is used by ruling elites for implementation of two conflicting strategies: the strategy of partial political reform equilibrium preservation and the strategy of new political reform equilibrium formation. Variation in the ENP's influence on the dynamics of a particular political regime is dependent on the predominance of one of these strategies, which in turn are mediated by three main domestic factors: the type of political system, the level of political monopolism, and the degree of government effectiveness. The article contains three parts. The first part presents a brief review of the main theoretical approaches to the analysis of political regimes dynamics. A general analytical framework is formulated. The second part shows how the ENP influenced the dynamics of political regimes in Eastern Partnership countries. The third and final part demonstrates the logic of such influence by examples of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine.
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Kordun, O. « Armed Conflicts and Unrecognized “republics” as Instruments of Russia’s Influence on Post-Soviet Countries ». Problems of World History, no 16 (16 décembre 2021) : 54–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-16-2.
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The study is an attempt to generalize the practice of Russia’s implementation of its influence in the post-Soviet space in the context of hybrid aggression as the essence of Russia’s international policy in the region. The main focus of this aggression is directed against those countries of the former Soviet republics that have declared their clear course of European and Euro-Atlantic integration (Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova) and thus stand in the way of Russia’s imperial ambitions.
In order to implement its plans, Russia comprehensively uses a wide range of tools and methods of influence of both non-military (“soft power”) and military (“hard power”) nature. Such influence is carried out systematically, for many years and has a complex and comprehensive character in various spheres. Moreover, the methods and ways of influence, as well as their priority, are not stable and differ depending on the country of their application.
Among them, not the least place is given by Russia to the manipulation of armed conflicts, which is part of the well-established mechanism of the so called hybrid wars in order to strengthen its geopolitical influence. Supporting or using certain forces in active armed conflicts or threatening to resume the active phase of “frozen” armed conflicts can be a serious tool of foreign policy pressure and give Moscow real military-political advantages in the region.
Such conflicts have a decisive impact on the agenda of their localization countries and bring enormous damage to their economic and human potential. The “frozen” conflicts in Georgia and Moldova, as well as the still active conflict in eastern Ukraine, have become clear obstacles to the rapid progress of these countries on the path to European and Euro-Atlantic integration and create a very negative background for their democratic and economic development.
As Russia has not yet achieved its goals in the conflict zones in Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, it is most likely that no significant positive changes in their settlement should be expected in the near future. One of the most effective mechanisms to protect Russia from expansionist encroachments for these countries may be maximum rapprochement with the EU and NATO, and in the long run – accession to these organizations. Such a step will be a kind of victory in the hybrid war with Russia. After all, it is precisely in order to prevent such an option that Russia has created and / or maintains the above-mentioned zones of instability.
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Gassmann, Franziska, Melissa Siegel, Michaella Vanore et Jennifer Waidler. « Unpacking the Relationship between Parental Migration and Child well-Being : Evidence from Moldova and Georgia ». Child Indicators Research 11, no 2 (25 mars 2017) : 423–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12187-017-9461-z.
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Baar, Vladimír, et Barbara Baarová. « De facto states and their socio-economic structures in the post-Soviet space after the annexation of Crimea ». Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej 6 (30 décembre 2017) : 267–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2300-0562.06.12.
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The paper is focused on the economic problems of de facto states in the post-Soviet space after Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, creation of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015 and the signing of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement between the EU and Georgia and Moldova with effect from 2016. It analyzes long-term economic strategies of Transnistria, Nagorno-Artsakh, South Ossetia-Alania and Abkhazia in the context of such changes. On the basis of statistical analyzes their economic problems, which are closely connected with developments in Russia and its geopolitical interests.
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Savenko, Viktoriya. « Experience of some post-soviet countries in the field of legal regulation of liability for child trafficking ». Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 2, no 2 (3 juin 2020) : 175–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-2-175-183.
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There is a comparative legal study of the Criminal Code of Ukraine and the Criminal Code of the post-Soviet countries in the field of legal regulation of liability for child trafficking. The author has obtained the following results. As in Ukraine, the generic object of crimes related to child trafficking is the will, honor and dignity of a person with a certain interpretation, such as personal freedom. Only the Model Code of the CIS countries, the Criminal Code of the Republics of Kazakhstan and Moldova operate as a generic object as public relations in the field of family and minors, respectively species - the interests of minors. Accordingly, special separate articles on child trafficking are provided for in the Criminal Code of Georgia, Kazakhstan and Moldova. Despite the incomprehensible unanimity of the generic object, the main direct object of child trafficking is their personal freedom and dignity, both additional mandatory and additional optional - their health, sometimes life and full normal development of the child. The victim is a child under the age of eighteen, but there are some peculiarities. The Criminal Code of Ukraine provides separately as a qualifying feature of trafficking in a minor, especially a qualifier - a minor. A similar situation is observed in the Criminal Code of the Kyrgyz Republic and Belarus. The Criminal Code of the Republic of Moldova also provides for liability for trafficking in a child under the age of fourteen as a particularly qualified crime. From the objective point of view, the vast majority of investigated crimes are committed exclusively through active actions, simple corpus delicti provided for in parts one of the relevant articles are crimes with a formal composition, qualified and especially qualified - with a formal material composition. In some countries, there is a maximum effort of the legislator to describe all possible ways and consequences for the victim, committing any exploitation or coercion of a minor to any crime - child trafficking. This is observed in the Criminal Code of Estonia, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, Kazakhstan and Moldova. The actor of most crimes, both general and special, has not been identified here. The subjective side has its own characteristics. There is no doubt about the intentional form of guilt in the form of direct intent, but it is worth discussing the clarification of guilt by indicating knowledge of the age of the victim or other special conditions (pregnancy, vulnerability, etc.). The purpose of the crime - different forms of exploitation, the motives can be different - from useful to any.
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Guseletov, boris. « ON THE INNTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 3 ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, no 2 (1 avril 2022) : 90–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220229099.
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The article analyzes the cooperation of one of the leading pan–European political organizations – the European Green Party (EPP) – with its partners in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine). Since 1994, the European Greens have established partnerships with the environmental parties of these countries and even accepted them into their ranks. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders, the results of participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections were studied. The interaction of these parties with other political forces of their countries on the formation of pre-election and ruling coalitions is considered. The main provisions of their program documents, which reflect the pro–European choice, as well as the resolutions of the EPZ Council concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program, are given. It is shown that the EPZ actively supported this program itself and its partners, regardless of their electoral results. It is noted that in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, local green parties initially achieved good results in elections, including in the national parliament, but in recent years they have fallen by the wayside of the party-political system of their countries due to a number of objective and subjective circumstances. First of all, this was due to the fact that the political turbulence characteristic of these states made environmental issues irrelevant to public consciousness. Nevertheless, the European greens are confident that as the situation stabilizes, the issues of environmental protection and sustainable development will return to the political agenda and the green parties will once again become in demand.
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Tekin, Funda. « Die „Zeitenwende“ in Europa : Ein Momentum für die Erweiterungspolitik der Europäischen Union ? » integration 45, no 2 (2022) : 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2022-2-91.
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There is currently momentum to put the European Union's (EU) enlargement policy as a whole to the test and, where necessary, to fundamentally reform it. This article aims to identify, contextualise and analyse the relevant points of reference in order to contribute to this relevant and long overdue debate. It conceptually explores what the mobilising arguments for EU enlargement are. Based on this, an assessment of the new applications for EU membership by Ukraine, Georgia and the Republic of Moldova will be made, also with a view to the accession procedures already underway. Finally, the concept of differentiated integration is discussed as a possible solution.
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Petrov, R. « Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia : Legal and Constitutional Challenges of Implementation ». Вісник Львівського університету. Серія міжнародні відносини, вип. 36, ч. 2 (2014) : 15–24.
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Boamfă, Ionel. « Considerații referitoare la cartografierea antroponimelor și toponimelor românești ». Diacronia, no 8 (7 octobre 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.17684/i8a118ro.
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Articolul încearcă să evidențieze unele aspecte referitoare la cartografierea toponimelor și antroponimelor, atît în spațiul românesc, cît și la un nivel mai larg (european, mondial). În cazul toponimelor, este evidențiată răspîndirea oiconimelor cu sufixele –ești, –eni/–ani, –ari, –ovți/–evți, –inți în spațiul românesc. Acest spațiu include teritoriul actual al României și Republicii Moldova și acele regiuni din Ucraina, Bulgaria și Ungaria ce au aparținut, temporar, statului român. Sufixele românești –ești, –eni/–ani, –ari apar cel mai frecvent, cea mai mare prezență înregistrînd-o primul sufix. Pentru cartografierea antroponimelor, ne-am oprit, deocamdată, la cartografierea răspîndirii numelor care au sufixul –escu, la nivel mondial, pe state. Se constată că acest sufix apare cel mai frecvent în România și/sau Republica Moldova.
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Rando Casermeiro, Antonio Francisco. « Los constructos políticos de “mundo ruso” y “fraternidad eslava” a la luz de la invasión de Ucrania de 2022 : el caso de Serbia ». Foro Internacional, 29 septembre 2022, 735–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/fi.v62i4.2913.
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La Federación Rusa utiliza dos herramientas para posibilitar o acrecentar su influencia, en especial en el ámbito eslavo: el “mundo ruso” y el constructo de la “fraternidad eslava”. La primera presenta dos manifestaciones: en primer lugar, la protección de las minorías rusas en un área que considera de influencia rusa (Transnistria en Moldavia, Osetia del Sur y Abjasia en Georgia, Crimea y el Dombás en Ucrania); en segundo lugar, al negar a ciertos Estados eslavos su carácter nacional, éstos pasan a ser considerados rusos, o una forma de serlo (Bielorrusia, Ucrania). En ambos casos, el corolario es un derecho de intervención para proteger a las minorías rusas. En cuanto a la “fraternidad eslava”, el constructo se aplica a otros pueblos que, si bien no se consideran rusos, son para Rusia “hermanos eslavos”: es el caso de Serbia, que se aborda en el presente estudio. Así, la invención de la idea de una “fraternidad eslava” secular, de protección a la nación serbia, sirve a Rusia –en especial, desde la guerra de Kosovo– para incrementar su influencia en grandes sectores de la opinión pública serbia.