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1
van der Heyden, Ulrich. « The Archives and Library of the Berlin Mission Society ». History in Africa 23 (janvier 1996) : 411–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171952.
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This paper highlights a rich source of history of the cultures of foreign peoples hitherto referred to little by academics—the archive and library of the Berlin Mission Society, now the Berliner Missionswerk. It will discuss the immense opportunities that the library and the archives offer for academic research. It is not intended to be a history of the Berlin Mission Society or its institutions but will rather suggest initial points of interest for further investigation. I shall also refer to the present state of research in both history and anthropology of foreign peoples based on an assessment of the materials available in the mission societies in the former German Democratic Republic. This paper then is less a contribution to theoretical problems than an attempt to draw the attention of historians, anthropologists and others to the resources of the Berlin Mission Society.In the street called Georgenkirchstrasse, No. 70, in East Berlin, opposite the fairy tale Fountain of Friedrichshain and the famous park, is the Berlin Mission House, built in 1873—the location of the Berlin Mission Society, founded in 1824. Until 1991 the latter was called the Ecumenical Missionary Centre/Berlin Mission Society (Ökumenisch-Missionarisches Zentrum/Berliner Missionsgesellschaft).As one of the largest missionary societies, its missionaries have worked since the mid-nineteenth century in South Africa and later in China and East Africa. In the long history of the Berlin Mission many printed and unpublished texts, as well as drawings, maps, and photographs were collected. The archives retain 270 meters of file. There are also the records of other missions, as well as the largest specialist library for missions and ecumenical movements (50,000 volumes and scholarly papers) in the former GDR.
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Massyn, Ane, Henri Bezuidenhout et Ewert P. J. Kleynhans. « An Assessment Of Instruments Utilised By Export Promotion Agencies In Eastern Africa ». Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 37, no 5 (1 septembre 2021) : 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v37i5.10383.
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This study identifies the export promotion instruments that are applied by public export promotion organisations situated within the East African Community (EAC) countries to stimulate exports and encourage economic growth. The East African region is the fastest developing region in Africa. EAC member countries are, therefore, used as a case study. How export promotion instruments are bundled by export promotion organisations depends on the socioeconomic, political and trade environment of a country as well as the structure of the country’s export promotion agencies. By utilising primary and secondary data, public export promotion organisations of Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda were studied. These general and country-specific instruments were identified through onsite interviews in the respective countries under investigation. The results suggest that the most important export promotion instruments applied include advertising, promotional events, advocacy and legal assistance. It also includes capacity building concerning packaging, pricing and quality requirements within foreign markets as well as assistance concerning planning and preparation for export market engagement. Foreign trade missions, trade fairs, expos, and additional services offered by trade offices and representatives abroad are also general export promotion instruments, as is the provision of information and export financing. Country-specific export promotion instruments identified during onsite interviews in the various countries include unique promotional events and product branding, use of cell phone WhatsApp groups and embassies as a channel for information, trade assistance and trade clinics. Our contribution to the field is that this study is foundational and represents the first comprehensive effort to write up these activities of the EPO’s to establish viable research in the EPOs in the East Africa Region.
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Cullen, Poppy. « ‘Why does Africa matter and what should be our aim?’ British Foreign Policy, the Commonwealth, and the 1965 East and Central African Heads of Missions Meeting ». Britain and the World 15, no 2 (septembre 2022) : 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2022.0388.
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This article explores British decolonisation through the lens of the first meeting of Britain’s Heads of Missions (Ambassadors and High Commissioners) in East and Central Africa in May 1965. The meeting gives a unique insight into the thoughts and ambitions of a select group of senior diplomats as they offered their ideas of what policy should be and assessed Britain’s historical and contemporary relationship with Africa. Mid-1965 was a moment when multiple, if limited, options were available as the British government sought to reconfigure relationships and preserve influence in former colonies. The meeting is significant in a number of ways. Firstly, the meeting was an expression of power relations between different government departments in Whitehall, with the Commonwealth Relations Office valuing Africa more than the powerful Foreign Office; secondly, it reinforced the diplomats’ sense of their position as supposed ‘experts’ on Africa, more advanced and rational than the Africans with whom they worked; thirdly, it revealed official beliefs that Britain was the more powerful partner in relationships with Africa, able to exert influence though ongoing bilateral relationships and the Commonwealth.
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Irungu, Eric J., Bramwel N. Matui et Paul K. Kurgat. « Kenya’s Foreign Policy : Implementation Strategies in Economic Diplomacy Towards the East African Community ». International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no VII (2023) : 691–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.70754.
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Economic diplomacy has in recent times become a vital component of many state’s foreign policies. This paper examines the economic diplomacy implementation strategies Kenya has used towards the EAC. The study employed sequential mixed method design for the research with interviews and questionnaires for data collection complemented by secondary sources. This study found that the pursuit of economic interests is fundamental to the economic progress of states in a globalized international economic system. Kenya has made economic diplomacy a core pillar since 2014. Kenya’s foreign policy has a pragmatic approach towards pursuit of national economic interests since 1963. This pursues a framework of pursuing robust relations with East African Community (EAC) neighbours. The region has a long history of fostering economic cooperation right from the time of the then East African Cooperation up to date. This is foundational to enhancing economic advancement in the region to overcome global economic developments occasioned by globalization and the related complex interdependencies among states. This has seen EAC states move towards deepened regional integration efforts. It also finds state visits followed by Kenyan diplomatic missions to be the most preferred strategies towards economic diplomacy. The paper makes two recommendations: the need for mechanism on collection and dissemination of information on economic diplomacy strategies by Kenya’s missions in the region; and, the need to adopt modalities on engagement of non-state actors in implementing economic diplomacy strategies.
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Sunseri, Thaddeus. « The Moravian, Berlin, and Leipzig Mission Archives in Eastern Germany ». History in Africa 26 (janvier 1999) : 457–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172152.
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The reunification of the Germanies in 1990 has opened up research opportunities for historians of Africa. While research in East German archives was possible for Western scholars during the Cold War, conditions for research were not as easy or affordable as they currently are. Intent on obtaining foreign exchange, East German authorities channeled Western researchers to expensive hotels and limited the number of files a researcher could see in a day in order to prolong the process. Visas had to be obtained well in advance of research trips, and for prescribed durations, curtailing the flexibility one needed if archival materials proved to be especially rich. From the Western side, while the Federal Republic was generous in allocating funds for research in its archives (particularly through DAAD—German Academic Exchange Service—research grants), it prohibited use of those funds for research undertaken in East Germany. Today it is possible to use DAAD funds for travel and research throughout reunited Germany.While federal and state archives in eastern Germany offer valuable resources for researchers interested in the former German colonies, mission archives located in the East have not been widely used by historians of Africa. For the most part these have been content to use published mission histories and newspapers as their sources of information, neglecting diaries, station reports, and correspondence which offer more nuanced and detailed pictures of African life.
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Maughan, Steven S. « Sisters and Brothers Abroad : Gender, Race, Empire and Anglican Missionary Reformism in Hawai‘i and the Pacific, 1858–75 ». Studies in Church History 54 (14 mai 2018) : 328–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.18.
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British Anglo-Catholic and high church Anglicans promoted a new set of foreign missionary initiatives in the Pacific and South and East Africa in the 1860s. Theorizing new indigenizing models for mission inspired by Tractarian medievalism, the initiatives envisioned a different and better engagement with ‘native’ cultures. Despite setbacks, the continued use of Anglican sisters in Hawai‘i and brothers in Melanesia, Africa and India created a potent new imaginative space for missionary endeavour, but one problematized by the uneven reach of empire: from contested, as in the Pacific, to normal and pervasive, as in India. Of particular relevance was the Sandwich Islands mission, invited by the Hawaiian crown, where Bishop T. N. Staley arrived in 1862, followed by Anglican missionary sisters in 1864. Immensely controversial in Britain and America, where among evangelicals in particular suspicion of ‘popish’ religious practice ran high, Anglo-Catholic methods and religious communities mobilized discussion, denunciation and reaction. Particularly in the contested imperial space of an independent indigenous monarchy, Anglo-Catholics criticized what they styled the cruel austerities of evangelical American ‘puritanism’ and the ambitions of American imperialists; in the process they catalyzed a reconceptualized imperial reformism with important implications for the shape of the late Victorian British empire.
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Mrsevic, Zorica, et Svetlana Jankovic. « Implementation of principle of local ownership : From victimization to empowerment of women ». Temida 20, no 1 (2017) : 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem1701023m.
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The paper presents the existence of a conflict between local ownership and the introduction of gender equality in situations of post-conflict peace-building under the control of international actors, mostly UN peacekeeping forces. The authors present the essential meanings of the term ?local ownership? and understanding of its importance for the success of peacekeeping missions and reforms of the security sector in post-conflict societies in achieveing lasting peace. Local civil or military leaders can actually consider that gender equality is not needed in their culture, and that the participation of women in the security sector is not socio-culturally acceptable. That is why various international actors may be reluctant to advocate for gender equality, considering it as an imposition of foreign cultural values that could potentially destabilize the security sector reform process. The paper presents examples of Sahel region, South Sudan, South Africa, East Timor and Sri Lanka, ilustrating that women and men have different experiences of conflict, and that women in conflict and post-conflict situations are especially vulnerable to sexual and other forms of gender-based violence. Therefore, women?s active participation in peace-building and ending violence and conflicts is essential for peace, security and general cessation of further victimization of women. Supporting the existing power relations characterized by structural gender inequality and violence diminish the value of security sector reform. Moreover, the process of peace-building is destabilized by maintaining permanent sources of victimization of women, discrimination and easy outbreak of armed conflict. This might result in the poorly reformed security sector, which only fits the needs of male local dominant groups and protects their interests, leaving majority of women still in a situation of high risk from various forms of victimization.
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Rubiolo, María Florencia, et Paola Andrea Baroni. « El Sudeste de Asia en las vinculaciones Sur-Sur de la Argentina : ¿es la diversificación de socios suficiente ? » Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 8, no 2 (30 décembre 2014) : 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v8i2.10461.
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ResumoMercados não tradicionais têm se tornado mais proeminentes na agenda externa comercial da Argentina. Isto é particularmente evidente quando se percebe as relações comerciais no Norte da África, Angola, Oriente Médio e Sudeste Asiático. Com base em investigações realizadas, temos observado que as ligações recentes da Argentina com os países da SEA têm uma dupla tendência: após a década de noventa, houve uma diminuição nas iniciativas de dimensão político-diplomática, ao mesmo tempo que um aumento dos fluxos comerciais, especialmente nas exportações argentinas. No entanto, desde 2010 iniciativas políticas Argentinas nesta região têm florescido nos órgãos públicos - no Congresso, Ministério do Comércio Exterior e recentemente, junto com o chefe do executivo. A crescente participação de países da SEA na estrutura de exportação da Argentina ocorre simultaneamente a uma concentração maior da oferta de exportação. Tal observação nos direciona ao argumento central desse artigo: apesar do discurso político que destaca a intenção da Argentina no fortalecimento das relações Sul-Sul através da diversificação, a concentração da pauta de exportação de produtos de baixo valor acaba reproduzindo um padrão característico do comércio inter-industrial de relações centro-periferia.Palavras-chaveSudeste Asiático - Diversificação - Argentina - A política externa---ResumenLos mercados no tradicionales han adquirido una mayor relevancia dentro de la agenda externa comercial de la Argentina. Esto se evidencia particularmente a partir de las misiones comerciales al Norte de África, Angola, Medio Oriente y el Sudeste de Asia. A partir de investigaciones realizadas hemos observado que las vinculaciones recientes de Argentina con los países del SEA han tenido una doble tendencia: en la dimensión político-diplomática se produjo una merma de las acciones implementadas durante los noventa, mientras que en la económico comercial distinguimos un incremento sustantivo en los flujos, particularmente de las exportaciones argentinas. Sin embargo, desde 2010 comenzaron multiplicarse las iniciativas argentinas hacia esta región, desde diferentes esferas gubernamentales – legislativo, Cancillería y, recientemente, de la cúpula del ejecutivo-.La mayor participación relativa de los países del SEA en la estructura exportadora argentina se ha producido en paralelo a una mayor concentración de la oferta exportable. Esta observación nos lleva al supuesto central de nuestro trabajo: a pesar del discurso político que subraya la intención argentina de fortalecer los vínculos Sur-Sur a través de la diversificación, la concentración de la canasta exportadora en productos con escaso valor agregado reproduce un patrón de intercambio inter-industrial propio de relaciones centro-periferia.Palabras Clave:Sudeste de Asia – Diversificación – Argentina – Política exterior---Abstract:Non traditional markets destinations have gained increasing importance within Argentina’s foreign trade agenda. This phenomenon was evidenced in the trade missions to Northern Africa, Angola, Middle East and Southeast Asia. In previous researches we have noticed that Argentina’s links with Southeast Asian countries showed two different tendencies: after the nineties there was a decrease in initiatives from the political-diplomatic dimension, while there was an increase in trade flows, especially in Argentinian exports. Nevertheless, since 2010 political initiatives from Argentina to this region started to flourish, from diverse public bodies – Congress, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and recently, the head of the executive-.The increasing relative participation of SEA countries in Argentina’s export structure has occurred simultaneously to a greater concentration of the export offer. This observation leads to our central argument in this paper: despite the political discourse that underlines the Argentina’s intention to strengthen South-South relations through diversification, the concentration of the export basket in products with low value added reproduces a pattern of inter-industrial trade characteristic of centre-periphery relations.KeywordSoutheast Asia - Diversification - Argentina - Foreign policy
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Minnaar, Anthony. « Protection of foreign missions in South Africa ». African Security Review 9, no 2 (janvier 2000) : 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2000.9627921.
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MICHEL, BRUNO. « First record of the genus Kimulodes Tjeder & ; Hansson in West Africa with description of a new species (Neuroptera, Ascalaphidae) ». Zootaxa 3497, no 1 (25 septembre 2012) : 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.3497.1.4.
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The genus Kimulodes was described by Tjeder and Hansson (1992) to accommodate two species, Kimulodes sinuatus originally described as Helicomitus sinuatus by Kimmins (1949) and a new species they named K. angulicornis. Within the tribe Ascalaphini, this genus is characterized by the hairless genae, the absence of a tuft of hairs at the base of the forewing in males, in contrast to the African species of Ascalaphus, and the antennae of males being sinuate or sharply arched with stout tufts of hairs on the basal flagellomeres. The genus Kimulodes was known from Central and East Africa, but remained unrecorded from West Africa. The material collected by a colleague, Jean-Michel Maldès (CIRAD), during a prospecting mission in Togo in 1990 included a male of an undescribed species of Kimulodes, which is described below. Furthermore, examination of the collection of the Museum National d’Histoire Naturelle in Paris, yielded a male and a female of K. angulicornis from an unrecorded locality in the Central African Republic.
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Fadhilah, Asshinaz Noor. « Identifying East Java Trade Interest Through Paradiplomacy Initiatives - Analysis on Actors, Processes and Goals of Diplomacy ». Indonesian Journal of Social Development 1, no 4 (3 mai 2024) : 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47134/jsd.v1i4.2381.
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This research explores the paradiplomacy activities of the East Java Government's Department of Industry and Trade in improving international trade relations. Through initiatives such as business matching, trade fairs, and foreign trade missions, the government collaborates with trade attachés, ITPCs, and foreign trade representatives to promote Indonesian exports and attract foreign investment. By achieving strong trade performance, East Java has succeeded in attracting investment, increasing export value, and actively contributing to Indonesia's international trade. This study emphasizes the important role of local governments in advancing international trade for regional development and national interests. Through programs such as business matching, foreign trade missions, international exhibitions and market brief webinars. The East Java government uses paradiplomacy to strengthen international trade relations. This research underlines the role of subnational actors in increasing economic growth and Indonesia's foreign trade balance.
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Brandao, Pedro Ramos. « The Catholic Church and Portugal in Africa ». Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal) : Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no 2 (13 mai 2019) : 222–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v2i2.254.
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The way Catholic Church implanted itself in Africa, and particularly in Portuguese colonial Africa, during the first half of the 20th century. The issue of the Organic Statute of Portuguese Catholic Missions in Africa. The orientation of the missionary policy and its integration in 1933 Constitution. The Foreign Missionaries in the Portuguese Missions and their impact on the criticism to Colonization. The Missionary Statute. The issue of Beira's Bishop.
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Mustățea, Mihaela. « Italy, the second Libyan war, and the Frontex Irini Operation ». Euro-Atlantic Studies, no 5 (2022) : 119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/eas.2022.5.5.
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In 2011, Libya plunged into a civil war after the outbreak of the Arab Spring, a revolutionary movement characterized by massive civil protests which tried to build democratic societies in the Middle East and North Africa and put to an end the old repressive political regimes. After several months of civil war and bombings over Libya, longtime Muamar Ghaddafi’s dictatorial regime fell. Although the U.S. did not directly intervene in Libya, it supported the overthrow of Ghadafi through the intervention of NATO, providing aerial support and airstrikes for the opposition force (it also established a no-fly zone over Libya, authorized by the United Nations). In 2014, contested parliamentary elections led to the formation of two rival political power centers — one in the east, based in Tobruk and backed by military commander Khalifa Haftar, and another in the west of the country, an UN-supported administration in the capital of Tripoli. Each side was supported by a variety of militias and foreign powers, who competed for influence and oil resources, raising fears that oil-rich Libya could become the theater of a regional conflict. In April 2019, Haftar and his forces, backed by Russia (the Russian military contractors of the Wagner Group), Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and the United Arab Emirates launched an offensive to capture the capital. His campaign collapsed after Turkey and Qatar offered their military support to the Tripoli government with hundreds of Turkish troops and thousands of Syrian mercenaries, belonging to the Free Syrian Army. The outbreak of violence in Libya in April 2019 severely affected the institutional reunification and stability of the country. Warning that the situation in Libya could become "a second Syria", with a new large wave of refugees directed towards the EU, Germany offered to call a peace conference for the conflicting sides, held on 19th January 2020 under the auspices of the United Nations. The aim was to stop the military support for the civil war parties and uphold an existing UN arms embargo, re-launching the peace process for a political settlement, after nine months of fighting over the capital. Operation EUNAVFOR MED IRINI was launched by the European Union on 31 March 2020, as part of the European Union's contribution to the Berlin conference. The core task of the Operation is the implementation of the UN arms embargo on Libya through aerial, satellite, and maritime assets, an embargo that had been decided in 2016 by the United Nations Security Council Resolution. This ongoing mission replaced the Sophia Operation, which had been in place for five years, combating the organized crime and trafficking of migrants in the Mediterranean Sea. In June 2016, the European Council decided to extend Sophia’s mandate until July 2017, adding two supporting tasks: training the Libyan coastguards and contributing to the implementation of the UN arms embargo on the high seas off the coast of Libya. This paper attempts to analyze the response of the European Union to the Libyan crisis by launching the Irini operation, a military-naval Joint force, setting out to secure the Berlin Conference’s commitments. Finally, we try to explain if Italy which seems to have preferred to stay on the sidelines, succeeded in reinserting itself into the Libyan equation, a significant diplomatic area for the Chigi Palace.
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Cronin, Stephanie. « Importing Modernity : European Military Missions to Qajar Iran ». Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no 1 (janvier 2008) : 197–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000108.
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In the first decades of the nineteenth century, when the Middle East and North Africa first began to attract the sustained attention of European imperialism and colonialism, Arab, Ottoman Turkish, and Iranian polities began a protracted experiment with army modernization. These decades saw a mania in the Middle East for the import of European methods of military organization and techniques of warfare. Everywhere, in the Ottoman Empire, North Africa, Egypt, and Iran, nizam-i jadid (new order) regiments sprang up, sometimes on the ruins of older military formations, sometimes alongside them, unleashing a process of military-led modernization that was to characterize state-building projects throughout the region until well into the twentieth century. The ruling dynasties in these regions embarked on army reform in a desperate effort to strengthen their defensive capacity, and to resist growing European hegemony and direct or indirect control by imitating European methods of military organization and warfare. Almost every indigenous ruler who succeeded in evading or warding off direct European control, from the sultans of pre-Protectorate Morocco in the west to the shahs of the Qajar dynasty in Iran in the east, invited European officers, sometimes as individuals, sometimes as formal missions, to assist with building a modern army. With the help of these officers, Middle Eastern rulers thus sought to appropriate the secrets of European power.
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Ivkina, Natalia Viktorovna. « Germany’s Participation in Peacekeeping Operations in Africa at Present ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no 4 (15 décembre 2020) : 687–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-4-687-697.
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The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of Germanys participation in UN, EU and NATO peacekeeping operations in Africa. The relevance of the research topic is due to conflicting opinions about the need to preserve and prolong most operations in the region. In this regard, the opinions of experts with optimistic and pessimistic views on this problem are considered, and the stages of the evolution of peacekeeping activities are highlighted. The purpose of the study is to prove the validity of the assumption of the critical theory of the use of peacemaking by countries as a tool for realizing their foreign policy aspirations. Based on the analysis of German efforts to increase its military contingent in UN peacekeeping operations and maintain positions (despite the presence of oppositional representatives of the Parliament) in EU and NATO operations, it is proposed to identify the cause-and-effect relationships of such behavior. To achieve this goal, we used the method of historicism, which helped to identify the problems of the past that Germany is trying to get rid of by participating in the operations of international organizations, as well as the method of comparative analysis, which regulates the comparison of Germanys efforts in missions with its foreign policy tasks. The analysis of the documents of the international organizations under consideration, as well as legislation and foreign policy doctrines of Germany, allows us to assess not only the legality of the country's operations outside its borders, but also to identify foreign policy priorities in order to obtain reliable results when comparing them. In conclusion, we present the following conclusions: the evolution of Germanys efforts in the UN, EU and NATO missions in Africa. The results of the research reflect the postulates of critical theory in the process of studying German peacekeeping activities in Africa.
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Singh, Devesh, et Zoltán Gal. « Economic Freedom and its Impact on Foreign Direct Investment : Global Overview ». Review of Economic Perspectives 20, no 1 (1 mars 2020) : 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/revecp-2020-0004.
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AbstractThe purpose of this research is to examine the economic freedom (EF) along with its macroeconomic determinants impact on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflow in South Asia, East Asia, Latin America, Middle East, and North Africa, Northern Europe, Southern Europe, Western Europe, Eastern Europe and Sub Saharan Africa. We use Heritage Foundation economic freedom index data over the period of 1999 to 2018 and employ the stepwise multi regression on variables of business freedom, government spending, tax burden, government integrity, property rights, investment freedom, trade freedom and monetary freedom. The results show that EF has a significant positive impact in South Asia, Latin America, East Asia, North Europe and West Europe. However, for the Middle East and North Africa, East European and South European economies EF has an insignificant influence on FDI inflow.
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Stanley, Brian. « ‘Missionary Regiments for Immanuel’s Service’ : Juvenile Missionary Organization in English Sunday Schools, 1841-1865 ». Studies in Church History 31 (1994) : 391–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013000.
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Juvenile associations in aid of foreign missions made their appearance both in the Church of England and in the Nonconformist churches in the wake of the successful campaign in 1813 to modify the East India Company charter in order to open British India to evangelical missionary work. The fervour which the campaign engendered led to the formation of numerous local associations in support of the missionary societies. In some cases these associations had juvenile branches attached. However, until the 1840s children’s activity in aid of foreign missions was relatively sporadic. Children’s missionary literature was almost non-existent. Such children’s missionary activity as did take place was confined largely to the children of church and chapel congregations; before the 1840s there was little perception of the vast potential for missionary purposes of the Sunday-school movement.
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Marandu, Edward E., Paul T. Mburu et Donatus Amanze. « An Analysis of Trends in Foreign Direct Investment Inflows to Africa ». International Journal of Business Administration 10, no 1 (4 décembre 2018) : 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijba.v10n1p20.
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This study examines the trends in Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows to Africa, with the ultimate aim of proposing implications for policy action. The main source of data for this study is the UNCTAD (2018) database which at the time of the study contained FDI data from 1990 to 2016. The findings show that, although Africa is in dire need for FDI due to scarcity of capital, it is not able to attract as much FDI compared to advanced countries and other developing regions. The little FDI that comes to Africa is concentrated sub-regionally and country-wise. Region-wise, most FDI is concentrated on Southern Africa followed by Northern Africa with East Africa and Central Africa at the bottom. Country-wise, the two main recipients of FDI in each sub-region are Angola and South Africa (Southern Africa); Egypt and Morocco (North Africa); Nigeria and Ghana (West Africa); Tanzania and Ethiopia (East Africa) and Congo and the Democratic Republic of Congo (Central Africa). The FDI that comes into the continent is further concentrated in the primary (extractive) sector. As a result the benefits to the region have not been as significant as in East Asia where FDI was mainly into the secondary (manufacturing) sector. It is concluded that, FDI is a growth point that countries can count on as a source of resources for development, however, Africa need to change the approach adopted in promoting FDI, which focuses on providing incentives to creating a domestic environment conducive to entrepreneurship and business in general.
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Womack, Deanna Ferree. « Lubnani,Libanais, Lebanese : Missionary Education, Language Policy and Identity Formation in Modern Lebanon ». Studies in World Christianity 18, no 1 (avril 2012) : 4–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2012.0003.
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This article examines language instruction and religious and socio-political identity formation in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century American Protestant and French Jesuit missionary institutions in Lebanon. It compares French, English and Arabic language education policies at Saint Joseph University (Université Saint-Joseph), Syrian Protestant College (now the American University in Beirut) and the American Syria Mission schools under the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions and the Board of Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the USA. The article considers the mutual transformations in the encounter between missionaries and Lebanese students and addresses the relationship between language learning and educational, literary and nationalist development in the Middle East. Emphasising the agency of Arabic-speaking Ottoman subjects and their reciprocal relationship with missionaries, it argues that before the turn of the century, those individuals who acquired a foreign language and excelled in literary Arabic charted the course toward social, cultural and political change in the twentieth century.
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Kılıçer, Aybars Arda. « The Changing Dynamics of Israel's Foreign Policy ». Transatlantic Policy Quarterly 21, no 3 (1 décembre 2022) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.58867/xzdw1818.
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Israel, formally known as "The State of Israel," was established on 14 May 1948, and has since played a pivotal role in international affairs, particularly in the politics of the Middle East and North Africa. Israel's relations with its Arab neighbors have been tense for decades, and a lasting peace has never appeared more likely. Yet, we already live in a time of perpetual change, and naturally, the politics of Israel and the surrounding region of the Middle East and North Africa are not immune to this pattern. Realizing this, TPQ decided to focus on the Changing Dynamics of Israel's Foreign Policy in its upcoming Fall 2022 issue.
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Mosbei, Thomas, Silas Kiprono Samoei, Clement Cheruiyot Tison et Edwin Kipyego Kipchoge. « Exchange rate volatility and its effect on intra-East Africa Community regional trade ». Latin American Journal of Trade Policy 4, no 9 (30 avril 2021) : 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0719-9368.2021.58790.
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East Africa Community exchange rate volatility spiraled up when the countries adopted the Structural Adjustment Policies in early 1980s. The question that remains unanswered is whether exchange rate volatility hinders or promotes trade. The objective of this study was to determine the effect of exchange rate volatility and its effect on Intra-East Africa community regional trade. Unit root tests results indicated that some of the variables were stationary at levels and on first difference, all variables were I(1). Differenced panel data was fitted into the General Autoregressive Conditional Heteroscedasticity model to measure volatility. Hausman test showed that the fixed effect model was appropriate exchange rate, money supply, population and foreign direct investment significantly determines intra-East Africa Community regional trade. It was concluded that exchange rate volatility is observable in the Intra-East Africa region and further, exchange rate, money supply, population, and foreign direct investment significantly influenced intra-EAC regional trade. It is recommended that EAC member states should formulate policies that ensures exchange rate stability in the region to reduce unpredictability of exchange rate. Policies should be enacted to guarantee adequate money supply and encourage foreign direct investments.
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Antić, Maja R. « NIKOLAJ PAVLOVIČ IGNjATIJEV I AZIJSKI DEPARTMAN MINISTARSTVA INOSTRANIH DJELA RUSKE IMPERIJE (1861-1864) ». Leskovački zbornik 63 (octobre 2023) : 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxiii.079a.
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The Asian Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire is the most important department in the domain of Russian foreign policy. Since its establishment in 1819, the department has mediated diplomatic correspondence between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, Central Asia and the countries of the Far East, as well as its political and trade ties with Asian countries. Apart from diplomatic and consular activities, the department was obliged to organize political missions and welcome delegations from the Balkans and the East. At the beginning of the 60s, the department recorded an increase in activity, and the credit for that goes to General N. P. Ignatyev who managed the department from 1861 to 1864. a participant in active and aggressive politics in the East. The period of his management of the Asian Department was marked by the policy of protecting the national interests of the Balkan Christians.
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Szippl, Richard F. « The Cross and the Flag ». Mission Studies 14, no 1 (1997) : 175–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338397x00112.
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AbstractChina has always occupied a special place in the history of Christian Missions. The second half of the nineteenth century was a time of especially intense missionary interest in China that coincided with a rapid overseas economic, military, and political expansion of the Western world. Conventionally, there have been two approaches to the question of the relationship between Christian missions and Western expansion. One paints missionaries as the vanguard of Western colonization, while the other stresses the detached idealism of the missionaries. In fact, the relationship between Christian missions and Western expansionism is a complicated one. This article considers this problematic relationship from a diplomatic perspective based on the views of Max von Brandt, a veteran German diplomat and expert in East Asian affairs at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries. Retiring from diplomatic service after thirty-three years in East Asia, Brandt served as an adviser to the German Foreign Office, and wrote a dozen books and over a hundred periodical articles on East Asian and other topics. The article briefly sketches Brandt's involvement with the mission question as a diplomat, and then analyses his writings on the subject. It shows how complicated the relationship between Christian missions and the policies of the Western governments really was. On the one hand, as the German envoy in China, Brandt promoted the German government protection of Catholic missionaries and intervened with the Chinese government repeatedly for the safety and security of Western missionaries when it suited the basic aims of government policy. At the same time, however, Brandt's diplomatic reports and later writings clearly reveal a basically negative appraisal of the effects of missionary activity. From Brandt's diplomatic perspective, Christian missions in China were both boon and bane.
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Jenkins, J. Craig, Katherine Meyer, Matthew Costello et Hassan Aly. « International Rentierism in the Middle East Africa, 1971–2008 ». International Area Studies Review 14, no 3 (1 janvier 2011) : 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386591101400301.
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What is the trend in rentierism in the Middle East and North Africa? Defining a rentier state as one that extracts a significant share of its revenues from rents extracted from international transactions, we examine a range of such transactions that together constitute a third or more of the Middle East/North Africa economies. Outlining a rentierism index that is based on the share of GDP stemming from oil/mineral exports, foreign military and economic aid, worker remittances, and international tourism, we show that rentierism is growing and that 18 of the 22 Middle East/North Africa states depend for over a third of their GDP on these international transactions. Some depend on direct rents stemming from oil/mineral exports and foreign aid, while others rely increasingly on indirect rents from remittances and tourism. This split between direct and indirect rents has implications for the political stability of these states, because it creates states that are more or less able to maintain control in the face of popular resistance and insurgency.
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Korecki, Zbyšek. « United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali ». Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no 3 (26 novembre 2019) : 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.3.9.
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UNITED NATIONS MULTIDIMENSIONAL INTEGRATED STABILIZATION MISSION IN MALIThe security and political instability of West and Central African countries is influenced by several factors and is a topical issue for the United Nations UN and the European Union’s EU foreign policy. The security of the region decreased to a low level after the declaration of the war on terrorism in 2003. According to the Global Peace Index GPI, which takes into account the militarization and security of society, countries such as Mali 2.686 — 144, Central African Republic 3.236 — 155 or Libya 3.262 — 157 compared to other countries of the world have long been in the unflattering index position, which is evaluated by 163 countries. The destabilization of Libya and the consequences of the fall of the dictatorial regime of Muammar Gaddafiled to the subsequent spread of instability in the region in 2011. After the emergence of the radical organization of the Islamic State IS, as well as other organized armed groups in the Middle East and in some African Union states, fighters are rapidly expanding into Mali, Mauritania and Niger. The UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali MINUSMA was launched in July 2013. As asymmetric terrorist attacks on UN peacekeepers have increased, a UN-level debate was held to strengthen the mandate and capabilities of UN MINUSMA. Contributing countries of the African Union were aware of the fact that terrorist attacks could spread to neighboring countries and therefore called on UN Member States to become more actively involved in the mission in Mali. The pre-sented article analyzes the political and security situation of Mali and the participation of members of the Army of the Czech Republic at the UN MINUSMA. The author of the article concluded that Mali in the post-conflict reconstruction needs to implement all stages of post-conflict reconstruction and necessarily needs the presence of UN and EU troops.Participation of members of the Army of the Czech Republic should correspond to the ambitions of the Czech Republic within the EU in achieving the objectives of stabilizing the unstable territories in the neighborhood in order to prevent future potential security risks.
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Elfakhani, Said M., et Linda M. Matar. « Foreign direct investment in the Middle East and North Africa region ». J. for Global Business Advancement 1, no 1 (2007) : 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/jgba.2007.012549.
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DUGINETS, Ganna, et Hossain Zonfali OMRAN. « UKRAINE’S TRADE RELATIONS WITH THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA ». Vol 21, No 4 (2022), Vol 21, No 4 (2022) (1 décembre 2022) : 474–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/jee2022.04.474.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ukraine’s foreign trade is being restructured and geographically diversified. The countries of the Middle East and North Africa play a key role in these processes in their capacity as trade partners. Consistent revenues from export are especially important for Ukraine’s recovery post-war, so the development of its foreign trade should entail a change in the approach to the Middle East and North Africa, namely a shift away from «casting a wide net» towards more targeted identification of emerging markets and concentrated efforts to deepen trade ties with these select countries. The research outcomes substantiate a comprehensive scientific and methodological approach to assessing the effectiveness of trade cooperation between countries. The proposed approach uses economic and mathematical modelling based on cluster analysis of existing cooperation features to benchmark the conditions of trade cooperation. Based on obtained results, it also allows for a continuous monitoring and assessment of the efficiency of implemented measures geared towards developing trade relations with the countries of the region.
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Golubeva, V. S., et N. V. Shcherbinin. « Container traffic : East African case ». Vestnik Universiteta, no 2 (2 avril 2022) : 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2022-2-114-123.
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The article reveals the historical features of foreign trade and its transport support in the East African region. In the course of the study an analysis of the export-import cargo flows structure in East Africa both in the colonial period and at the present time has been carried out. The region infrastructure facilities, including seaports, have been considered, their attractiveness for investments and doing business has been taken into account. The current level of container line service for providing the foreign economic transactions transport component has been shown and the main East African ports by level of line service and container turnover have been identified. The main problems and opportunities for increasing East African trade supplies and their logistics services have been revealed.
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Hutsaliuk, O. M., Іu A. Bondar et O. O. Sukhachova. « Vectors of Development of Trade and Economic Cooperation of Ukraine with the Countries of the Middle East and Africa ». Management of Economy : Theory and Practice. Chumachenko’s Annals, no 2021 (23 décembre 2021) : 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37405/2221-1187.2021.35-50.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The main directions of development of foreign policy relations and trade and economic cooperation of Ukraine with the countries of the Middle East and Africa are considered in the article. In particular, the state of Ukraine’s foreign trade relations with the Middle East and Africa and the directions of their growth are analyzed. The existing potential for strengthening cooperation in the region has been identified and its main prospects have been outlined. The analysis of the existing institutional system of foreign trade in Ukraine is carried out. that in the conditions of deteriorating economic situation in the world and reduction of indicators of export potential of Ukraine for 2019-2020, it is quite important to form and implement institutional support for the strategy of promoting the development of domestic producers and promoting their products to foreign markets. The main factors that should be taken into account by domestic producers in the process of entering the markets of the Middle East are substantiated. The hierarchy of the purposes of institutional maintenance of foreign trade of Ukraine in the context of cooperation with the countries of the region is offered. According to the indicators of exports of goods and services to major trading partners for 2018-2020, the formation of export destinations in Ukraine. The growth of exports and the dynamics of Ukraine’s foreign trade, which in turn brings currency to the country, more investment and, most importantly, the fact that the country will become a more competitive country. The development of bilateral and multilateral relations of Ukraine with the countries of North Africa is considered in the plane of geoeconomic interests of Ukraine. This indicates Ukraine’s interest in the development of trade and economic cooperation, based on the significant potential importance of the markets of these countries for the exit of Ukrainian exporters, as the countries of the region still show significant demand for Ukrainian goods. The preconditions of practical problems of development of foreign economic relations of Ukraine with the countries of the studied region are investigated, namely that recently the geopolitical influence of the last on the world arena has essentially increased. Prospects for further research in this area are to determine the theoretical and practical prerequisites for creating a strategy to promote the export of goods and services in the markets of the Middle East and Africa. Keywords foreign trade, export, import, trade and economic relations, foreign policy relations, geo-economic interests.
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Banschikova, Anastasia. « Visual Colonization : Scenes, Objects, and Main Content of Postcards from German East Africa ». ISTORIYA 12, no 12-1 (110) (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840014801-0.
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The paper deals with colonial representation of German East Africa in postcards, issued for exposure of conquered territories to the empire’s metropolis population. To the lesser degree they present peoples of distant land, their culture and life, concentrating more on (controversial) “achievements” brought by colonizers, like military stations, churches and Christian missions, infrastructure, askari troops recruited from local population etc. On these postcards we can see various species of acacias and palm trees, numerous Araberstrasse and Kaiserstrasse, monuments to the emperor and chancellor, ships in the Dar es Salaam bay, “native beauty” and “native quarters”. On the one hand, postcards reflect what colonizers wanted to display in their homeland, on the other — what homeland wished to see: images of exotic hot tropics, success of German administrators and troops. Content, scenes, objects shown on the postcards are analyzed in the article as specific patterns of “visual colonization”.
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Ferreira, Rialize. « SOUTH AFRICA’S PARTICIPATION IN THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC AND DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO PEACE MISS IONS : A COMPARISON ». Politeia 33, no 2 (20 octobre 2016) : 4–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1776.
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After the peacekeeping tragedy in the Central African Republic (CAR) in March 2013, South Africa’s participation in peacekeeping missions on the African continent is under investigation. Military personnel of the South African National Defence Force recently took part in both conventional and unconventional, asymmetric warfare in two peace missions, one in the CAR and one in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In the CAR a unilateral military agreement between states existed, while in the DRC a United Nations (UN) mandate for multilateral offensive peacekeeping was authorised. The rationale for South Africa’s participation in African missions is important while the country is serving as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. Its role as one of the leading nations in Africa to deploy peacekeepers is central to its foreign policy. The article focuses on contrasting operations, and diverse challenges such as the authorisation of mandates, funding, logistics and shortcomings in asymmetric training for irregular “new wars†where peacekeepers are required to protect civilians in countries to which they owe little allegiance. Lessons learnt from the widely differing operational experiences in these recent peace missions are discussed.
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Litali, Victoria, Gordon Opuodho et Olanrewaju Fatoki. « Moderating the Role of Trade Openness on Foreign Portfolio Investment and Economic Growth among East Africa Community Countries ». International Journal of Finance and Accounting 9, no 3 (4 juin 2024) : 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/ijfa.2639.
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Purpose: This study investigates the impact of foreign portfolio investment (FPI) on economic growth in East Africa using panel data for Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda, and Burundi from 1974-2022. Methodology: The analysis employs a panel vector error correction model to estimate the short and long-run effects of FPI on growth. The study relied on secondary data sources for the period 1974-2022 with an annual frequency, implying 49 years of data. Data on foreign investment variables and macroeconomic control variables were sourced from the World Bank database, National Statistical Bureaus, Central Banks, and Stock Exchanges of the respective countries. Findings: The results indicate that FPI significantly positively impacts economic growth in East Africa. A 1% increase in FPI inflows as a share of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) boosts annual real GDP growth by approximately 10.7% in the long run. The findings are robust to the inclusion of moderating variables like trade openness. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The empirical analysis aimed to validate the Modern Portfolio Theory by examining if greater foreign portfolio investment flows contributed positively to economic growth in the East African region. The results lend support to policy efforts in East Africa to attract greater FPI through capital market reforms, regional integration, and macroeconomic stability. However, further developing financial markets and enhancing absorptive capacity is essential to leverage FPI more effectively for sustainable growth financing.
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Hill, Myrtle. « Women in the Irish Protestant Foreign Missions c. 1873-1914 : Representations and Motivations ». Studies in Church History. Subsidia 13 (2000) : 170–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002854.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The importance of women’s contribution to foreign missionary work has now been well established, with a range of studies, particularly from Canada, America, and Britain, exploring the topic from both religious and feminist perspectives. The role of Irishwomen, however, has neither been researched in any depth nor recorded outside denominational histories in which they are discussed, if at all, only marginally, and only in relation to their supportive contribution to the wider mission of the Church. The motivations, aspirations, experiences, and achievements of the hundreds of women who left Ireland to do God’s work in India, China, Africa, or Egypt are yet to be explored. My intention in this paper is to discuss their work and the ways in which they have been represented in the context of socio-economic developments in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Ireland, to determine how the interaction of class, gender, and religion helped shape their missionary endeavours.
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Bruner, Jason. « Inquiring into Empire : Princeton Seminary’s Society of Inquiry on Missions, the British Empire, and the Opium Trade, Ca. 1830‐1850 ». Mission Studies 27, no 2 (2010) : 194–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338310x536438.
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AbstractPrinceton Seminary was intimately involved in the North American foreign missions movement in the nineteenth century. One remarkable dimension of this involvement came through the student-led Society of Inquiry on Missions, which sought to gather information about the global state of the Christian mission enterprise. This paper examines the Society’s correspondence with Protestant missionaries in China regarding their attitudes to the British Empire in the years 1830‐1850. It argues that the theological notion of providence informed Princetonians’ perceptions of the world, which consequently dissociated the Christian missionary task with any particular nation or empire. An examination of the Society of Inquiry’s correspondence during the mid-nineteenth century reveals much about Protestant missionaries and their interactions with the opium trade and the results of the First Opium War (1839‐1842). Princetonians’ responses to the opium trade and the First Opium War led ultimately to a significant critique of western commercial influence in East Asia. In conclusion, this paper questions the extent to which commerce, empire, and Christian missions were inherently associated in nineteenth century American Protestant missionary activity.
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Khannanova, G. A. « SPECIFICS OF GERMAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA ». Vestnik RUDN International Relations 17, no 4 (2017) : 760–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2017-17-4-760-769.
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Lovgren, S. L., T. B. Taro et H. L. Wipfli. « Perceptions of foreign health aid in East Africa : an exploratory baseline study ». International Health 6, no 4 (25 juin 2014) : 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/inthealth/ihu023.
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Gemueva, K. A. « Chinese economic presence in East Africa : the case of Kenya ». MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no 3 (8 juillet 2020) : 112–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-112-137.
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The first ever Russia-Africa Summit and Economic Forum in October 2019 demonstrates not only interest of both sides in developing bilateral cooperation, but also has every chance of becoming a turning point in translating words into action. Due to advantageous geographical position, dynamic economic development and its role as a transport, logistics and financial center in East Africa, Kenya is justifiably considers as an "entry point" to the African market for foreign companies. At present, Russia's economic presence in this country is extremely limited, and therefore, when developing an effective strategy for promoting the market in Kenya, it seems advisable to study the practical experience of other major players, both to find "keys to success" and to identify potential risks. Russia's economic presence in the country has been very limited so far, thereby learning from the practical experience of other major players would be useful for developing an effective strategy to enter the Kenyan market, both to find "keys to success" and to identify potential risks. The reason why the Chinese experience was chosen as the subject of study is the China's rapid uptake to become one of Kenya's key partners. Thus, the purpose of this study is to develop recommendations for Russian companies to enter the African market based on the experience of the Chinese economic presence in Kenya.The article analyzes in detail three key areas of Chinese economic activity in Kenya, i.e. foreign trade, infrastructure development and credit financing, as well as linkages between them. The author argues that the willingness of China to implement projects that are in line with the current Kenya`s development agenda was an important factor in the large-scale increase of cooperation. Thus, China's activities are not only aimed at stimulating the export of Chinese goods and services, as well as increasing its geopolitical weight in the region, but also are supporting for Kenya's industrialization, modern and reliable infrastructure development. The Mombasa-Nairobi railway, the largest project involving Chinese companies in Kenya, is used as an example with regard to typical problems that foreign companies may face in Kenya, including media pressure. Based on the analysis of current trends, the author concludes that the further development of bilateral cooperation will depend to a great extent on the commitment from both sides to gradually change the priority areas of cooperation and to use new tools and mechanisms of interaction.
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Barinov, Andrey K. « Infrastructure development in Africa (East African Transport) ». Asia and Africa Today, no 7 (2021) : 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750015770-9.
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In the article, the authors analyze the current state and prospects for the development of the transport infrastructure in the countries of East Africa. They provide latest data on projects in pipeline. Today, Africa is a dynamically developing continent with powerful economic, demographic and resource potential that will have a tangible impact on world development in the 21st century. The large-scale transformations that are taking place on the continent require an outstripping pace of infrastructure development, which, despite the success achieved, still does not meet its needs. While total capital investment in infrastructure projects in African countries in 2018 reached record level, the lack of funding remains one of the key obstacles for the development of African infrastructure. The COVID-19 pandemic that swept the world in 2020 will further exacerbate the existing gap between investment needed and investment required. The economic potential of many infrastructure projects will decline. However, according to the authors, the negative impact will not be so large-scale due to the long-term nature of the contracts, as well as the socio-economic significance of the projects. The authors of the article come to the conclusion that in the context of an epidemiological crisis, both national and foreign investors who invest in the development of regional infrastructure seek to share their risks by attracting new financial partners. This situation opens up additional opportunities for Russian companies and enterprises to enter long-term and capital-intensive infrastructure projects in East Africa, which can become a solid basis for building Russian-African economic relations.
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Truong, Anh Thuan. « Conflicts among religious orders of Christianity : А study of Vietnam during the 17th and 18th centuries ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 37, no 2 (2021) : 369–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2021.214.
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During the 17th and 18th centuries, the presence as well as activities of religious orders of Christianity in Vietnam, predominantly the Society of Jesus, Mendicant Orders (Franciscan Order, Dominican Order, etc.), and the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris, to establish or maintain and strengthen the interests of some Western countries’ (Portugal, Spain, France) missionary work in this country led to conflicts and disputes over the missionary area as well as the right to manage missionary activities among religious orders of Christianity. From 1665 to 1773, the Vietnamese Catholic Church witnessed protracted disputes and conflicts between Jesuits sponsored by the Portuguese and the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris backed by France. While contradictions between them remained unresolved, from the first half of the 18th century onwards, conflicts and disputes between the Spanish Franciscan Order and the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris continued to arise. This influenced the development of Christianity in Vietnam during this period. Based on original historical sources and academic achievements of Vietnamese scholars as well as international, this article applies two main research methods of the history of science (historical and logical methods) with other research methods (systemic, analysis, synthesis, comparison, etc.) to closely examine the “panorama” of the conflicts between the religious orders of Christianity that took place in Vietnam during the 17th and 18th centuries. The article analyzes the underlying and direct cause of this phenomenon, making certain contributions to the study of the relationship among religious orders in the process of introduction and development of Christianity in Vietnam, as well as the history of East-West cultural exchange in the country during this period.
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Banschikova, Anastasia. « Askari, Arabs, and Africans of Tanganyika : Colonial Times through the Eyes of German Photographers and Illustrators ». ISTORIYA 14, no 12-1 (134) (2023) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028469-4.
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The article deals with the representation of local population of German East Africa (in regards of its main part which later formed British Tanganyika) on the photographs, book illustrations, and postcards published by German editors and photographers. These images reflect German colonial discourse in relation to specific circumstances of East Africa, where Germany was for centuries preceded by other “foreign colonizers”, namely the Arabs. On the one hand, these images constitute a valuable source for the study of history and ethnography of East Africa, on the other hand, they reflect “visual colonization” of subjugated territory and its hierarchies. We have before us a visual history of the “colonial period” that allows us to better understand this historical era as a distinct segment of the historical process.
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Schweitzer, Vladimir. « The Middle East Saga of the Peacemaker (commemorating the 110th anniversary of Bruno Kreisky’s birth) ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no 1 (28 février 2021) : 126–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran12021126133.
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The article is devoted to an important aspect of the political biography of Bruno Kreisky – one of the most prominent European politicians of the last third of the XXth century. A statesman of Austria (head of the Foreign Ministry in 1959–1966, Federal Chancellor in 1970–1983), long-term chairman of the Socialist Party, and in 1974–1989 – one of the vice-presidents of the Socialist International, he was constantly in touch with Middle East issues. His assessments and judgments had a certain influence on the nature of decisions made in the international community. Kreisky’s missions to the region in 1973–1977, carried out under the auspices of the Social International, contributed to the beginning of the peace process in the Middle East.
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Misirli, Husnu. « A Security Perspective on Turkey-Africa Relations : Analysis of Smart Power Strategy ». East African Scholars Journal of Education, Humanities and Literature 6, no 06 (3 juin 2023) : 224–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.36349/easjehl.2023.v06i06.001.
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Somalia and soft power diplomacy in East Africa has been the first and most important step in Turkey's engagement with the African continent. In this way, with its opening to Africa initiative and investments in Somalia, Turkey has demonstrated to the international community that it will be among the important actors contributing to the future of the African community. Today, starting from East Africa, Turkey has been developing and strengthening its influence and presence in many regions of Africa, including North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Sahel Region, through its multidimensional foreign policy. Moreover, it has successfully supported its soft power diplomacy in the continent with its initiatives in the field of the defense industry and its Smart Power strategy and has come to the forefront as a security partner of the African countries.
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Danieluk, Robert. « Maksymilian Ryłło SJ (1802-1848) and the Beginnings of the New Catholic Mission in Africa in Nineteenth Century ». Annales Missiologici Posnanienses, no 23 (5 janvier 2019) : 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/amp.2018.23.1.
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The Polish Jesuit Maksymilian Ryłło (1802-1848) participated in several missionary endeavors undertaken by the Church in nineteenth century and entrusted to the Society of Jesus. Besides his missions in Middle East in 1836-1837 and 1839-1841, he was also one of the protagonists of an exploratory trip to North East Africa started in 1847 from Egypt and directed south. Arrived to Khartum and established there for a few months, Ryłło died in that city, while a few years later other missionaries took over the work of evangelization started by him and his companions. The present article introduces this Jesuit and focuses on the “African chapter” of his life – all as an attempt of filling the historiographical gap consisting in the fact that the English literature about Ryłło is almost inexistent.
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Petriaiev, O. S. « STRATEGIC INTERESTS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY IN THE REGION OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA ». National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no 3(55) (21 décembre 2022) : 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.3(55).269555.
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The coming to power in the Republic of Turkey of Prime Minister and later President Recep Tayyip Erdogan led to a change in the ideological foundation of the state, the rejection of the ideology of Kemalism and the transition to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism with an active foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. The strengthening of Erdogan's power contributed to a change in Turkey's foreign policy and the development of external relations with the Islamic worlds and, first of all, with the Arab countries. The neo-Ottoman ideology has become a key element in Turkey's foreign policy strategy in the Arab region. Prerequisites for changing the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey in the Middle East and North Africa are complex. After the political party Justice and Development came to power, it led to the desire for neo- Ottoman revanchism and the rejection of the "zero problems with neighbors" political vector. Also, through various reforms, the leader of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, managed to neutralize the political opposition and the Turkish military, who historically were the external arbiters of Turkish political life. The strengthening of Erdogan's political position inside Turkey allowed him to change the external political course of his country. After the start of a series of revolutions in the Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa, Turkey felt that it could regain in this region the lost political and economic positions that it had lost after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. After that, Turkey began to position itself as an important military, political and economic player in the region, competing with such countries as Israel, Egypt, Iran and Saudi Arabia. This vector of development of Turkey's foreign policy showed that the country no longer seeks to pursue a policy close to the interests of the United States and the European Union, and began to distance itself from the Western world, becoming the dominant political and military player in the Middle East, North Africa and other regions. This trend showed that the Republic of Turkey has already declared itself as a regional power that other political players need to reckon with.
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Chindengwike, James. « The Effect of Foreign Direct Investment on Poverty Alleviation in East Africa Countries ». Journal of Global Economy 18, no 1 (13 mars 2022) : 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1956/jge.v18i1.634.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is crucial to support economic development for developed and developing countries. The aim of this paper is to examine the effect of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) on poverty alleviation in East Africa Countries. The study adopted a time series data research design where by secondary data were used. The population applied on the financial records from 1987/88 - 2017/18 financial years (Annual Data). The sample size of the study was 31 annual observations. Tanzania was purposively sampled to be used as research location of this study. The data collected from various reliable sources which included the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), Bank of Tanzania (BOT), Tanzania Investment Centre (TIC), World Bank (WB), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and United Nation Conference on Trade Development (UNCTAD). The results of the study revealed that FDI have statistical significant effects on poverty alleviation on East African countries with P- Value 0.008. The study recommends that policy makers in collaboration with the government have to pertain favorable and investment’s friendly strategies as well as commenced essential strategies transformation so as to solve the problems associated with investment sector in East Africa Countries which usually hinder the development and growth of the FDI
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Idahosa, S. O., et O. J. Makpah. « Xenophobic Threat to Nigerians Abroad – How Relevant is the Concept of “Afrocentrism” ? » Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 59, no 2 (30 juin 2022) : 88–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2022-59-2-88-95.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The subject of this article is the relevance of Afrocentrism in the view of xenophobic threat to Nigerians abroad. The Afrocentrism in Nigeria’s foreign policy had been successful in both decolonization of Africa and the fight against apartheid in South Africa. However, the attacks on Nigerians abroad continue to question the price that Nigeria has paid in human, capital and material resources in ensuring peace on the continent. The fusion between policy and practice in the articulation and implementation of Nigeria’s foreign policy (often at the expense of its own people) reflects the sacrifices the country has made in its dedication to the continent. The study reveals that the history of Nigeria-Africa relations can be viewed in the light of conflict, cooperation, and competition. The study concludes that the Federal government should come up with policies that would change the current narrative in favour of Nigeria’s national interest vis-a-vis protecting its citizens abroad. It further recommends a number of measures to be taken, such as: sensitization campaign (Nigeria’s missions abroad, in collaboration with the appropriate government agencies of the host country in the hotspot areas in Africa, should periodically carry out sensitization programmes); setting up and strengthening (where it already exists) early warning signal system; using soft power/public diplomacy; using art diplomacy/cultural diplomacy; practicing overseas investment/economic nationalism to protect the country’s economy; prioritizing Nigeria’s foreign policy on regional concern.
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Rich, Paul. « United States containment policy, South Africa and the apartheid dilemma ». Review of International Studies 14, no 3 (juillet 1988) : 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113257.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the early 1970s, South Africa has become an increasingly important issue within US foreign policy after a long period of benign neglect. For a considerable part of the post-war period, US decision-makers felt it possible to avoid a direct confrontation with the moral and ethical issues involved in the South African government's policy of apartheid; the relative geographical isolation of the country from many central theatres of East–West conflict in central Europe, the Middle East and South East Asia ensured that South Africa was not in the front line of strategically vital states. Furthermore, South Africa's membership of the Commonwealth until 1960 meant that, for many US policy makers, South Africa could be seen as an issue within Commonwealth relations and thus not one for direct US involvement.
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Burlingham, Kate. « Praying for Justice : The World Council of Churches and the Program to Combat Racism ». Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no 1 (avril 2019) : 66–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00856.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the late 1960s and early 1970s, individuals around the world, particularly those in newly decolonized African countries, called on churches, both Protestant and Catholic, to rethink their mission and the role of Christianity in the world. This article explores these years and how they played out in Angola. A main forum for global discussion was the World Council of Churches (WCC), an ecumenical society founded alongside the United Nations after World War II. In 1968 the WCC devised a Program to Combat Racism (PCR), with a particular focus on southern Africa. The PCR's approach to combating racism proved controversial. The WCC began supporting anti-colonial organizations against white minority regimes, even though many of these organizations relied on violence. Far from disavowing violent groups, the PCR's architects explicitly argued that, at times, violent action was justified. Much of the PCR funding went to Angolan revolutionary groups and to individuals who had been educated in U.S. and Canadian foreign missions. The article situates global conversations within local debates between missionaries and Angolans about the role of the missions in the colonial project and the future of the church in Africa.
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Shcherbak, Igor Nikolaevich. « Modernisation of crisis response at global and regional levels ». Contemporary Europe, no 2 (15 avril 2023) : 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323020055.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The author examines the peacekeeping practice in terms of new instruments of crisis response (special political and stabilization missions and operations) used by the UN, the EU and OAU. The study focuses on the problems connected with the extended use of the UN and EU's stabilization operations aimed at combating terrorism, assuring security in the crisis regions, as well as with the provision of assistance to the host countries. It is revealed that political and stabilization missions could become prospective instruments of crisis response due to their maximum adaptation to modern challenges of global and regional security and stability. High level of coordination among UN, EU and other regional organizations in planning and implementation of these operations is a necessary precondition for effectiveness of these missions and operations. Creation of a global platform for joint operative response to extraordinary and complex crisis situations comprising the UN, EU, OSCE G20 and other regional organizations could be a major step in this respect. The platform could be also used for the development of confidence-building measures providing a high degree of transparency in military activities of different states and regional organizations; for prevention of conflicts and reaching a diplomatic solution. Establishing regional platforms for regulation of local conflicts in the regions with a high probability of crisis situations like the Middle East, the Persian Gulf, Africa, Afghanistan and the Central Asia, the Far East could also contribute to global security and stability.
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Bhacker, M. Reda. « Family strife and foreign intervention : causes in the separation of Zanzibar from Oman : a reappraisal ». Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 54, no 2 (juin 1991) : 269–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00014786.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The nineteenth-century rise of Zanzibar under the ruling Albusaidi Dynasty of Oman owed its origins primarily to the solid foundations of commercial activity laid down in Muscat in the preceding century. In the subsequent development of the Omani economy, in Omani territories in both Arabia and Africa where the dictates of the Omani political/tribal system did not allow for any centralization of authority, local communities and tribal groups resisted the domination of the Albusaidi rulers as they strove to bring under their own control the benefits of burgeoning trade.The opposition of the major Omani groups in East Africa, the Mazāri‘a of Mombasa and the Banū Nabhān of Pate, to the Albusaidis and the eventual success of the Omani rulers in dismantling and neutralizing this opposition are fairly well documented. However, the sustained challenge of Hilāl b. Sa‘īd to the reign of his father Sa‘īd b. Sulṭān, the Albusaidi ruler of Oman and Zanzibar and their dependencies from 1806 to 1856, has hitherto been neglected, despite the fact that Hilāl's resistance in East Africa was the greatest internal threat to Sa‘īd after that posed by the Mazāri'a and had dire consequences for the subsequent course of Oman's history. The conflict between father and son set in train a course of events that led inexorably to the 1861 British-sponsored dismemberment of Oman into two Sultanates, one in Arabia and the other in East Africa.