Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Minorities – Social conditions – Great Britain »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Minorities – Social conditions – Great Britain"
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Fieldhouse, E. A., et M. I. Gould. « Ethnic Minority Unemployment and Local Labour Market Conditions in Great Britain ». Environment and Planning A : Economy and Space 30, no 5 (mai 1998) : 833–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a300833.
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British ethnic minority unemployment rates are considerably higher than those of the white population. In 1991 the ethnic minority unemployment rate was more than double that of the white majority. One possible explanation is that Britain's ethnic minorities are concentrated in areas of economic disadvantage. The authors use the 2% Individual Sample of Anonymised Records (SAR) in conjunction with area-based census data for pseudo travel-to-work areas, to explore the relative importance of individual characteristics and area characteristics on ethnic minority unemployment rates. Multilevel modelling techniques are employed to estimate simultaneously variations between individuals and between areas after allowing for variables measured at both levels of analysis. The most important differences in the propensity to unemployment are shown to be between individuals, and, compared with whites, ethnic minority groups are shown to be disadvantaged wherever they live. In general, there is also evidence of greater variation in ethnic minority unemployment between areas than there is for whites. However, there is the same underlying geography of unemployment for the black and white populations, but a slightly different pattern for Asian ethnic groups. These differences can be explained only partially by area-level characteristics. In all, it is argued that at the spatial scale which is identifiable in the Individual SAR, ethnic minority unemployment cannot be attributed to geographical distribution, though data at a finer geographical scale are needed to test this hypothesis more fully.
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Owens, John R., et Larry L. Wade. « Economic Conditions and Constituency Voting in Great Britain ». Political Studies 36, no 1 (mars 1988) : 30–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1988.tb00215.x.
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The extent to which levels and trends in local unemployment and income influenced the Conservative vote in 633 separate British constituency elections in 1983 is estimated in several regression models. Long-term influences on voting are controlled by the endogenous variables of social class and territoriality. It is argued that this research design is superior to previous ones that have treated general elections as national elections in exploring the economic theory of voting. Sensitivity analysis (the use of several models to illuminate the research problem posed) suggests that, unlike America congressional elections, current rates and trends in local unemployment and income exerted a substantial and systematic influence on constituency voting.
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Тетяна Коляда. « SOCIAL CONDITIONS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF SECONDARY EDUCATION IN GREAT BRITAIN ». Social work and social education, no 5 (23 décembre 2020) : 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2618-0715.5.2020.220814.
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The article considers the social conditions for the development of secondary education in Great Britain (XIX – first half of the XX century). It was founded that an important factor in the formation of the British education system was the influence of the ruling class of aristocrats (landlords) and the petty nobility. It was founded that education of the majority of the population depended on the area, financial status of the family and religion. It was emphasized that religion played a significant role in the field of mass education. It has been shown that in the early nineteenth century, English society was engulfed in a movement of evangelical revival, as a result of which the Anglican Church could not control all its faithful, unlike the Catholic Church in Europe. It is determined that industrialization, urbanization and democratization have created conditions for social, political and economic transformations that required educated personnel. As a result, a number of laws were passed initiating reforms in primary and secondary education.
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Nottingham, Christopher J. « Recasting Bourgeois Britain ? » International Review of Social History 31, no 3 (décembre 1986) : 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000008208.
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In Recasting Bourgeois Europe, his study of the responses of the major States of Western Europe to the conditions created by the First World War, Charles Maier makes only, according to his standards, passing reference to Great Britain. Initially this must appear quite reasonable, for if one compares the post-war situation of Britain with that of most of Continental Europe it must seem that Britain escaped, or at least experienced with a greatly reduced intensity, the disorder which beset other nations. It might therefore be assumed that the efforts of the British political elite to adjust to the post-war world are less worthy of attention than those of their Continental counterparts.
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Zriba, Hassen. « Social Cohesion and Cultural Diversity in Contemporary Britain : Impossible Mission ! » American International Journal of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences 1, no 2 (17 juin 2019) : 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46545/aijhass.v1i2.92.
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In contemporary multicultural Britain, the concept of social cohesion has been a pressing priority for not only politicians and sociologists but also for the various British ethnic minorities. Race riots like those of 2001 in Northern Britain and the events of 7/7 in London (2005) put into question the allegiances of different British ethnic populations. They equally shed light on the real or perceived lack of social and cultural communication between the established British host population and the British ethnic and immigrant communities. Hence, social cohesion came to the fore as the new jargon of governance in contemporary Britain.This article analyzes on the concept of social cohesion and its applicability within an officially declared multicultural community like that of Great Britain. The concept will be reviewed, defined and approached from different liberal political perspectives (Robert Dahl’s pluralist approach and Arend Lijphart’s consociationalism to the more recent Will Kymlicka’s group-differentiated citizenship) while paying special attention to the British context. Bhikhu Parekh’s conception of the different theoretical approaches to the issue of social cohesion that are pertinent to liberal capitalist societies in general and the British context, in particular, is investigated. The aim of this study is to highlight the complexity of the normative accounts of the political scientists regarding the challenges that face multicultural Britain in coming to terms with its endeavour of creating “unity within diversity”. The 2002 White Paper and security speech of David Cameron (2011) political discourses are analyzed and evaluated to decipher how they understood national identity in relation to cultural diversity and social cohesion.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3376484
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Clair, Amy, Jasmine Fledderjohann, Doireann Lalor et Rachel Loopstra. « The Housing Situations of Food Bank Users in Great Britain ». Social Policy and Society 19, no 1 (27 mai 2019) : 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746419000150.
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Food bank use in Great Britain has risen substantially over the last decade. The considerable socioeconomic disadvantage of the food bank user population has been documented, but little research has examined whether housing problems intersect with insecure food access. Using data from 598 households accessing assistance from twenty-four food banks operating in Great Britain in 2016–2017, we found that nearly 18 per cent of households were homeless, with more having experienced homelessness in the past twelve months. Renters from both the private and social rented sectors were also overrepresented in the sample. Households in both private and social rented housing reported high rates of rent arrears and poor conditions; those in private housing were also more likely to live in homes with damp, to have moved in past year, and to be worried about a forced move in future. Overall, housing problems are widespread among food bank users; policy interventions are needed.
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Bağırlar, Belgin. « Racism in the 21st Century : Debbie Tucker Green’s Eye for Ear ». European Journal of Behavioral Sciences 3, no 3 (30 décembre 2020) : 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/ejbs.v3i3.483.
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Does equality exist in the 21st century, or, are minorities still forced to fight for equality? In nineteenth century, Britain, racism was blatant in all spheres of cultural, social, and economic life to the point that it crossed over into literature and theatre. In 1978, UNESCO adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Forty years have since passed, but has it made any difference? Contemporary British playwright Debbie Tucker Green’s Eye for Ear (2018), staged at the Royal Court Theatre, reminds us that racism and inequality is still a key social-political issue. This three-act, avant-garde, colloquial play depicts how both African-Americans as well as Black British people still live with racism today. It also highlights racism’s linguistic and legal past. Tucker Green particularly focuses on the violent aspect of that racism through the lens of different characters: an academic, a black student, a black boy, and black parents. The play concludes with crushed hope, for it deduces that Caucasians both in the United States and in Great Britain still dominate practically every facet of society. This study will examine Green’s Ear for Eye, racial discrimination in the 21st century, and how Tucker Green projects her views upon her work through the theory of race and racism.
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Lieberman, Robert C. « Race, Institutions, and the Administration of Social Policy ». Social Science History 19, no 4 (1995) : 511–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017491.
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The New Deal marked a critical conjuncture of civil rights and welfare policy in American political development. During the Progressive Era, civil rights policy and social policy developed independently and often antithetically. While the American state expanded its reach in economic regulation and social welfare, laying the institutional and intellectual groundwork for the New Deal, policies aimed at protecting the rights of minorities progressed barely at all (McDonagh 1993). But with the Great Depression, the welfare and civil rights agendas came together powerfully. For African Americans, who had already been relegated to the bottom of the political economy, the Depression created even more desperate conditions, and issues of economic opportunity and relief became paramount. The African American political community pursued an agenda that linked advances in civil rights to expansions of the state's role in social welfare (Hamilton and Hamilton 1992).
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Fieldhouse, Edward, et David Cutts. « Does Diversity Damage Social Capital ? A Comparative Study of Neighbourhood Diversity and Social Capital in the US and Britain ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no 2 (28 mai 2010) : 289–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000065.
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Abstract. A number of scholars have noted a negative relationship between ethnic diversity and social capital or social trust, especially in the US. Evidence from other countries has been more mixed and sometimes contradictory. In this paper we provide the first Anglo-American comparative analysis of the relationship between neighbourhood diversity and social capital, and show how this relationship varies across ethnic categories. We apply multilevel structural equation models to individual level data from the 2000 Citizen Benchmark Survey for the US and the 2005 Citizenship Survey for Great Britain. The findings suggest that while for attitudinal social capital among Whites the negative underlying relationship with diversity is apparent in both countries, the effect is much weaker or reversed for minority groups. For structural social capital the negative relationship is apparent for minorities but not Whites, but this is mainly attributable to other neighbourhood characteristics.Résumé. Un certain nombre d'universitaires ont noté une relation négative entre la diversité ethnique et le capital social ou la confiance sociale, surtout aux États-Unis. D'autres pays, par contre, offrent des constats plus mitigés et parfois contradictoires. Dans cet article, nous présentons la première analyse comparative anglo-américaine de la relation entre la diversité du voisinage et le capital social et nous démontrons comment cette relation varie selon les catégories ethniques. Nous appliquons des modélisations par équation structurelle à multiniveaux à des données de niveau individuel provenant du Citizen Benchmark Survey de 2000 pour les États-Unis et du Citizenship Survey de 2005 pour la Grande-Bretagne. Les résultats démontrent que si, pour le capital social attitudinal, la relation fondamentale négative avec la diversité est évidente parmi les Blancs dans les deux pays, l'effet est cependant beaucoup plus faible ou renversé pour les groupes minoritaires. En ce qui concerne le capital social structurel, la relation négative est évidente pour les minorités, mais pas pour les Blancs, mais cette situation est principalement attribuable à d'autres caractéristiques du voisinage.
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Karužaitė, Daiva. « Higher Education Changes in Great Britain in XX–XXI centuries ». Pedagogika 117, no 1 (5 mars 2015) : 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15823/p.2015.064.
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The article reveals development and essential changes of higher education in Great Britain in XX–XXI centuries.
During last century Great Britain higher education system has changed dramatically – from elite higher education in the beginning of XX century, which was available for very small part of society, to mass higher education with variety of institutions and education programs. Nowadays there is almost half of Great Britain population (of certain age group) obtaining higher education certificate or diploma.
The junction of XX and XXI centuries was signed with significant shift in the gender structure of higher education students: more women obtained fist university degree than men. Ten years later the same was recorded in higher degrees.
The intense change of Great Britain higher education from elite to mass inevitably influenced the higher education finance sector. Great Britain used to cover all expenses of higher education from the budget. However, the financial crises occurred in the last decade of XX century, and the government was forced to seek for new financing models of higher education. First time in Great Britain higher education history the tuition fee was introduced. Striving to ensure the higher education accessibility for all social groups in Great Britain, the tuition fees were complemented with the grants and loans with special repayment (or without) conditions. Nevertheless, the financial reform, started in 1998, already was changed several times and has raised lots of critics.
Along with the financial reform Great Britain deals with the higher education quality issues. There was no essential discussions about higher education quality in the beginning of the XX century as it was elite higher education. Moving to the mass higher education with variety of institutions and dramatically growing student number, the quality question becomes relevant. Despite the owning the largest number of worldwide level elite universities in Europe, Great Britain seeks to ensure the quality in all higher education institutions in the country. Therefore the Quality Assurance Agency for Higher Education was established. The Agency puts students and the public interest at the center of everything they do. Great Britain higher education quality policy is implemented basing on the Quality Code for Higher Education.
Thèses sur le sujet "Minorities – Social conditions – Great Britain"
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Tabet, Marie-Christine. « Household labour supply in Great Britain : can policy-makers rely on neoclassical models ? » Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2358/.
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This thesis empirically examines whether the neoclassical economic model provides an adequate framework to analyse a couple's labour supply behaviour in Britain using recent data from the British Household Panel Survey. The thesis comprises three empirical chapters. The first chapter uses the instrumental variable (IV) estimation procedure to model the hours of work of married couples. This approach allows us to test whether some of the assumptions of the neoclassical model (e.g., income pooling and Slutsky properties) are satisfied by the data. In addition, further variables that have been identified as distribution factors in the literature are introduced to the empirical model to assess whether they play a role in explaining a couple's hours of work. The first chapter only considers couples in which both spouses work. In the second chapter, the sample is amended to include all couples (i.e., those that work and those that do not) and the analysis conducted models a couple's labour market participation decisions rather than their hours of work. After testing for income pooling and the impact of distribution factors, a further variable, the wife's mother-in-law work status when the male spouse was aged 14, is introduced into the model. This is done to determine the effect of 'cultural' variables on labour market decisions. In the last chapter, this issue is explored further by explicitly modelling attitudes to a woman's role in the labour market. This approach uses a bivariate ordered probit model given the ordinal nature of responses to the attitudinal questions and again restricts the analysis to couples only. Finally, gender-role attitudes are introduced to the labour supply framework used in the second chapter in order to evaluate whether beliefs regarding women's role impact on a couple's labour market decisions.
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Neal, Derek. « Meanings of masculinity in late medieval England : self, body and society ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84534.
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Masculinity is a set of meanings, and also an aspect of male identity. Understanding masculinity in history, therefore, requires attention to culture and psychology. The concept of a "crisis of masculinity" cannot address these dimensions sufficiently and is of little use to the historian.This analysis of evidence from late medieval England begins with the social world. Legal records show men defending, and therefore defining, masculine identity through interaction among male peers and with women. Defamation suits suggest a fifteenth-century identification of masculinity with "trueness": an uncomplicated, open honesty. A "true man," in late medieval England, was not just an honest man, but a real man.
Social masculinity constituted honest fairness, permitting stable social relations between men. Transparent honesty, good management of the household ("husbandry"), and self-command preserved males' social substance, their metaphoric embodiment represented tangibly by money and property. Lawsuits and personal letters show how masculine social identity took shape through competition and cooperation with other men. "Power," "dominance" and self-fulfilment were less important than sustaining this network of relations.
Men's relations with women are best understood within this homosocial dynamic. Men's adultery trespassed on other males' substance, while women's adultery indicated poor management of one's own. Sexual slander against men could injure their social identity, but was unlikely to demolish it, as it would for a woman. The celibate minority of men shared these concerns.
Medical texts, late medieval men's clothing, satirical poems, and courtesy texts prescribing self-control show that the male body provided important meanings (phallic and otherwise), through failure, inadequacy or excess as often as not. Sexual activity, and other uses of the body, might be managed differently as self-restraining or self-indulgent discourses of masculinity demanded.
A psychoanalytic reading of medieval romances reveals fantasized solutions to the problem of males' desire for feminine and masculine objects. Romance literature displays a narcissistic subjectivity created in defensive fantasies of disconnection. Such features derive from a culture demanding incessant social self-presentation of its men, which permitted very little in daily life to be kept from the scrutiny of others.
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Whitworth, Adam. « Work, care and social inclusion : lone motherhood under New Labour ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670080.
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Childs, Michael James 1956. « Working class youth in late Victorian and Edwardian England ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74015.
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McLaughlin, Janice. « Discursive strategies within Thatcherism : family and market representations in its rhetoric and Community Care Documents / ». Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06302009-040329/.
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Perrone, Fernanda Helen. « The V.A.D.S. and the great war / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66086.
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Withall, Caroline Louise. « Shipped out ? : pauper apprentices of port towns during the Industrial Revolution, 1750-1870 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:519153d8-336b-4dac-bf37-4d6388002214.
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The thesis challenges popular generalisations about the trades, occupations and locations to which pauper apprentices were consigned, shining the spotlight away from the familiar narrative of factory children, onto the fate of their destitute peers in port towns. A comparative investigation of Liverpool, Bristol and Southampton, it adopts a deliberately broad definition of the term pauper apprenticeship in its multi-sourced approach, using 1710 Poor Law and charity apprenticeship records and previously unexamined New Poor Law and charity correspondence to provide new insight into the chronology, mechanisms and experience of pauper apprenticeship. Not all port children were shipped out. Significantly more children than has hitherto been acknowledged were placed in traditional occupations, the dominant form of apprenticeship for port children. The survival and entrenchment of this type of work is striking, as are the locations in which children were placed; nearly half of those bound to traditional trades remained within the vicinity of the port. The thesis also sheds new light on a largely overlooked aspect of pauper apprenticeship, the binding of boys into the Merchant service. Furthermore, the availability of sea apprenticeships as well as traditional placements caused some children to be shipped in to the ports for apprenticeships. Of those who were still shipped out to the factories, the evidence shows that far from dying out, as previously thought, the practice of batch apprenticeship persisted under the New Poor Law. The most significant finding of the thesis is the survival and endurance of pauper apprenticeship as an institution involving both Poor Law and charity children. Poor children were still being apprenticed late into the third quarter of the nineteenth century. Pauper apprenticeship is shown to have been a robust, resilient and resurgent institution. The evidence from port towns offers significant revision to the existing historiography of pauper apprenticeship.
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Peri-Rotem, Nitzan. « The role of religion in shaping women's family and employment patterns in Britian and France ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e0cedea1-973c-4395-9916-d47416672802.
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The current study examines the influence of religious affiliation and practice on family patterns and labour market activity for women in Western Europe, focusing on Britain and France. While both countries have experienced a sharp decline in institutionalized forms of religion over the past decades, differences in family and fertility behaviour on the basis of religiosity seem to persist. Although previous studies documented a positive correlation between religion and both intended and actual family size, there is still uncertainty about the different routes through which religion affects fertility, how structural factors are involved in this relationship and whether and how this relationship has changed along with the process of religious decline. This study aims to fill this gap by exploring the interrelationships between religion, educational attainment, female labour force participation, union formation and fertility levels. The data come from the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS), which contains 18 waves from 1991 to 2008, and the French survey of the Generations and Gender Programme (GGP), which was initially conducted in 2005. By following trends in fertility differences by religious affiliation and practice across birth cohorts of women, it is found that religious differences in fertility are not only persistent across birth cohorts, there is also a growing divide between non-affiliated and religiously practicing women who maintain higher fertility levels. Religious differences in family formation patterns and completed fertility are also explored, taking into account the interaction between education and religiosity. It appears that the effect of education on fertility differs by level of religiosity, as higher education is less likely to lead to childlessness or to a smaller family size among more religious women. The findings on the relationships between family and work trajectories by level of religiosity also point to a reduced conflict between paid employment and childbearing among actively religious women, although these patterns vary by religious denomination and by country.
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Koch, Insa Lee. « Personalising the state : law, social welfare and politics on an English council estate ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4335c11c-c0a5-44dc-bd15-5bbbfe2fee6c.
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This dissertation offers a study of everyday relations between residents and the state on a post-industrial council estate in England. Drawing upon historical and ethnographic data, it analyses how, often under conditions of sustained exclusion, residents rely upon the state in their daily struggles for security and survival. My central ethnographic finding is that residents personalise the state alongside informal networks of support and care into a local sociality of reciprocity. This finding can be broken into three interconnected points. First, I argue that the reciprocal contract between citizens and the state emerged in the post-war years when the residents on the newly built estates negotiated their dependence upon the state by integrating it into their on-going social relations. A climate of relative material affluence, selective housing policies, and a paternalistic regime of housing management all created conditions which were conducive for this temporary union between residents and the state. Second, however, I argue that with the decline of industry and shifts towards neoliberal policies, residents increasingly struggle to hold the state accountable to its reciprocal obligations towards local people. This becomes manifest today both in the material neglect of council estates as well as in state officials' reluctance to become implicated in social relations with and between residents. Third, I argue that this failure on the part of the state to attend to residents' demands often has onerous effects on people's lives. It not only exacerbates residents' exposure to insecurity and threat, but is also experienced as a moral affront which generates larger narratives of abandonment and betrayal. Theoretically, this dissertation critically discusses and challenges contrasting portrayals of the state, and of state-citizen relations, in two bodies of literature. On the one hand, in much of the sociological and anthropological literature on working class communities, authors have adopted a community-centred approach which has depicted working class communities as self-contained entities against which the state emerges as a distant or hostile entity. I argue that such a portrayal is premised upon a romanticised view of working class communities which neglects the intimate presence of the state in everyday life. On the other hand, the theoretical literature on the British state has adopted a state-centred perspective which has seen the state as a renewed source of order and authority in disintegrating communities today. My suggestion is that this portrayal rests upon a pathologising view of social decline which fails to account for the persistence of informal social relations and the challenges that these pose to the state's authority from below. Finally, moving beyond the community-centred and state-centred perspectives, I argue for the need to adopt a middle ground which combines an understanding of the nature and workings of informal relations with an acknowledgement of the ubiquity of the state. Such an approach allows us to recognise that, far from being a hostile entity or, alternatively, an uncontested source of order, the state occupies shifting positions within an overarching sociality of reciprocity and its associated demands for alliances and divisions. I refer to such an approach as the personalisation of the state.
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Elliot-Cooper, Adam. « The struggle that has no name : race, space and policing in post-Duggan Britain ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7efad2ea-75e2-4a54-a479-b3b2b265e827.
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State violence, and policing in particular, continue to shape the black British experience, racialising geographical areas associated with African and African-Caribbean communities. The history of black struggles in the UK has often centred on spaces of racial violence and resistance to it. But black-led social movements of previous decades have, for the most part, seen a decline in both political mobilisations, and the militant anti-racist slogans and discourses that accompanied them. Neoliberalism, through securitisation, resource reallocation, privatisation of space and the de-racialising of language, has made radical black activism an increasingly difficult endeavour. But this does not mean that black struggle against policing has disappeared. What it does mean, however, is that there have been significant changes in how anti-racist activism against policing is articulated and carried out. Three high-profile black deaths at the hands of police in 2011 led to widespread protest and civil unrest. These movements of resistance were strengthened when the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States mobilised hundreds of young people in solidarity actions in England. In this thesis, I argue that, over time, racist metonyms used to describe places racialised as black (Handsworth, Brixton etc.) and people racialised as black (Stephen Lawrence, Mark Duggan etc.), have led to the rise of metonymic anti-racism. While metonymic anti-racism was used alongside more overt anti-racist language in the period between the 1950s and early 1990s, I argue that such overt anti-racist language is becoming rarer in the post-2011 period, particularly in radical black grassroots organisations that address policing. Intersecting with metonymic anti-racism are gender dynamics brought to the surface by female-led campaigns against police violence, and forms of resistance which target spaces of post-industrial consumer capitalism. Understanding how police racism, and resistance to it, are being reconceptualised through language, and reconfigured through different forms of activism, provides a fresh understanding of grassroots black struggle in Britain.
Livres sur le sujet "Minorities – Social conditions – Great Britain"
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Malcolm, Cross, et Entzinger H. B. 1947-, dir. Lost illusions : Caribbean minorities in Britain and the Netherlands. London : Routledge, 1988.
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Ethnic minority identity : A social psychological perspective. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1991.
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Ethnic minority migrants in Britain and France : Integration trade-offs. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2012.
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The Commission for Racial Equality : British bureaucracy and the multiethnic society. New Brunswick, N.J : Transaction Publishers, 1998.
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Cheng, Yuan. Education and class : Chinese in Britain andthe United States. Aldershot : Avebury, 1994.
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Cheng, Yuan. Education and class : Chinese in Britain and the United States. Aldershot [England] ; Brookfield, USA : Avebury, 1994.
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Taylor, Becky. A minority and the state : Travellers in Britain in the twentieth century. Manchester : Manchester University Press, 2008.
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A minority and the state : Travellers in Britain in the twentieth century. Manchester : Manchester University Press, 2008.
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Office, National Audit. Department for Work and Pensions : Increasing employment rates for ethnic minorities. London : The Stationery Office, 2008.
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Justin, Shaw, dir. Small corroding words : The slighting of Great Britain by the EHRC : a rejoinder to "How fair is Britain ? equality, human rights and good relations in 2010 : the first triennial review", a report by the Equality and Human Rights Commission. London : Civitas/Institute for the Study of Civil Society, 2011.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Minorities – Social conditions – Great Britain"
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Barozet, Emmanuelle, Marcelo Boado et Ildefonso Marqués-Perales. « The Measurement of Social Stratification : Comparative Perspectives Between Europe and Latin America ». Dans Towards a Comparative Analysis of Social Inequalities between Europe and Latin America, 171–202. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48442-2_6.
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AbstractThis chapter analyses compared social stratification in three Latin American countries (Argentina, Chile and Uruguay) and four European countries (Finland, France, Spain, Great Britain). We focus on both external and internal borders of social classes, as well as on the challenges posed by their analysis for sociology. We compare social classes using EGP6 in relation to a variety of social indicators, to examine how social classes vary among countries. We include debates on production models and welfare state policies to understand the specific configurations and compare the conditions of some of the INCASI countries regarding social stratification. Lastly, we apply a latent class analysis to validate the number of social classes and to recognise class boundaries.
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Rentzi, Argyro. « Social Justice Leadership for Co-Educating Refugee and Migrant Students in Greek Primary Schools Through Distance Education During COVID-19 ». Dans Handbook of Research on Historical Pandemic Analysis and the Social Implications of COVID-19, 195–214. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7987-9.ch015.
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2020 is the year marked by the global pandemic of coronavirus (COVID-19), which affected humanity to a great extent, creating unfavorable social, health, and economic conditions. As in the world, so in Greece the school is affected by this new social situation, resulting in schools having been closed for long periods of time and the lessons for all their students done remotely through a special electronic platform. Principals are called upon to manage a crisis situation, creating smooth e-learning conditions for all the students, including the children who belong to ethnic minorities. This study aims to demonstrate that school leaders can play a significant role in the co-education of the refugee and migrant students through distance learning. At the same time, the author also offers proposals regarding the implementation of relevant actions in this direction.
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Halász, Iván. « National and Ethnic Minorities' Legal Position in East Central Europe Between 1789 and 1989 ». Dans Lectures on East Central European Legal History, 271–90. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.ps.loecelh_11.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter provides a short history of the legal protection of national minorities in East Central Europe. The region has a relatively long history of legal protection of national and ethnic minorities. This history is connected to the complicated ethnic and social structure across the region because parallel nation- and state-building have been typical for East Central Europe in the last two centuries. The chapter distinguishes three main periods in modern history regarding the issue of minorities. The first legal norms were created in the 19 th century. The multilateral international protection of minority rights was established in the interwar period, during the existence of the League of Nations, which played an important role in the realization of this protection. Many countries realized restrictive anti-minority policies during and after the Second World War (mainly in the 1945–1948 years). The introduction of the communist minority policy inspired by the Soviet (Leninist) model in East Central Europe meant an element of stabilization in the sphere of minority issues and the legal protection of minorities. A very important specific feature of the position of East Central European minorities is the dependence on the international politics and position of the great powers. This fact sometimes moderated the minority situation in the region. Despite similar circumstances, conditions, and international challenges, the internal development of the legal protection of minorities underwent a different dynamic process. These differences mainly depended on the internal development of certain states and their societies. The post-war nationalistic repressions were, for example, the most radical in Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, which improved the relatively generous minority policy several years later. The post-war situation was more moderate and tolerant in Romania, which implemented a radical anti-minority policy only in the 1970s, when Romania was (relatively) the most independent from pressure from Moscow. A nationstate’s greater independence in international relations (without strong international legal guarantees) was not always good news for the national and ethnic minorities in the East Central European region.
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Williams, Dana M. « Anti-state political opportunities ». Dans Black Flags and Social Movements. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105547.003.0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The anarchist movement utilizes non-statist and anti-statist strategies for radical social transformation, thus indicating the limits of political opportunity theory and its emphasis upon the state. Using historical narratives from present-day anarchist movement literature, I note various events and phenomena in the last two centuries and their relevance to the mobilization and demobilization of anarchist movements throughout the world (Bolivia, Czech Republic, Great Britain, Greece, Japan, and Venezuela). Labor movement allies, failing state socialism, and punk subculture have provided conditions conducive to anarchism, while state repression and Bolshevik triumph in the Soviet Union constrained success. This variation suggests that future work should attend more closely to the role of national context, and the interrelationship of political and non-political factors. Additionally, the key question of what constitutes movement “success” for revolutionary movements that “move forward”, yet do not achieve revolutionary transformation (indeed, who conceive of a final, complete transformation to be theoretically impossible), seems to be a problem faced uniquely by anarchist movements. Instead, thinking of opportunity as being global, non-politically-based, and unattached to “ultimate objectives” like revolution, help to make these ideas more useful for understanding anarchist mobilization.
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Tomlin-Kräftner, Melsia. « A Narrative Exposition of British Colonial Rule in the Americas ». Dans Contemporary Intersectional Criminology in the UK, sous la direction de Jane Healy et Ben Colliver, 30–50. Policy Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529215946.003.0003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter discusses a compressed version of Britain’s colonial slavery beginnings in the Americas, and why British society eventually became a melting-pot of people from the Caribbean. This exploration through an intersectional lens, and applying a constructivist epistemological position, with a narrative, interpretive approach, showcases condensed journeys in the periods of the British triangular slave trade in African people to the Americas, and the melting-pot of diasporic people developed from the influx of varied nations into the Americas. The journeys then follow the exodus of families from the Caribbean to North America and Europe for economic reasons, especially those who returned to Britain during the Windrush era. Intersectionality is applied in this period of study as a way of understanding and analysing the complex and diverse intersecting factors that shaped and influenced the macro environmental conditions of social, political and gender constructs that impacted the whole colonial society. The discussions highlight the significance of intersectional criminal injustices along the lines of gender, class, race and colour enforced on black and mixed-heritage people during slavery and extended to the Windrush period through to the diasporic societies of present-day Great Britain.
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Moss, Gemma. « Sylvia Townsend Warner, Ideology and Marxist Aesthetics ». Dans Modernism, Music and the Politics of Aesthetics, 137–78. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474429900.003.0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Chapter 4 argues that Warner’s writing – especially The Corner that Held Them – should be considered part of a British Marxist literary tradition that can be compared with the philosophical thought of the Frankfurt School. Warner’s writing offers a complex Marxist aesthetic, eschewing formal abstraction in favour of a rigorous form of realism that offers a modernist complexity by examining ideology, the material production and social functions of art. Warner holds two approaches to music in tension: she demonstrates the power of music’s claims to transcendence, but shows how it is often complicated and thwarted by the material conditions of existence. This chapter re-assesses music’s relationship with Christianity and colonialism in Mr Fortune’s Maggot, and compares The Corner that Held Them with the Marxist theorist Christopher Caudwell’s writing on the value of art. This chapter contains the first critical discussion of ‘The Music at Long Verney’, and includes new archival research into Warner’s MI5 file between 1935 and 1955, when she was under surveillance as a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain.
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Bonner, Thomas Neville. « Between Clinic and Laboratory : Students and Teaching at Midcentury ». Dans Becoming a Physician. Oxford University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195062984.003.0012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Despite the gathering momentum for a single standard of medical education, the portals of access to medicine remained remarkably open at the middle of the nineteenth century. From this time forward, governments and professional associations—in the name of science and clinical knowledge and the protection of the public’s health—steadily limited further entrance to medicine to those with extensive preparatory education and the capacity to bear the financial and other burdens of ever longer periods of study. But in 1850, alternative (and cheaper) paths to medicine, such as training in a practical school or learning medicine with a preceptor, were still available in the transatlantic nations. Not only were the écoles secondaires (or écoles préparatoires) and the medical-surgical academies still widely open to those on the European continent without a university-preparatory education, but British and American training schools for general practitioners, offering schooling well below the university level, were also widely available to students and growing at a rapid pace. “The establishment of provincial medical schools,” for those of modest means, declared Joseph Jordan of Manchester in 1854, was an event “of national importance. . . . Indeed there has not been so great a movement [in Britain] since the College of Surgeons was established.” A decade before, probably unknown to Jordan, a New York professor, Martyn Paine, had voiced similar views about America’s rural colleges when he told students that “no institutions [are] more important than the country medical schools, since these are adapted to the means of a large class of students . . . [of] humble attainments.” In both Britain and America, according to Paine’s New York contemporary John Revere, the bulk of practitioners “are generally taken from the humbler conditions in society, and have few opportunities of intellectual improvement.” The social differences between those who followed the university and the practical routes to medicine were nearly as sharp as they had been a halfcentury before. Even when a medical degree was awarded after what was essentially a nonuniversity education, as it was in the United States, Paine distinguished between graduates of country schools, “where lectures and board are low,” and “the aristocrats of our profession, made so through the difference of a few dollars.”
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Rose, Jonathan. « Up from Middlebrow ». Dans Readers' Liberation. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198723554.003.0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Chinese had a word for it—wanbao quanshu. It’s a bibliographic term, which literally means “complete compendia of myriad treasures,” but an alternate translation might be “middlebrow.” These were encyclopedic works that distilled and summarized sophisticated science, history, and politics in cheap, accessible, illustrated guidebooks. Their audience (as a 1933 survey of Shanghai bookstalls confirmed) was neither the educated elite nor the impoverished peasantry, but an intermediate semi-educated class of shop-clerks, apprentices, housewives, workers, and prostitutes. Very few readers had thoroughly mastered the Chinese vocabulary of 50,000 characters, but many more, without much difficulty, had learned 2,000 basic terms, enough to read popular newspapers and wanbao quanshu. The latter commonly ran the subtitle wanshi buqiuren (“myriad matters you won’t need to ask”), which underscored their mission: self-education. They had titles like Riyong wanshi baoku choushi bixu, which could be rendered “Treasury of all daily things necessary for social relations” or (more idiomatically) “How to win friends and influence people.” Wanbao quanshu were the contemporaneous counterparts of H. G. Wells’s The Outline of History and Will Durant’s The Story of Philosophy. They flourished in Republican-era China, the same time frame that Joan Shelley Rubin identified as the heyday of American middlebrow culture. In societies where a wide gap opens up between elite and pulp literature, where literacy is growing but access to higher education is still restricted, where modernizing forces arouse both optimism and anxiety, middlebrow bridges those divides and makes sense of rapid change. Those conditions certainly prevailed in China, the United States, and Great Britain in the first half of the twentieth century, but not only then. Middlebrow has a very long history: wanbao quanshu can be traced back to the seventeenth century. And how about eighteenth-century Europe? Two generations ago historians studied the High Enlightenment of Voltaire and Rousseau, one generation ago Robert Darnton discovered a Low Enlightenment of Grub-Street hacks and smut-mongers, and now a team of young scholars at Radboud University in the Netherlands are creating the database MEDIATE: Middlebrow Enlightenment: Disseminating Ideas, Authors and Texts in Europe (1665–1820).
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Minorities – Social conditions – Great Britain"
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Fatima Hajizada, Fatima Hajizada. « SPECIFIC FEATURES OF THE AMERICAN VERSION OF THE BRITISH LANGUAGE ». Dans THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC – PRACTICAL VIRTUAL CONFERENCE IN MODERN & SOCIAL SCIENCES : NEW DIMENSIONS, APPROACHES AND CHALLENGES. IRETC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/mssndac-01-10.
Texte intégralRésumé :
English is one of the most spoken languages in the world. A global language communication is inherent in him. This language is also distinguished by a significant diversity of dialects and speech. It appeared in the early Middle Ages as the spoken language of the Anglo-Saxons. The formation of the British Empire and its expansion led to the widespread English language in Asia, Africa, North America and Australia. As a result, the Metropolitan language became the main communication language in the English colonies, and after independence it became State (USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand) and official (India, Nigeria, Singapore). Being one of the 6 Official Languages of the UN, it is studied as a foreign language in educational institutions of many countries in the modern time [1, 2, s. 12-14]. Despite the dozens of varieties of English, the American (American English) version, which appeared on the territory of the United States, is one of the most widespread. More than 80 per cent of the population in this country knows the American version of the British language as its native language. Although the American version of the British language is not defined as the official language in the US Federal Constitution, it acts with features and standards reinforced in the lexical sphere, the media and the education system. The growing political and economic power of the United States after World War II also had a significant impact on the expansion of the American version of the British language [3]. Currently, this language version has become one of the main topics of scientific research in the field of linguistics, philology and other similar spheres. It should also be emphasized that the American version of the British language paved the way for the creation of thousands of words and expressions, took its place in the general language of English and the world lexicon. “Okay”, “teenager”, “hitchhike”, “landslide” and other words can be shown in this row. The impact of differences in the life and life of colonists in the United States and Great Britain on this language was not significant either. The role of Nature, Climate, Environment and lifestyle should also be appreciated here. There is no officially confirmed language accent in the United States. However, most speakers of national media and, first of all, the CNN channel use the dialect “general American accent”. Here, the main accent of “mid Pppemestern” has been guided. It should also be noted that this accent is inherent in a very small part of the U.S. population, especially in Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois. But now all Americans easily understand and speak about it. As for the current state of the American version of the British language, we can say that there are some hypotheses in this area. A number of researchers perceive it as an independent language, others-as an English variant. The founder of American spelling, American and British lexicographer, linguist Noah Pondebster treats him as an independent language. He also tried to justify this in his work “the American Dictionary of English” written in 1828 [4]. This position was expressed by a Scottish-born English philologist, one of the authors of the “American English Dictionary”Sir Alexander Craigie, American linguist Raven ioor McDavid Jr. and others also confirm [5]. The second is the American linguist Leonard Bloomfield, one of the creators of the descriptive direction of structural linguistics, and other American linguists Edward Sapir and Charles Francis Hockett. There is also another group of “third parties” that accept American English as a regional dialect [5, 6]. A number of researchers [2] have shown that the accent or dialect in the US on the person contains significantly less data in itself than in the UK. In Great Britain, a dialect speaker is viewed as a person with a low social environment or a low education. It is difficult to perceive this reality in the US environment. That is, a person's speech in the American version of the British language makes it difficult to express his social background. On the other hand, the American version of the British language is distinguished by its faster pace [7, 8]. One of the main characteristic features of the American language array is associated with the emphasis on a number of letters and, in particular, the pronunciation of the letter “R”. Thus, in British English words like “port”, “more”, “dinner” the letter “R” is not pronounced at all. Another trend is related to the clear pronunciation of individual syllables in American English. Unlike them, the Britons “absorb”such syllables in a number of similar words [8]. Despite all these differences, an analysis of facts and theoretical knowledge shows that the emergence and formation of the American version of the British language was not an accidental and chaotic process. The reality is that the life of the colonialists had a huge impact on American English. These processes were further deepened by the growing migration trends at the later historical stage. Thus, the language of the English-speaking migrants in America has been developed due to historical conditions, adapted to the existing living environment and new life realities. On the other hand, the formation of this independent language was also reflected in the purposeful policy of the newly formed US state. Thus, the original British words were modified and acquired a fundamentally new meaning. Another point here was that the British acharism, which had long been out of use, gained a new breath and actively entered the speech circulation in the United States. Thus, the analysis shows that the American version of the British language has specific features. It was formed and developed as a result of colonization and expansion. This development is still ongoing and is one of the languages of millions of US states and people, as well as audiences of millions of people. Keywords: American English, English, linguistics, accent.