Thèses : « Minorities – Government policy – Europe »

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VERSTICHEL, Annelies. « Representation and identity : the right of persons belonging to minorities to effective participation in public affairs : content, justification and limits ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13178.

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Defence date: 13 December 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Bruno De Witte (EUI); Prof. Paul Lemmens, (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven); Prof. John Packer, (University of Essex); Prof. Wojciech Sadurski, (EUI)
Awarded the Mauro Cappelletti Prize for the best comparative law doctoral thesis, 2008.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This doctoral thesis aims at investigating this new international right of persons belonging to minorities to effective participation in public affairs. What is its content? What is its justification and what is it aiming at? Are there any limits to its implementation and what kind of problematic issues are involved? The example of Bosnia and Herzegovina as described above illustrates that organising representation along ethnic lines raises challenging questions. These will be explored in this PhD.Our investigation of the right of minorities to effective participation in public affairs will run through five chapters: Chapter 1 will outline the theoretical framework; Chapter 2 will examine the political rights in the general human rights instruments; Chapter 3 will study the provision on effective participation in public affairs in the three key minority rights instruments of the 1990’s; Chapter 4 will look at the range of possible domestic mechanisms implementing the right of minorities to effective participation in public affairs through a comparative national law approach; and Chapter 5 will illustrate Chapter 4 by zooming in on three case studies, namely Belgium, Italy and Hungary.

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Bartulin, Nevenko School of History UNSW. « The ideology of nation and race : the Croatian Ustasha regime and its policies toward minorities in the independent state of Croatia, 1941-1945 ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/28336.

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This thesis examines the central place of racial theories in the nationalist ideology of the Croatian Ustasha movement and regime, and how these theories functioned as the chief motive in shaping Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the Nazi-backed Independent State of Croatia (known by its Croatian initials as the NDH), namely, Serbs, Jews, Roma and Bosnian Muslims, during the years 1941 to 1945. This thesis is divided into three parts. The first part deals with historical background, concentrating on the history of Croatian national movements from the 1830s to the 1930s. The second part covers the period between the founding of the Ustasha movement in 1930 and the creation of the NDH in 1941. The third part examines the period of Ustasha power from 1941 to 1945. Through the above chronological division, this thesis traces the evolution of Ustasha ideas on nation and race, placing them within the historical context of processes of Croatian national integration. Although the Ustashe were brought to power by Nazi Germany, their ideology emerged less as an imitation of German National Socialism and more as an extremist reaction to the supranational and expansionist nationalist ideologies of Yugoslavism and Greater Serbianism. In contrast to the prevailing historiographical view that has either ignored or downplayed the significance of racial theori! es on Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the NDH, this thesis highlights the marked influence of the question of 'race' on Ustasha attitudes toward the 'problem' of minorities, and on the wider question of Croatian national identity. This thesis examines the Ustashe by focusing on the historical interplay between nationalism and racism, which dominated so much of the modern political life of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The fusion of nationalism and racism was not unique to Ustasha ideology, but the evolution and nature of Ustasha racism was. Ustasha racial ideas were therefore the product of both specific Croatian and wider European historical trends. This examination of the historical intersection between nationalism and racism in the case of the Ustashe will, i hope, broaden our understanding of twentieth-century nation-state formation, and state treatment of minorities, in the Balkans and Eastern Europe.

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Bozic, Bojana. « Policy Approaches to Reduce Discrimination Against Minorities in Europe ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/717.

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In many European countries, despite decades of learning about the risks of discrimination and the conflicts associated with it, discrimination against minorities persists. Many have criticized European governments for not doing enough to challenge the negative stereotypes and prejudices against minority groups, especially in education and employment. In this thesis, Muslim minority groups in Bulgaria, France, and the Netherlands will be used as case studies to explore the varying dynamics underlying this discrimination and strategies that can be implemented to overcome discrimination. This thesis will recommend a series of policy approaches in areas such as civic integration, education reform, anti-discrimination law, and monitoring and evaluation to help reduce minority discrimination European countries.

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Batagelj, Leon. « Competition policy in countries of Central and Eastern Europe : competition in Europe or competition for Europe ». Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81242.

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Competition policy is an important tool for assurance of the efficient allocation of resources in functioning market economies. Applicability of modern competition policy to situations in former planned economies, however, raises doubts because of fundamentally different states of competition in such markets. This study analyses development of competition policy in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. Particular attention is given to the influence of the EU competition policy in the framework of negotiations for final membership in the EU.
This study proposes reassessment of the competition policy of the three countries in order to better tackle the economic complexities of transition to fully functioning market economies. Harmonization of competition policy of the three candidate countries for EU membership with competition policy of the EU assumes appropriateness of EU competition policy for transition situations. Contrary to this assumption, the thesis argues that competition policy in transition should be tailored closely to the needs of transition. Since harmonization of competition law is only an instrument to evaluate whether a candidate country has a functioning market economy that can be integrated in the EU Internal Market, competition policy aimed at better promoting competition should be welcomed.

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BIRNIE, Rutger Steven. « The ethics and politics of deportation in Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/61307.

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Defence date: 19 February 2019
Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Matthew Gibney, University of Oxford; Professor Iseult Honohan, University College Dublin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, McGill University (formerly European University Institute)
This thesis explores key empirical and normative questions prompted by deportation policies and practices in the contemporary European context. The core empirical research question the thesis seeks to address is: what explains the shape of deportation regimes in European liberal democracies? The core normative research question is: how should we evaluate these deportation regimes morally? The two parts of the thesis address each of these questions in turn. To explain contemporary European deportation regimes, the four chapters of the first part of the thesis investigate them from a historical and multilevel perspective. (“Expulsion Old and New”) starts by comparing contemporary deportation practices to earlier forms of forced removal such as criminal banishment, political exile, poor law expulsion, and collective expulsions on a religious or ethnic basis, highlighting how contemporary deportation echoes some of the purposes of these earlier forms of expulsion. (“Divergences in Deportation”) looks at some major differences between European countries in how, and how much, deportation is used as a policy instrument today, concluding that they can be roughly grouped into four regime types, namely lenient, selective, symbolically strict and coercively strict. The next two chapters investigate how non-national levels of government are involved in shaping deportation in the European context. (“Europeanising Expulsion”) traces how the institutions of the European Union have come to both restrain and facilitate or incentivise member states’ deportation practices in fundamental ways. (“Localities of Belonging”) describes how provincial and municipal governments are increasingly assertive in frustrating deportations, effectively shielding individuals or entire categories of people from the reach of national deportation efforts, while in other cases local governments pressure the national level into instigating deportation proceedings against unwanted residents. The chapters argue that such efforts on both the supranational and local levels must be explained with reference to supranational and local conceptions of membership that are part of a multilevel citizenship structure yet can, and often do, come apart from the national conception of belonging. The second part of the thesis addresses the second research question by discussing the normative issues deportation gives rise to. (“Deportability, Domicile and the Human Right to Stay”) argues that a moral and legal status of non-deportability should be extended beyond citizenship to all those who have established effective domicile, or long-term and permanent residence, in the national territory. (“Deportation without Domination?”) argues that deportation can and should be applied in a way that does not dominate those it subjects by ensuring its non-arbitrary application through a limiting of executive discretion and by establishing proportionality testing in deportation procedures. (“Resisting Unjust Deportation”) investigates what can and should be done in the face of unjust national deportation regimes, proposing that a normative framework for morally justified antideportation resistance must start by differentiating between the various individual and institutional agents of resistance before specifying how their right or duty to resist a particular deportation depends on motivational, epistemic and relational conditions.

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Formanek, Alexandra. « Managing asylum : a critical examination of emerging trends in European refugee and migration policy ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82703.

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This thesis takes a critical approach to examine recent developments in European asylum and migration policy. Specifically, this research is interested in addressing the emerging paradigm of "migration management" and its impact on the nature of refugee protection and asylum in an integrated Europe. Two approaches are used in this analysis. First, from a functionalist perspective, this work considers how migration management has responded to contemporary realities of international migration. Secondly, from a critical theory perspective, the thesis analyzes how refugee protection becomes subsumed within the broader goals of migration management. This thesis will argue that the paradigm of migration management has effectively shifted the contours of the asylum debate by linking refugee and asylum policy with broader issues of labor migration, illegality and foreign relations. This has resulted in the separation of asylum from territoriality and more broadly, the submersion of the humanitarian considerations to the overarching goals of migration management.

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Plocek, Tomáš. « The Sustainability of Government Deficits : Old Vs. New Europe ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71779.

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This work analyses fiscal sustainability and position of old and new members of EU and offers some fiscal policy implications to deal with debt reduction in the aftermath of the current fiscal crisis in the EU. Fiscal policy of Old European countries is different from fiscal policy of the new members. Due to different historical development New European members have lower debt and lower GDP per capita. Many policymakers in New Europe tried to increase GDP of their countries by generating government deficits. On the other hand Old European countries are already having large debts and current fiscal crisis is one result of this fact. The recent fiscal crisis in Europe raised the question what is sustainable fiscal policy and how to achieve it. Sustainability of the policy can be divided into three groups: short term, medium term, and long term. In short term, fiscal policy is sustainable, when government is able to issue and sell government bonds. Otherwise it defaults. In medium term, fiscal policy is sustainable when debt to GDP ratio is constant or decreasing. Situation in long term is very similar to situation in medium term. The difference is in time. Long term fiscal policy is sustainable if debt to GDP ratio converges to some finite number. All the definitions are problematic and problem arises basically from fact that variables that are part of the definitions are volatile. Fiscal policy that might seem to be sustainable in times of economic expansion may become unsustainable even in short time. Exactly this thing happened in Ireland. Ireland shows another problem of sustainability definitions. The problem is that private debt can increase public debt and even threaten its sustainability. Many countries were saving their financial sector which was very expensive and this practice is increased the debt in those countries very fast. Probably the most important indicator of fiscal sustainability is interest rate on government bonds. Reason is that price of the bonds is based on different risks that are in the assets. Countries with sustainable fiscal policy are paying lower interests than countries with unsustainable. This is reason why we tried to explain variation of interest rate on 10 years government bonds by empirical models. Two models were based on fixed effects panel data estimations and one model was based on ordinary least squares model. The panel data model showed that there was and still is huge difference between Old European and New European countries. Old Europe was viewed by markets as one segment which is relatively risk free. This lead to situation, that most important factor driving interest rates in Old Europe is the risk free rate on the German bonds. On the other hand, interest rates in New European countries are influenced by many more indicators. Most important indicator in New Europe is GDP growth and sustainability of foreign exchange reserves. Based on results of the model we came to conclusion that there is high chance that markets will start to differ among Old European countries and this could lead to increase of interest rates in some Old EU members, a conclusion which is to some degree being verified by the increased spreads between German government bonds on one hand, and Italian and Spanish bonds on the other hand in the first few weeks of August 2011. Our conclusions also suggest that the position of New Europe may stand similar in current situation. If it is true policymakers may try to adapt policy of New European countries to increase its sustainability and improve the key variables. The conclusions from this work bring several policy recommendations for improving the fiscal sustainability in Europe. First and probably the most important recommendation to fiscal policy is that policymakers should not underestimate the indicators of fiscal sustainability, which was a common practice in recent history. Countries with high GDP growth were generating large deficits and debt to GDP ratio was constant. Problem is that in recession indicators that were influencing interest rate changed and fiscal policy become unsustainable in many cases. Conclusion for fiscal policy is that policymakers should run responsible fiscal policy in good times to avoid troubles in bad times. Governments should also understand full price of deficits, because increased deficits also increase interest rate that governments have to pay on existing debt.

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Khong, Suvie. « One people, one nation, one Singapore : The construction of multiculturalism in Singapore ». Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 1995. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1193.

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This thesis investigates the way in which an official multicultural identity has been constructed in Singapore at the expense of the cultural specificity that exists within the multiculturalism framework. The construction of the multicultural identity in Singapore has been engineered socially through heritage policies, heritage preservation projects and the media. However, the official multicultural policy in itself is problematic because of the existence of the four independent parent cultures, so that a Singaporean is constantly reminded of a cultural identity which is determined by race, history, language and class. This is further complicated by a dominant Chinese population so that the cultural identity of Singapore is fundamentally Chinese, while the Malay, Indian and Eurasian cultures are dragged along in its tail. I will argue that the Singapore government has carefully constructed a multicultural identity without addressing the underpinning historical and racial factors. The purpose of the study is an investigation of the tension between the multiculturalism and cultural specificity which will help to reveal my claim that there is predominantly a Chinese cultural identity in Singapore and the created notion of a multicultural identity is an illusion. The multicultural identity in Singapore is founded on a set of neo-Confucian principles which are reproduced in the national core values defined by the government in the White Paper in 1991. These neo-Confucian values are established on principles of frugality and the emphasis on the family. Although these values are not entirely foreign to the Malay and Indian cultures, their perceptions on how the family operates may be different based on the Islam, Hindu or even Christian teachings. Although the government maintains that Confucian teaching is regarded as philosophical in character rather than reflecting Chinese teachings, it is nevertheless a topic which begs investigation within the multicultural and multi religious context of Singapore. It appears that multiculturalism in Singapore does not equally promote four cultures but is inclined towards the Chinese culture and the minor cultures have come to identify with the cultural framework that the Singapore government has constructed. I will investigate this construction by analysing the speeches of well-known Singapore politicians like Lee Kuan Yew, Goh Chok Tong and George Yeo and the role of the media in reporting multiculturalism in Singapore. The relationship between multiculturalism and the Singapore media will be examined through the methodology devised by Birch (1993). His theoretical framework deals specifically with the analysis of the Singapore media and is shown to be crucial to the understanding of cultural and political practices in Singapore. By applying Birch’s theory, I will show how multiculturalism is constructed by the Singapore government through the media. The study of Sentosa, a heritage tourism site in Singapore, will be explored to establish the relationships between multiculturalism, tourism and conservation in Singapore. This will be done following the framework devised Boniface and Fowler (1993) on the phenomena of 'heritage' and 'tourism', adapting it to multiculturalism in Singapore. Their theoretical framework for the study of culture deals specifically with heritage in the United Kingdom and Europe, but I will argue the methodology devised is appropriate for the study of culture in Singapore because the issues confronting each nation are similar. The key elements to be investigated are the relationship between culture and tourism, architectural heritage in the tourism context, and the construction of multiculturalism through the media. By looking at the various (multi)cultural, social and economic underpinnings of multiculturalism, I will show in my thesis that the construction of multiculturalism in Singapore is to negotiate a mechanism of control by the government.

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Kim, Young Jim. « The impact of the 'turn to Europe' : external policy and policy-making in three government departments, 1957-1963 ». Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266393.

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FERNANDES, Daniel. « Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.

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Defence date: 21 November 2022
Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.

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Penn-Mekile, Richelyn. « Minority underrepresentation in local government policy making positions a case study of social equity in hiring issues in the cities of Allentown, Bethelehem and Easton, Pennsylvania / ». Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1998. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.

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Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 1998.
Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2956. Abstract precedes thesis as preliminary leaves 2-3. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references.

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Luedtke, Adam. « Fortress Europe or spillover ? : immigration politics and policy at the European level ». Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20441.

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Although the evolution of a unified Europe has been unsteady, the immigration policies of member states have nonetheless become increasingly harmonized in recent years. This harmonization has not been without its controversies, however, and is characterized by two inter-linked political disputes that have shaped the progress achieved thus far. The first dispute area is the exclusion of Europe's legally-resident third country nationals (TCNs) from the privileges of intra-EU free movement, contrary to the inclusionist arguments of the European Commission and Parliament. The second dispute area is the political struggle between advocates of intergovernmental decision-making structures, which are not subject to EU law or institutional control, and the advocates of full (supranational) EU competence over policy. Two hypotheses are contrasted to examine these disputes: (1) the "Fortress Europe" hypothesis, which foresees the continuation of exclusionism and intergovernmentalism; and (2) the "spillover" hypothesis, which predicts the inclusion of TCNs through the EU's central institutions eventually winning full competence over policy. It is concluded that although exclusionism continues to hold the upper hand, recent victories for supranationalism have confirmed the optimism of the spillover hypothesis.

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de, Rooij Eline A. « Specialisation of political participation in Europe : a comparative analysis ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d85dce69-2abe-44fa-ae1b-5a5c3f292c68.

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This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.

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Pan, Jing. « The role of local government in shaping and influencing international policy frameworks ». Thesis, De Montfort University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/11117.

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This thesis explores the capacity of local government to influence intergovernmental organizations’ policy frameworks during the formulation and implementation of their instruments and policies. It provides empirical insights into the decision making and implementation of international policy regimes, specifically within a European context, and contributes to the broader theoretical understanding of these regimes through the development of multi-level governance as a framework of analysis. The thesis extends multi-level governance as a theoretical framework in two ways. First, it does so by going beyond its usual development and application within the European Union. The role of local government is examined in the pan-European political context shaped by the Council of Europe. Second, it pays special attention to the upstream link between local authorities and international actors in the context of multi-level governance settings. To date, most research on local government in multi-level governance settings has focused on the new challenges brought by extended multiple tiers of jurisdictions and how local government has been affected by the internationally shaped political arrangements. Little attention has been placed on the upward flow of interaction of local authorities or their capacity to influence international decision making and policy implementation. Empirical research in this thesis has focused on the capacity of local government to share the meta-steering role with the multi-level governance framework. The potential of local government to influence the international policy frameworks has been investigated based on its unique value in enhancing good governance in line with international norms and principles. At the theoretical level, the research argues multi-level governance reflects not simply the redistribution of power resources among various actors, but also the process of reshaping understanding and preferences through direct communication between actors at different territorial levels. It suggests that local political preferences can be shaped and reframed by broader values and consequently generates significant influence on higher level policy outcomes. However, despite the existence of specific constitutional devices for involving local development in the legislative processes of the Council of Europe, empirical evidence shows local authorities have largely failed to take up this opportunity, and their influence remains limited. Implications hence can be drawn for wider utilization of local engagement in intergovernmental organizations; for example, within the context the Committee of the Regions of the Europe Union.

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Winand, Pascaline. « Presidents, advisers and the uniting of Europe : American policy toward European integration, 1939-1963 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213111.

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Baumann, Mechthild, Astrid Lorenz et Kerstin Rosenow. « Unintended effects of immigration policies for government and migrants ». Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-158366.

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In this chapter, we draw empirical and theoretical conclusions based on the various analyses contained in this volume that focus on the European and U.S. migration regimes. We conclude that immigration policies have a multitude of unintended effects which affect both migrants and governments in the countries of origin, transit, and arrival. This chapter begins with an overview of the interest policies inside and outside the ‘defended’ territories. In the U.S. a lucrative internal market of border control has emerged, whereas the EU’s externalized border control includes the neighboring countries. The second part describes the unintended effects arising due to inconsistent general policies of the countries of arrival and origin, which often contradict the official immigration policies. Following this, the limited effect of border control measures on immigrants and their journeys are discussed. In the fourth section we explore in more detail the unintended effects in the form of new areas of cooperation, including new forms of self-organization, local interest groups, and sanctuary movements. The final section summarizes the various unintended effects and offers recommendations for decision makers in the field of migration policy.

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Yang, Fan. « Governing China's border regions : the impact of ethnic minority policy on ethnic Uighurs and Koreans ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1232.

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Östberg, Eeva. « Folkbiblioteket som minoritetspolitisk arena : Bibliotek Uppsalas arbete med att skydda och främja det nationella minoritetsspråket finska ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för ABM, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-399062.

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The aim of this thesis is to study how public libraries can work to support and promote a national minority language. In the thesis Uppsala Library’s work with the Finnish language is reviewed from 2000 to present. The data was collected through qualitative interviews with five key figures from Uppsala Library and the Uppsala municipality, visits in four local public libraries and the digital library during the spring 2019 and by examining the official documents of the municipality and information that the local public libraries have produced between 2000 and 2019. Uppsala Library’s work with the Finnish language is discussed in the thesis through themes of power, nationalism and identity processes and analyzed in terms of language revitalization. The findings show that during the first decade Uppsala treated the Finnish language as any other foreign language. It provided access to media in Finnish, but the Finnish language was not visible in the library policy or in the library’s information material and program activities in Finnish were few. A major change in Uppsala Library’s work with the Finnish language started in 2010 when the municipality joined the administrative area for the Finnish language. Since 2010 Uppsala Library has with special efforts supported and promoted the Finnish language. Finnish is used in the library’s information material and is visible in the municipality’s and the library’s documents. Uppsala Library offers many kinds of media in Finnish. The library has organized events where the Finnish language is used for children and adults. The events have also brought to light the Swedish Finns’ experiences and the historical connection the Finnish language has to Sweden. Information in Finnish in the physical and digital libraries, however, could be improved. The objective of the Swedish policy on minorities is to provide support for the historical minority languages so that they are kept alive. Uppsala Library’s work during the 2010s shows public libraries’ potential as a forum for minority politics and their importance in the work with minority language revitalization. This is a two years master’s thesis in Library and Information Science.

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Vasileiou, Ioannis. « The EU regional policy and its impact on two Mediterranean member states (Italy and Spain) ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1763/.

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The aim of EU Regional Policy is to intervene effectively in regions that “lag behind” in economic terms and to finance development programmes through the allocation of Structural Funds which operate in accordance with the principles of subsidiarity, additionality and partnership. This policy should allow regions to converge with EU averages in terms of income and employment. Italy and Spain provide very good examples within the EU as a whole, of significant economic disparities between regions that still appear to be present. We argue and provide substantial evidence of the fact that the persistence of such disparities is mainly due to inefficient administrative and institutional capacity at the regional level. Although some regions have brought themselves towards the average, in Italy and Spain, there is evidence that certain administrative, institutional and implementation problems have tended to appear, hampering the opportunities of regions to converge in the required way. Because of this, regional economic convergence and thereby socio-economic cohesion are still beyond reach. Two decades after the 1988 Reform of the Structural Funds, EU Regional Policy has only partially succeeded in reducing regional economic divergence within Italy and Spain, where regional economic inequalities still exist. Although we demonstrate that some regions have been able to move forward in the requisite way, it is questionable whether all of the support for these regions can actually be eliminated completely in the near future with the challenges that the EU faces, particularly in relation to the latest round of Enlargement.

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Infantino, Federica. « Bordering Europe abroad : Schengen visa policy implementation in Morocco and transnational policy-making from below ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209200.

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The constitution of the European visa regime has deservingly received much scholarly attention. It has been analyzed as part of the policy toolkit that displaces migration control away from the edges of the territory of Europe. Nevertheless, the street-level implementation of this European policy in national consulates remains understudied. This dissertation sheds ethnographic light on Schengen visa policy implementation that is conceptualized as bordering policy. By delivering Schengen visas, state and nonstate organizations achieve the filtering work of borders; this dissertation therefore investigates the day-to-day bordering of Europe abroad and using a comparative approach and focusing on from the theoretical perspective of street-level policy implementation. The analysis builds on a comparative case study: it focuses on the visa sections of the consulates of two old immigration countries, Belgium and France, and one new immigration country, Italy, which implement visa policy in a same third country, i.e. Morocco. This study highlights cross-national differences of visa policy day-to-day implementation that are due to shifting historical backgrounds, national sense-making of visa policy, and distinct organizational conditions. However, the comparative research design and the inductive epistemological approach deployed have revealed processes of transfer at the implementation level, which result in transnational policy-making from below. Informal interactions between actors constitute a ‘community of practice’ based on the desire to share local and practical knowledge rather than expert knowledge in order to address problems linked to day-to-day implementation.

La construction d’un régime européen de visas représente un domaine de recherche important. Ceci a été analysé comme un des instruments politiques qui déplacent le contrôle migratoire au delà des limites du territoire européen. Cependant, la mise en œuvre dans les consulats nationaux reste très peu étudiée. Cette thèse analyse la mise en œuvre de la politique du visa Schengen conceptualisée comme politique des frontières. Par la délivrance du visa Schengen, organisations étatiques et non-étatiques réalisent le travail de filtrage des frontières. Cette thèse investigue la construction quotidienne de la frontière européenne à l’étranger en privilégiant la perspective théorique de la mise en œuvre des politiques publiques. L’analyse s’appuie sur un cas d’étude comparé. Elle se concentre sur les services visas des consulats de deux anciens pays d’immigration, la France et la Belgique, et un nouveau pays d’immigration, l’Italie, qui mettent en œuvre la politique du visa dans un même État tiers :le Maroc. Cette étude met en évidence des différences nationales importantes qui sont dues aux différents passés historiques, à l’attribution d’un sens national à la politique du visa, aux conditions organisationnelles distinctes. Toutefois, la méthodologie comparative et l’approche épistémologique inductive choisis ont permis de mettre en exergue des processus de transferts au niveau de la mise en œuvre qui constituent l’action publique transnationale par le bas. Les interactions informelles entre les acteurs constituent une ‘communauté de pratiques’ basé sur le désir de partager un savoir pratique et local qui sert à adresser des problèmes liés à la mise en œuvre au quotidien.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Ovseiko, Pavel Victor. « The politics of health care reform in Central and Eastern Europe : the case of the Czech Republic ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d8f1c4d3-9dda-4a2b-94d1-5afcb0cf5c87.

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This thesis examines the political process of health care reform between 1989 and 1998 in the most advanced sizable political economy in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) – the Czech Republic. Its aim is to explain the political process bringing about post-Communist health policy change and stimulate new debates on welfare state transformation in CEE. The thesis challenges the conventional view that post-Communist health care reform in CEE was designed and implemented to improve the health status of the people, as desired by the people themselves. I suggest that this is a dangerous over-rationalisation, and argue that post-Communist health care reform in the Czech Republic was the by-product of haphazard democratic political struggle between emerging elites for power and economic resources. The thesis employs the analytical narrative method to describe and analyse the actors, institutions, ideas and history behind the health policy change. The analysis is informed by welfare state theory, elite theory, interest group politics theory, the assumptions of methodological individualism and rational choice theory, and Schumpeter’s doctrine of democracy. Its focus is on the interests of health policy actors and how they interacted within an unhinged, but fast-consolidating, institutional framework. The results demonstrate that, while historical legacies and liberal ideas featured prominently in the rhetoric accompanying health policy change, in Realpolitik, these were merely the disposable, instrumental devices of opportunistic, self-interested elites. The resultant explanation of health policy change stresses the primacy of agency over structure and formulates four important mechanisms of health policy change: opportunism, tinkering, enterprise, and elitism. In conclusion, the relevance of major welfare state theories to the given case is assessed and implications for welfare state research in CEE are drawn.

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Baumann, Mechthild, Astrid Lorenz et Kerstin Rosenow. « Unintended effects of immigration policies for government and migrants ». Budrich UniPress, 2011. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A13062.

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In this chapter, we draw empirical and theoretical conclusions based on the various analyses contained in this volume that focus on the European and U.S. migration regimes. We conclude that immigration policies have a multitude of unintended effects which affect both migrants and governments in the countries of origin, transit, and arrival. This chapter begins with an overview of the interest policies inside and outside the ‘defended’ territories. In the U.S. a lucrative internal market of border control has emerged, whereas the EU’s externalized border control includes the neighboring countries. The second part describes the unintended effects arising due to inconsistent general policies of the countries of arrival and origin, which often contradict the official immigration policies. Following this, the limited effect of border control measures on immigrants and their journeys are discussed. In the fourth section we explore in more detail the unintended effects in the form of new areas of cooperation, including new forms of self-organization, local interest groups, and sanctuary movements. The final section summarizes the various unintended effects and offers recommendations for decision makers in the field of migration policy.

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Mikulova, Kristina. « 'Missionary zeal of recent converts' : norms and norm entrepreneurs in the foreign policy of the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia 1989-2011 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c00b71d7-c54c-44e5-9368-293226d6e62e.

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The following dissertation discusses the role of norms and norm entrepreneurs in the foreign policy-making of the Czech Republic, Poland and Bratislava after the downfall of communism. In at attempt to unpack the mechanics and appliance of “soft power” in foreign policy practice in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe, it identifies conditions and analyzes processes via which norms come to play the role of intermediary variable in the articulation and enactment of national interest. Capitalizing on the agency-oriented strand of norm diffusion theory in international relations and discursive institutionalism scholarship in comparative politics, the dissertation argues that normative frameworks advocated by value-bound networks of so-called norm entrepreneurs can play a regulative function in foreign policy-making by setting boundaries for discourse and sustaining logics of appropriateness that constrain the pool of available foreign policy choices at critical junctures. In the first part, “the mission and conversion” (1989-1999), the dissertation focuses on the early stages of norm emergence and habituation in the three states in the 1990s, asserting that ideational influence incurred by American “missionaries” on Czech, Polish and Slovak “converts” to democracy via a range of socialization processes related to NATO enlargement and Western democracy promotion efforts in the region gave rise to norm entrepreneur groups bound by a shared commitment to a normative framework dubbed “dissident geopolitics”. In part two, “the zeal”, the dissertation concentrates on the later stages of norm internalisation, demonstrated by norm enforcement in foreign policy. Using case studies of Czech, Polish and Slovak foreign policy during the Iraq War (2002-2003), the Orange Revolution in Ukraine (2004-2005) and the Russia Reset (2009-2011), the dissertation shows how sustained advocacy by norm entrepreneurs with or without structural power, who skillfully use framing to push their normative agendas in discursive competition with other norm entrepreneurs, factors “dissident geopolitics” in the decision-making process that produces activist and value-laden foreign policy outcomes that might not have been expected of “weak” states. Ultimately, the dissertation argues that dominant norms and norm entrepreneur networks can thrive in transition settings when they are less disputed, but they tend to lose coherence and unity, respectively, as the foreign policy landscape diversifies upon completion of democratic consolidation.

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Alcario, Manuel Fernando Ursinha. « Eça de Queirós e a sua visão da política internacional ». Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/17522.

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Nesta dissertação, propomos fazer um estudo dos artigos publicados por Eça de Queirós no jornal Districto de Évora, de que foi fundador, diretor e, praticamente, único redator, bem como dos seus artigos em diversos jornais portugueses e brasileiros, da sua vasta obra literária e da forma como desempenhou os seus cargos de cônsul em várias cidades de Cuba, Inglaterra e França. Faremos, ainda, uma leitura, também ela crítica, da forma analítica e irónica como Eça de Queirós estudava a política internacional e das opiniões que nos deixou. Tentaremos, ainda, demonstrar que se pode considerar coerente a interpretação que foi fazendo das posições políticas dos diversos países, especialmente dos europeus, dos conflitos e acontecimentos internacionais. Será dado especial destaque à sua relação com a emigração. As posições adotadas por Eça são notórias nos seus artigos, em diversos textos e em muitas das personagens criadas na sua vasta obra; Abstract: In this thesis, we propose to develop a study on the articles published by Eça de Queiroz in the newspaper Districto de Évora, founded by him and where he was the editor and almost the single writer; on his articles published in several Portuguese and Brazilian newspapers; on his vast literary work and the way he acted as diplomat (cônsul) in several cities in Cuba, England and France and a critical reading, on the analytical and ironic way Eça studied international politics. We also aim at demonstrate that his political opinions on several countries, namely in Europe, on conflicts and on several international events, can be considered as a coherent interpretation. We also highlight his relationship towards emigration. The positions adopted by Eça are evident on his several articles, texts and characters created by him.

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Dobruszkes, Frédéric. « Géographie de la libéralisation du transport aérien passagers en Europe ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210715.

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De 1987 à 1997, le transport aérien intra-européen a connu un bouleversement institutionnel sans précé-dent avec sa libéralisation, c’est-à-dire le passage d’un environnement très régulé et contraint par les États à un environnement libéral. Au terme de ce processus, toute compagnie communautaire peut opérer n’importe quel vol intra-communautaire et les aides d’État sont interdites, obligeant les compagnies à être financière-ment rentables. La liberté d’accès au marché et l’impératif de rentabilité sont de nature à faire évoluer la géographie des réseaux et donc la desserte des ré-gions européennes par le biais de différentes dynami-ques (développement ou rationalisation des compagnies préexistantes, émergence de nouvelles compagnies, faillites, réorganisation des services publics,…).

La libéralisation du ciel européen a effectivement conduit à soumettre l’essentiel de l’offre intra-européenne aux « lois du marché », les services publics étant devenus résiduels (moins de 5% des sièges intra-européens). Pour autant, la concurrence à l’échelle des lignes n’est pas devenue la norme. Elle a certes aug-menté, en particulier sur des grandes lignes domesti-ques jadis très protégées, sur les principales lignes européennes entre régions métropolitaines et sur les lignes nord – sud à vocation touristique. Cependant, le développement de nombreuses nouvelles lignes exploi-tées par une seule compagnie a paradoxalement aug-menté le nombre et la part des monopoles de fait. De nombreuses concurrences n’ont lieu qu’indirectement, soit au travers de filiales étrangères (par exemple Spa-nair appartenant à SAS), soit par des compagnies low-cost opérant depuis des aéroports secondaires plus éloignés des grandes agglomérations européennes (par exemple Hahn au lieu de Francfort).

Entre 1991 et 2005, la desserte de l’espace européen libéralisé connaît d’importantes évolutions. D’une part, le volume de l’offre (en sièges) est presque multiplié par deux (+85%, +81% si l’on se limite aux vols intra-européens), soit un taux de croissance annuel moyen de 5,6%. Cette croissance concerne plus l’offre interna-tionale que nationale, qui l’emporte maintenant sur la seconde. D’autre part, la dynamique d’ouverture et de fermeture de lignes est spectaculaire :1308 créations contre 459 disparitions, si bien que le nombre total de lignes a augmenté de moitié et que le réseau européen actuel est un réseau pour moitié renouvelé par rapport à celui de 1991. Cependant, le poids en sièges des lignes héritées est de 8/10. Le réseau européen actuel est donc quantitativement toujours dominé par les relations historiques, qui constituent l’armature de la desserte aérienne européenne.

Les espaces touristiques balnéaires méridionaux ont capté une grande partie de cette croissance (3/10 des nouvelles liaisons, ¼ de l’augmentation générale du nombre de sièges). Si l’on y ajoute le tourisme urbain, on observe très clairement une banalisation du tou-risme aérien.

Une typologie évolutive des réseaux à l’échelle des compagnies a révélé des stratégies différenciées et donc des impacts variés en termes de desserte des territoires. Les grandes compagnies nationales ont généralement fortement développé leur offre tout en la concentrant plus encore sur leurs bases aéroportuaires traditionnelles organisées en hubs. Parfois, un second hub a dû être créé pour contourner des problèmes de saturation (Munich en plus de Francfort) ou mieux coller à la demande (Milan en plus de Rome). Les compagnies classiques ont aussi pris des participations dans des petites compagnies afin de pénétrer plus facilement, et à moindre coût, des marchés étrangers. Ces filiales — et leurs réseaux — ont parfois été converties en opéra-teurs régionaux alimentant les grands hubs. Par ail-leurs, diverses petites compagnies ont pu se développer à l’échelle européenne, sortant souvent de leur cadre national classique. Ces développements se sont tantôt faits au bénéfice des villes « de province » (en particu-lier en Grande-Bretagne), tantôt par concentration sur la capitale (en particulier dans les pays où les villes de province ont peu de poids économique et démographi-que). Enfin, des compagnies charters ont transformé leur offre en offre régulière, la rendant plus ouverte au public, au profit des zones touristiques méridionales qui sont ainsi plus facilement accessibles.

Mais la plus spectaculaire évolution est sans doute le développement des compagnies low-cost. Celles-ci sont responsables de 4/10 de la croissance de l’offre (en sièges) sur la période 1995-2004 ;elles sont aussi mêlées à 3/10 des nouvelles lignes européennes ouver-tes entre 1991 et 2005. Leurs réseaux renforcent les liaisons entre régions métropolitaines et entre celles-ci et les destinations touristiques. En outre, les régions subcentrales leur doivent la moitié de leur desserte et presque toute leur croissance. De nombreux petits aéroports leur doivent l’essentiel, voire la totalité, de leur desserte et de leur croissance, en particulier dans les régions subcentrales et intermédiaires. Ceci a consi-dérablement modifié les rapports entre compagnies et gestionnaires d’aéroports, plaçant ces derniers dans un rapport de forces qui ne leur est pas toujours favorable.

Ces dynamiques viendraient presque faire oublier les décroissances. D’une part, des faillites ont parfois eu un effet négatif marqué sur la desserte des villes, comme nous l’avons en particulier montré pour Bruxelles avec la faillite de la Sabena. D’autre part, les services publics subventionnés semblent être en régression, bien que l’analyse détaillée du cas français montre que la géo-graphie des services publics antérieurs à la libéralisation découlait parfois plus d’exigences politiques locales que de besoins réels.

A l’échelle régionale, l’analyse des évolutions par types économiques régionaux montre qu’au-delà de taux de croissance très variés et malgré toutes les dynamiques étudiées, la répartition de l’offre est demeurée assez constante :il n’y a pas de remise en cause de la hiérar-chisation de l’espace européen. Les régions métropoli-taines continuent en effet à polariser une très grande partie de l’offre et sont toujours les points de passage quasi-obligés pour les vols intercontinentaux. Un niveau en dessous, les régions centrales disposent toujours d’une offe honorable, quoique limitée à l’Europe et ses marges. Les régions subcentrales profitent d’une « décompression » des régions métropolitaines et cen-trales et de la dynamique low-cost. Les capitales des pays ex-communistes connaissent un rattrapage et sont repolarisées par l’Europe occidentale. Les périphéries touristiques connaissent un important développement mais pèsent peu globalement. Les autres périphéries et les espaces intermédiaires tendent à se marginaliser, victimes de trop faibles densités économiques et démo-graphiques et d’une contraction des services publics aériens.

Enfin, si le développement de lignes transversales entre petites villes est une réalité, leur poids est avant tout local. Celles-ci pèsent en effet peu globalement.

Doctorat en sciences, Spécialisation géographie
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Ou, Po-Hsiang. « Climate change v Eurozone crisis : social and economic views of risk in inter-expert risk communication ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f3619fc5-fd2a-483b-92b5-94aa90ce13d1.

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This DPhil thesis discusses how two divergent risk conceptions, a 'social view' and an 'economic view' of risk, are constructed through inter-expert risk communication. Different and sometimes contradictory concepts of risk are mobilised in regulatory practice, but the origins of these divergent risk conceptions are not extensively studied. This thesis seeks to unpack this divergence. Empirically, I analyse risk communication among experts in the European Union (EU) during the creation of two risk regulation standards. The two case studies, one related to the development of the two-degree target of EU climate policies (the climate case) and the other about the negotiation of the excessive deficit criteria of the Maastricht Treaty (the euro case), can shed light on the relations between risk conceptions and inter-expert risk communication. I argue that through risk communication, an initial 'view' of risk can be entrenched and developed into a paradigmatic 'risk conception'. My analysis uses historical and sociological institutionalism, by focusing on path dependence of risk communication and social construction risk conceptions among EU experts. Through the two case studies, I identify four analytical dimensions of inter-expert risk communication: networks (the institutional setting and relationships between different experts), cultures (the mentalities of experts in relation to discussing risks), dynamics (the actual processes of transmitting and receiving risk messages) and strategies (the rationales supporting the decisions of risk regulation standards). My thematic analysis reveals four key distinct 'features' of social/economic views of risk: expertise (the types of knowledge mobilised), normality (characterising risk as either 'special' or 'routine'), probability (considering risk as either uncertain or calculable) and impact (seeing risk as either negative or positive). I argue that these four features can help explain the construction of risk conceptions, and more broadly, provide an analytical framework for studying how views of risk evolve and interact over time.

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Ehrhardt, David Willem Lodewijk. « Struggling to belong : nativism, identities, and urban social relations in Kano and Amsterdam ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9e13e87-0688-4e7b-bcf4-4c05514e294d.

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The research problem of this thesis is to explore the effects of top-down, bureaucratic definitions of belonging and social identity on urban social relations. More specifically, the thesis analyses the ways in which the nativist categorisations of indigeneity in Kano and autochtonie in Amsterdam can help to understand the tensions between ethnic groups in these two cities. Methodologically, the study is designed as a least-similar, comparative exploration and uses mixed qualitative and quantitative methods in its case studies of Kano and Amsterdam. Theoretically, this study uses identity cleavages and identification as the mediators between policy categories and social relations. It combines social-psychological, historical, and institutional theories to link bureaucratic nativism to ethnic identities and, finally, to conflictual (or ‘destructive’) interethnic relations. The resulting theoretical argument of the thesis is that nativist policy categorisations are likely conducive to antagonism, avoidance, and conflict between groups defined as ‘natives’ and ‘settlers’. The central finding of the thesis is that both in Kano and in Amsterdam, indigeneity and autochtonie have entrenched a primordial and competitive (or ‘exclusionary’) notion of ethnic identities and have thus been conducive to interethnic antagonism, avoidance, and conflict. Introduced at a time of rapid immigration, social change, and persistent horizontal inequalities, the two top-down policy categories came to redefine urban belonging in Kano and Amsterdam. As a result, previously apolitical ethnic boundaries between ‘natives’ and ‘settlers’ became politicised, connected to exclusionary definitions of religion and class, and ranked on the basis of their claim to a primordial ‘native’ status - that is, their status as historical ‘first-comers’ in their place of residence. The categorisation and group positioning effects of nativism have, therefore, intensified the urban struggle to belong in Kano and Amsterdam. At the same time, however, the thesis underlines that ethnic conflict in Kano and Amsterdam is limited, partly because nativist forms of belonging are continuously challenged by, for example, inclusive multiculturalism in Kano and urban citizenship in Amsterdam.

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Menendez, Gonzalez Irene. « The politics of compensation under trade : openness, economic geography and spending ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7974d14a-b88d-46a3-99aa-553dc85a9192.

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This thesis examines the conditions under which democratically elected policymakers are more likely to provide policies that compensate individuals that lose from international trade. It develops and empirically tests a theoretical framework of compensation in open economies that accounts for differences in the degree to which governments benefit losers from trade. It first develops a theory of preference formation based on economic geography, and then argues that electoral and legislative institutions jointly condition the supply of compensation. The theoretical analysis provides three sets of observable implications evaluated using micro- and macro-level data in Europe and Latin America. First, exposure to international competition increases demand for policy that compensates for the costs of trade, but this effect is more pronounced among those individuals in economically specialised and uncompetitive contexts where reemployment in the event of a shock is difficult. Second, policymakers in proportional electoral systems face weak incentives to target trade losers in geographically concentrated and uncompetitive regions. In contrast, majoritarian institutions generate incentives to increase compensation when trade losers are geographically concentrated. Another implication is that under some conditions, the presence of a strong upper house that represents regional interests dampens the provision of compensation, and the relative effect of electoral rules. The empirical implications of the argument are tested using a multi-method research strategy that combines cross-national and case study analyses and draws on quantitative and qualitative techniques. Chapter 3 tests the micro-level implications of the model using survey data for European regions over 2002-2006. The findings indicate that regional economic specialization and regional competitiveness jointly condition the impact of trade on preferences for compensation. Chapter 4 systematically tests the extent to which the geographical concentration of trade losers conditions the effect of electoral institutions on levels of compensation. It uses panel data from 14 European countries from 1980 to 2010. The findings indicate that where trade losers are concentrated, lower district magnitude leads to more compensation. Chapters 5 and 6 conduct case studies of compensation in Spain and Argentina, both countries that underwent deep liberalisation and offer significant variation at the regional and institutional level. Chapter 5 explores preferences over compensation in selected regions in Spain and Argentina, and shows that regional specialisation and competitiveness were important in shaping levels of support for compensation. Chapter 6 examines the role of electoral institutions and legislative veto bargaining in shaping the politics of compensation in Spain and Argentina.

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Constantin, Pompiliu-Nicolae. « Identité, altérité et sport dans la Roumanie communiste : la star minoritaire comme héros national ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209403.

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Le régime communiste a redéfini le sport, imposant la pratique de cette activité pour la masse. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la politique du régime communiste roumain s’inspire du modèle soviétique. La these evidence la relation entre l’Etat roumain et les stars sportives issues des minorités nationales. On analyse un processus dynamique de transformation identitaire, qui dans un contexte socio-politique communiste favorise l’instrumentalisation du sport. Dans ce sens, le national-communisme cherche à intégrer les sportifs dans un système bien hiérarchisé. En dépit de la massification du sport et de l’implication importante des Roumains, les sportifs issus des minorités obtiennent de bons résultats et ils sont sélectionnés dans les équipes nationales. De cette perspective, le sport ne représente pas seulement un loisir, mais il devient un domaine plus influent du point de vue idéologique. La thèse regarde comment les stars sportives issues des minorités ont une influence dans la société roumaine, mais que l’Etat contrôle la médiatisation et la participation des sportifs dans les compétitions internationales, leurs contrats, et jusqu’à leurs noms. Nous parvenons par cet intermédiaire à expliquer la manière avec laquelle la société réagit aux performances de ces sportifs et avec laquelle le Parti Communiste impose l’image des héros nationaux pour de telles vedettes. Approfondir un tel sujet aide à la reconstruction d’un aspect important de la vie des minorités.

This PhD thesis makes a radiography of a new problem for a society where the presence of minorities is a reality. Before the communism, Romania had an important number of minorities, and their athletes contributed to the development of sport, having a strong identity and local pride. In communism, the stars coming from the minorities (national or ethnical) had another statute. I propose an interdisciplinary study and I utilize concepts from history, sociology, human geography or anthropology. One of the important aspects in my PhD research is to propose a concept built by me, identity doping (fr. Dopage identitaire, rom. Dopaj identitar), represented by a series of actions designed to transform one or more athletes from an ethnic or national minority into a national hero, which means a complex process of identity change. The origin of this joint of words is very simple and means joining the notion of doping, particularly used first by totalitarian systems among athletes, to the term of identity. My methods cover analyses from mass-media, archives, polls and oral history, toidentify problems and images of national heroes who come from national minorities. For example, we assist to a politic of changing names, more than other countries from communist area. The ”name-nationalization” is an essential step for a new identity, more measurable and

prominent than interior feelings. The footballer Laszlo Boloni, with a Hungarian origin, is known like Ladislau Boloni, Katalin Szabo is named in communism Ecaterina Szabo or Hans Moser, a handballer with a German origin, is known like Ioan Moser. The internal realities of many countries with a nationalism-communist regime influenced the life of sport stars. In a state like Romania, where the groups of minorities had an important role in sport development, sport stars from this communisties are promoted like national heroes utilizing the mechanism of “identity doping”.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Ba, Oumar. « La politisation des partis à caractère ethnique dans les pays postcommunistes d’Europe Centrale et Orientale : une comparaison des trajectoires de la Bulgarie, la Serbie, le Monténégro et le Kosovo ». Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40052.

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Les révolutions de l’Est ont induit la fragmentation des Etats qui s’est accompagnée, sur le plan interne par une renaissance des partis ethniques ; ce qui ne va pas sans poser de problèmes à la démocratie politique. Les transitions et a fortiori les consolidations démocratiques font émerger un double phénomène d’interaction entre les acteurs et le système, dans la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Les partis ethniques se politisent alors que le système s’ouvre à l’acteur ethnique. On assiste donc à un réajustement évolutif du système devant la nouvelle donne. Le système s’ouvre aux nouvelles demandes à caractère ethnique de différentes façons et à différents degrés : entre la légalisation et la tolérance. Côté acteurs, les partis ethniques rentrent progressivement dans le jeu politique ; de différentes façons et à différents degrés. Dans notre champ problématique les relations interactives se déploient entre acteurs multi-niveaux (partis-Etats) et dans les divers champs (politique, sociétal et juridique). Leurs connexions sont croisées entre l’espace étatique et internationale, public et civil, politique et sociétal ; avec les Etats d’accueil ou d’origine, mais aussi, les Etats-tiers. Ils sont à velléités indépendantistes ou simplement des lobbies politiques. Nous avons essayé de mettre en lumière les principaux aspects de la complexité de la question ethnique dans les jeunes démocraties politiques ‘‘en consolidation’’. La problématique ethnique des PECO peut-elle nous aider à compléter en actualisant certaines visions généralistes des sciences politiques ? Les acteurs impliqués sont ainsi invités à éviter les pièges des nationalismes perçus comme ‘‘mesquins’’, voire ‘‘chaotiques’’ tout en servant la cause d’une plus souple intégration politique alias la ‘‘paix démocratique’’
The revolutions of Eastern induced fragmentation of States were accompanied internally by a revival of ethnic parties, which is not without its problems in political democracy. Transitions and even more democratic consolidation are emerging a double phenomenon of interaction between actors and the system in search of a new equilibrium. Ethnic parties then politicize the system opens the ethnic actor. We are witnessing an evolutionary adjustment of the system to the new situation. The system opens to the new demands ethnic ways and to different degrees: between legalization and tolerance. Side actors, are gradually returning ethnic parties in the political game, in different ways and to different degrees. In our problem the field deploy interactive relationships between multi-level actors (parties-States) and in the various fields (political, societal and legal). Their connections are crossed between the State and international space, public and civil, political and social, with host countries or origin, but also the third States. They are separatist ambitions or simply political lobbies. We tried to highlight the main aspects of the complexity of the ethnic issue in young democracies political '' in consolidation ''. The ethnic problem of CEEC can help us to complete updating some general visions of political science? The actors involved are invited to avoid the pitfalls of nationalism perceived as '' petty '' or '' chaotic '' while serving the cause of a more flexible policy integration to the ‘‘democratic peace’’

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Dufresne, Anne. « Les stratégies de l'euro-syndicalisme sectoriel : étude de la coordination salariale et du dialogue social ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210769.

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The main contribution of my thesis is the analysis of substantial empirical material that I have collected from Community trade union actors. My analysis focuses on the institutional strategies of the sectoral European trade union federations and their implications for the Europeanisation of wages policy. I have demonstrated that the development of European coordination processes of national collective bargaining, particularly at sectoral level, has contributed to reviving the concept of collective bargaining and professional relations in the European Area, which until then had been covered in the literature by the social dialogue. I have identified three obstacles to collective negociations at a European level: the “depoliticised” wage in the economic partnership, employers identified as the “lobby partner” in the sectoral social dialogue, and the difficulties encountered in the Europeanisation of trade unions.

L’apport majeur de notre thèse est l’analyse d’un matériel empirique conséquent que nous avons collecté auprès des acteurs syndicaux communautaires. Notre analyse se concentre sur les stratégies institutionnelles des fédérations syndicales sectorielles européennes et sur leurs implications en matière d’européanisation de la politique salariale. Nous avons démontré que le développement des processus de coordination européenne des négociations collectives nationales, en particulier au niveau sectoriel, peut contribuer à renouveler la conception de la négociation collective et des relations professionnelles dans l’espace européen jusqu’alors appréhendée dans la littérature par le dialogue social. Nous avons identifié trois obstacles à la négociation collective européenne :le salaire « dépolitisé » dans le partenariat économique, le patronat devenu « partenaire-lobby » dans le dialogue social sectoriel, et la difficile européanisation syndicale.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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SKOVGAARD, Jakob. « Preventing ethnic conflict, securing ethnic justice ? The Council of Europe, the EU and the OSCE high commissioner on national minorities' use of contested concepts in their responses to the Hungarian minority policies of Hungary, Romania and Slovakia ». Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7040.

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Defence date: 23 May 2007
Examining board: Prof. Michael Keating (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Frank Schimmelfennig (ETH Zürick)(External supervisor) ; Prof. Will Kymlicka (Quenn's University, Ontario) ; Prof. Rainer Bauböck (EUI)
This thesis analyses the policies aimed at influencing the situation of the Hungarian minorities in Romania and Slovakia undertaken by three European organisations, the Council of Europe, the EU and the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities. The focus is on the way in which the organisations have conceptualised contested concepts concerning national minorities, minority rights and minority policy in general, when reacting to the policies of the Hungarian, Romanian and Slovak states that have been directed at the Hungarian minorities. Starting with the assumption that many of the concepts upon which minority policies are based are essentially contested, the thesis sets up a framework for analysing the use of specific interpretations of such concepts in argumentation. More specifically, the framework makes it possible to look at how specific interpretations or conceptualisations of such concepts have been used as implicit warrants. By analysing the use of warrants in the texts issued by the organisations in the arguments reacting to the Hungarian minority policies of the three organisations, the thesis provides a picture of how the conceptualisations of different contested concepts developed. Furthermore, by comparing the use of conceptualisations by the organisations, it is argued that although the organisations started out from different positions, they have gradually converged. And this convergence was centred on the emergence of an ideal minority policy which framed the minorities as unitary entities, which should have the right to influence decisions affecting them as minorities. This convergence was due to the appearance of the Framework Convention on the Protection of National Minorities, increased cooperation between the organisations and the reliance of the EU on the assessments of the other two organisations in the context of EU enlargement. Yet, the organisations have often been incoherent, and have treated different issues from very different perspectives.

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Hickson, Dayna Dione. « The implications of government policy and identification of minorities in China ». Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/5860.

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The government of the People's Republic of China officially recognizes China as being composed of 56 nationalities . China's 55 minorities only make up 8.8 percent of its total population, while the majority, the Han, compose approximately 91.2 percent (Gladney 1991: 223). This investigation of minorities in China attempts to reveal that the government has adopted special policies for its 55 recognized minorities. The reasons for, and the consequences of minority policy will be addressed, as will the complex relationship that exists between the minorities and the Han majority. Finally, the policies themselves and their utility will be examined in order to ascertain whether the policies have been beneficial and to whom. The methodology used in this investigation consists of participant observation and personal interviews. I travelled to North-East China's Jilin Province, where I conducted ethnographic research. This fieldwork focussed on the Chinese-Korean minority living in the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, and is used to put the scholarly literature into perspective. The Korean-Chinese hold a special position, unlike no other nationality in China. Not only are the Korean-Chinese fairly recent immigrants, but their educational levels are believed to be the highest in the nation, considerably higher than national averages (Lee 1986: 3-4, 117). The birthrate of the Korean- Chinese is also highly commended as it is the lowest of any one nationality, including the Han (Gu and Zhao 1994: 19). Thus, although the Korean-Chinese can be used to show the linkages between the literature and fieldwork, one must not forget the special circumstances that they enjoy, which I elaborate upon further in this thesis. Essentially, through examination of the literature and the ethnographic fieldwork I have conducted, several conclusions are put forth in this thesis. First, special policies exist that favour China's 55 minority groups over the Han majority. Second, these policies could have been enacted for several reasons. These include: 1) to allow China to continue along the socialist path; 2) as an attempt to correct past injustices; 3) to increase the overall standard of living of China's citizens; 4) to provide defence against border attack; 5) to reduce minority discontent; 6) to promote a better image of China; 7) to relieve population density problems in urban areas; 8) to allow China to better exploit its natural resources; and 9) to promote national unity, and loyalty and reduce local nationalism and Han chauvinism. Third, these policies benefit both parties, with no one party being totally dependent on the other. Finally, although some authors disagree (Gladney 1991; Mackerras 1994), it will become apparent in this thesis that minority policy in China has been successful for the most part.

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LITTLE, Conor. « Politics on the margins of government : a comparative study of Green parties in governing coalitions ». Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32128.

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Defence date: 24 March 2014
Examining Board: Professor Adrienne Héritier. Supervisor, European University Institute Professor Stefano Bartolini. Co-supervisor, European University Institute Professor Kris Deschouwer, Vrije Universiteit Brussel Professor Dr. Thomas Poguntke, Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf.
First made available online 17 February 2020
Since the mid-1990s, Green parties have participated in 24 governing coalitions in stable democracies, both from within cabinet and as external support parties in parliament. Despite their similarities, these parties' experiences of coalition have been diverse. This thesis seeks to explain variation among these cases in respect of three outcomes: Green parties' attainment of senior ministerial positions at the moment of government formation their retention of cabinet office over time and their electoral outcomes at the end of their spell in coalition. It finds that environmental factors were consistently important for producing these outcomes, but that under many conditions, variation in Green parties' attributes and strategies also played a role. To explain variation in office attainment outcomes, the thesis makes use of an explicitly conjunctural theory that has been developed in the study of support parties. The set of causal factors identified by this theory provides a basis for identifying pathways to high and low office attainment outcomes that are that are empirically consistent and theoretically coherent. In studying office retention outcomes, it develops a framework based on parties' incentives to maximise their electoral and governmental outcomes within a dynamic and institutionally variable setting. It provides a first explanatory account of variation in parties' tenure, identifying a number of pathways to the end of a party's time in office. Finally, the thesis builds on the literature on postincumbency electoral outcomes to identify several paths to post-coalition electoral success and failure. In particular, it suggests that the relatively 'soft' electoral base of Green parties in coalition is an important factor in their losses and that defection from coalition can be electorally beneficial only under restrictive conditions. It identifies a strong tension between office-seeking success and electoral success that presents these parties with especially 'hard choices'.

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MENDEZ, Fernando. « The Governance and Regulation of the Internet in the European Union, the United States and Switzerland : A comparative federalism approach ». Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7034.

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Defence date: 23 March 2007
Examining board: Prof. Martin Rhodes (EUI/Denver University)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Andreas Auer (University of Geneva) ; Prof. David McKay (University of Essex) ; Prof. Alexander Trechsel (EUI)
This dissertation analyses the dynamics of EU policy making through a structured and focused comparison with two other federal polities: the United States and Switzerland. To this end, it draws on the wider comparative federalism literature to examine how basic federal political institutions structure the development of policy outcomes. The empirical focus is on the regulatory challenge posed by the internet's spectacular proliferation during the period of 1995-2005. Two hypotheses are formulated as to how basic federal political institutions shape the development of policy outcomes in the three polities under investigation. First, given the cross-border nature of the policy challenge, we expect to find similar interactions among the different levels of government in all three units of analysis. In particular, federal level political actors should be similarly mobilised into offering centralising solutions to problems with cross-border effects. Furthermore, this could provoke allocational shifts in authority towards the centre in the three units of analysis. Second, it is expected that differences in the policy process and the ‘power capabilities’ of the centre help to explain the variance in policy outcomes. The main findings of the empirical investigation suggest that the dynamics of policymaking in the realm of internet regulation exhibit similarities that make EU comparison with other federal polities across these dimensions especially revealing. This is particularly the case when comparing the EU with polities characterised by an extremely decentralised federal configuration, institutionally weak centres, consensual modes of decision-making, and decentralised modes of policy implementation such as Switzerland.

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BARBULESCU, Roxana. « The politics of immigrant integration in post-enlargement Europe migrants : co-ethnics and European citizens in Italy and Spain ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28027.

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Defence date: 11 June 2013
Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (EUI Supervisor) Professor Kitty C. Calavita, University of California, Irvine Professor Andrew Geddes, University of Sheffield Professor Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
In migration studies, it is taken for granted that states do not only attempt to control overall numbers of immigrants, but also establish different regulatory regimes for refugees, labour migrants, family reunification, co-ethnics and many other categories of migrants. In studies of immigrant integration, however, most analyses have assumed that each state pursues a single and coherent national approach. The aim of this dissertation is to challenge this assumption by examining how states pursue integration differently for different categories of migrants in post-enlargement Europe. In addition to third country nationals I consider also migrants who have a special cultural and historical bond with their host countries, such as emigrants and descendants of emigrants or migrants from the former colonies (co-ethnics), as well as European Union citizens from old and new member states. The dissertation builds on empirical evidence collected from 1985 to 2012 at national, regional and city levels in two new countries of immigration in Western Europe: Italy and Spain. The first main finding is that both Italy and Spain chose to distance themselves from the integration policies of the more traditional countries of immigration in Europe, which they classify as failures. Instead, the new immigration countries searched for their "own" integration strategy, which they consider a token of sovereignty just as much as immigration control. Secondly, both states have introduced different integration policies and integration requirements for different categories of migrants. Rather than pursuing only one integration strategy, the states examined use their resources and abilities to simultaneously pursue different integration strategies for European citizens, co-ethnics and third country nationals. These strategies range from less to more restrictive (from laissez-faire to mandatory, sanction-based policies, such as the Italian integration agreement and language test). European Union citizens enjoy many rights in when residing in other member states without being included in their integration programmes, while third country nationals enjoy far fewer rights which they risk to lose if they do not comply with demanding integration programmes. Co-ethnics in turn are included in integration programmes but have more rights than other third country nationals and, in some areas such as access to citizenship and enrolment in the army, they have even more rights than European citizens. Finally, this dissertation finds a negative correlation between immigrants' social class in the host society and their rights and integration requirements: the lower the socio-economic position of the immigrant group, the fewer its rights and the more demanding the integration requirements it faces.

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BAYRAM, Ismail Emre. « Once bitten, twice shy : financial crises, policy learning and mortgage markets in advanced capitalist economies ». Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32127.

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Defence date: 30 April 2014
Examining Board: Professor Sven Steinmo, European University Institute (Supervisor) Professor Pepper Culpepper, European University Institute Professor Peter Englund, Stockholm School of Economics Professor Gunnar Trumbull, Harvard Business School.
Do nations learn from their financial crises? In addressing this question, this dissertation explores whether politicians, supervisors and bankers change their preferences towards financial markets when they recognize they have made significant mistakes in the recent past. It also asks whether such recognition of failure leads to a process of change in rules, policies and institutions, in different national contexts. In addressing this broader theoretical question, the dissertation focuses on the mortgage credit markets in advanced capitalist economies. Challenging the conventional approaches in political science and financial economics, it shows that the longitudinal and cross-sectional variations in mortgage credit markets can best be explained with reference to nations' different experiences of financial crisis. Borrowing insights from learning theory in political economy and public policy analysis, it argues specifically that those nations (i) that had severe financial crises in their recent past and (ii) that have coordinative institutions and elites, are more likely to draw lessons from their mistakes, and to change their policies, in order to avoid similar asset bubbles and financial crises in the future. This dissertation adopts a multi-method approach in examining the role of learning in the evolution of mortgage credit markets. A significant part traces the history of mortgage credit and financial crises in three countries, from a comparative perspective. Stressing a comparison between two institutionally similar countries, Sweden and Denmark, the dissertation shows how differences in the severity of crises may yield opposite outcomes in elite perceptions toward financial stability, and how they explain the differences in policy and market outcomes. On the other hand, comparing Sweden to Britain -two countries with similar crisis history but with different institutions- it stresses the positive role of coordinative institutions and coherent elites in translating the crisis experience into actual policy and institutional change. In addition to the comparative-historical analysis, the econometric parts of dissertation show that the inferences drawn from three cases can be generalized to a sample of 19 OECD countries. The results indicate that the countries with a negative experience of financial crisis in the early 1990s are more likely to have smaller mortgage markets in comparison to other countries, and that this effect is stronger in countries with coordinative economic and policy institutions.

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MAVRODI, Georgia. « The Europeanisation of national immigration policies ? : liberalising effects of EU membership in a new immigration country ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14503.

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Defence date: 28 May 2010
Examining Board: Andrew Geddes (University of Sheffield);Donatella Della Porta (EUI) (Supervisor); Virginie Guiraudon (CNRS) (Co-supervisor); Anna Triandafyllidou (Democritus University of Thrace)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This study examines the impact of European integration in immigration issues on Greek immigration policy. Contrary to widely held claims that immigration policies in Europe become more and more restrictive - the well-known debate on 'Fortress Europe' - Greek legislation on entry, residence and rights of third-country nationals has undergone gradual liberalising developments. This paradox drove my inquiry into the factors, institutions and processes that may explain liberalising immigration policy change for a period of fifteen years (1990 - 2005). Greece, similarly to the rest of southern European 'new' immigration countries, is often charged with the implicit or explicit assumption that its recent turn into a host country for immigrants makes her receptive to the restrictive influence of EU policies on immigration. Is that so? What impact, if any, has cooperation on immigration issues at the EU level had on Greek immigration policy developments and why? What form has it taken, under what conditions, and what mechanisms have been at work? In search for answers, my research combines a qualitative single-country case-study with the comparative method. The lens of analysis is put on Greek immigration policy making and change across domestic institutions and policy areas. Rules and regulations on entry and residence of third-country nationals for employment purposes and family reunification are process-traced and compared across the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary. At a second stage the same policy area is compared to other fellow areas, namely student immigration, ethnic immigration, and citizenship. The study draws on a variety of primary sources, including parliamentary debates, administrative documents, Court rulings and EU documentation. Policy developments taking place in other EU member-states are also kept in sight on the basis of the available secondary literature. Greek immigration policy has relied on institutional and policy continuities to a greater extent than one might imagine when thinking of 'new' immigration countries. The latter are far from a 'tabula rasa' in migration issues and their previous rules, regulations, and domestic institutional legacies should be taken into consideration in order to understand their immigration policies at present. A series of Greek restrictive regulations and practices concerning immigration controls had been rooted before 'Fortress Europe' was developed. At the same time, however, Greece lacked a regulatory framework for immigrant settlement - including attention at immigrant integration. This provided for incompatibilities with the developing set of common EU norms on the rights of legally resident third-country nationals, which caused significant EU pressures for national policy change. The on-going process of integration in immigration issues at the EU level affected the timing and the direction of domestic policy-making but the extent and degree of this effect across policy areas and domestic institutions have been differential. Greek participation in the common EU immigration policy alone cannot account for all European effects on national immigration policy. Nevertheless, it has been the most powerful institutional framework to induce or facilitate liberalising changes in the Greek immigration legislation in the last two decades. These findings support a reconsideration of the nature, policy dynamics and limitations of 'Fortress Europe', and they invite for further research in the rest of the EU member states.

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RADL, Jonas. « Retirement timing and social stratification : a comparative study of labor market exit and age norms in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14714.

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Awarded the 2011 'Research Prize of the German Pension Insurance Agency' (Berlin, 8 December 2011).
Defence date: 11 September 2010
Examining Board: Martin Kohli (EUI) (Supervisor), Fabrizio Bernardi (EUI) (Co-Supervisor), Hans-Peter Blossfeld (Otto Friedrich University, Bamberg), Bernhard Ebbinghaus (University of Mannheim)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The goal of this dissertation is to enhance our understanding of the micro and macro level determinants of retirement timing in contemporary Western Europe. This objective is pursued by means of a statistical analysis of large-scale comparable survey data. In short, three points of emphasis characterize this study in comparison with previous research on the topic: 1) the focus on social stratification in terms of gender and class differentials; 2) the central attention paid to social norms of aging; and 3) the joint consideration of individual and country level mechanisms in explaining retirement timing. The review of the previous literature in the second chapter demonstrates that the currently available theoretical approaches by themselves are inappropriate for explaining social variability in retirement timing. Building on the life course paradigm and social class theory, I consequently outline a novel analytical framework for the study of differential retirement behavior. It can be characterized as a choice-within-constraints approach (chapter 3), which essentially focuses on differences between older workers in age norms and late-career opportunity structures, paying special attention on class and gender disparities. In the fourth chapter, I gather empirical evidence on international and individual differences in retirement age norms in Western Europe on the basis of data from the European Social Survey (ESS). Subsequently, I turn to examining actual retirement behavior in the fifth chapter. Using data from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) a series of event-history models is used to scrutinize the determining factors of retirement timing at the country and individual level variation. In chapters 6 and 7, two case studies on Germany and Spain examine the impact of pension legislation on social stratification in retirement in a detailed manner. The two country studies are based on ad-hoc module on the transition from work into retirement, which has been implemented in the respective national labor force surveys (Encuesta de la Población Activa (EPA) and Mikrozensus) of 2006.

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GUIRAO, Fernando. « Spain and European economic cooperation,1945-1955 : a case study in Spanish foreign economic policy ». Doctoral thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5825.

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Defence date: 15 March 1993
Examining board: Prof. Richard T. Griffiths (supervisor, European University Institute) ; Prof. Albert Carreras (European University Institute) ; Prof. Juan Pablo Fusi (Universidad Complutense, Madrid) ; Prof. Pierre Gerbet (Insitut d'Etudes Politiques, Paris) ; Alan S. Milward (London School of Economics)
First made available online: 7 June 2016

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BORRAS, ALOMAR Susana. « Governing systems of innovation:regions and technology in Europe : The case study of Catalonia in the 1980s and 1990s ». Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5184.

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Defence date: 26 February 1996
Examining board: Prof. Giandomenico Majone (supervisor) ; Prof. Roger Morgan (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Yves Mény, EUI ; Dr. Luis Sanz-Menéndez, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas ; Prof. Joan Subirats, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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PETERS-GODTS, Sabine S. « La politique européenne du gouvernement belge, septembre 1944-mai 1950 ». Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5937.

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Defence date: 26 October 1987
Examining board: Prof. Herman Van der Wee, Université de Louvain ; Prof. Richard Griffiths, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam ; Prof. Peter Hertner, IUE ; Prof. Alan Milward, IUE
First made available online: 18 September 2015

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Chiang, Hung-i., et Hongyi Jiang. « The Va : traditional culture and modernization of a minority nationality in China ». Thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/37159.

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The Va nationality, despite its small population compared to other nationalities in China, has preserved most of its traditions largely due to limits placed by historical circumstances and geographical isolation. To non-Chinese anthropologists, the Va people still remain unknown, as there is little or no information about them in English or other Western languages. One of the purposes of this study is to narrow this gap by presenting an ethnographic description of the Va, giving them a place in the world anthropological studies. Since the Va have retained their own cultural characteristics, their societal development has been rather slow. Part of the reason for this slow development is inherent in the basic nature of Va culture, and part of it lies in misguided administrative policies and programs. This study proposes ways to help the Va make progress toward development without destroying their culture and examines several possible ways of modifying or revamping government policy and programs directed toward the Va people.
Graduation date: 1992

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ANDRY, Aurélie. « 'Social Europe' in the long 1970s' : the story of a defeat ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/49325.

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Defence date: 4 December 2017
Examining Board: Prof Federico Romero, European University Institute; Prof Laura Lee Downs, European University Institute; Prof Eric Bussière, Université Paris-Sorbonne; Prof Lorenzo Mechi, Università degli Studi di Padova
‘Social Europe’ is an elusive concept. Although largely forgotten today, it was a vibrant idea and project in the 1970s. Promulgated mostly by West European socialdemocratic forces, it was basically a European governance reform project. Its fundamental objective was to transform the nature of European cooperation and integration, by using the European Community as a vehicle to realise democratic socialism in Europe. ‘Social Europe’ took shape around the ideas of wealth redistribution, social and economic planning, economic democratisation, improved working and living conditions, regulation and control of economic forces, guarantee of the right to work, upward harmonisation of European social regimes, and access to social protection for all. It also included environmental concerns, democratisation of the European Community’s institutions, and claims to rebalance the international system to favour the development of the rising ‘South’. It made ambitious proposals to empower the Community in the social field and to increase social and economic coordination between its member states. It was, in short, a proposal for a radically different future than the one we actually inhabit today. This work investigates the rise and demise of ‘social Europe’ in the ‘long 1970s’. It highlights the socialist efforts to build a common European project, explores the concrete proposals it contained, traces its evolution and assesses the strategies and alliances envisaged between the different forces of the Left for its realisation. It sheds light on the reasons for the defeat of ‘Social Europe’, which had long-lasting, and arguably dramatic repercussions for the nature of European integration and European societies, for the relations of Western Europe with the rest of the world, for the history of capitalism and its shift to the ‘neoliberal’ paradigm, and for the ‘European Left’ itself.

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OBADIĆ, Ivan. « In pursuit of stability : Yugoslavia and Western European economic integration, 1948–1970 ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/47304.

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Defence date: 14 July 2017
Examining Board: Prof Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Pavel Kolář, European University Institute; Prof Josip Glaurdić, University of Luxembourg; Prof Tvrtko Jakovina, University of Zagreb
This thesis examines the origins and evolution of Yugoslav policy towards Western European integration from the early 1950s until the signing of the first Yugoslav–EEC Trade Agreement in 1970. It examines the emerging role of Western Europe in the Yugoslav foreign and internal politics within the larger context of the Cold War and development of European integration. Increased trade relations with the EEC and the domestic introduction of the 1965 Economic Reform proved vital in persuading Belgrade to become the first socialist country to establish diplomatic and trade relations with the Community in 1968. The thesis argues that these relations became of increasing relevance to the economic and, ultimately, political stability of Yugoslavia. Besides the basic foreign (trade) policy concepts towards the EEC, this study focuses on the perceptions of the Western European integration process among the political elite by addressing the following research questions: How did Yugoslav policymakers react to the Western European integration process? What impact did the success of the EEC have on Yugoslav foreign policy and internal differences among the political elite? In what way did the League of Communists of Yugoslavia rationalize their cooperation with the EEC? What did it mean for the internal coherence of the LCY and for Yugoslavia’s pronounced cooperation with the developing countries? The overarching question is how and why already in the 1960s the EEC became such an important external factor, crucial for the economic development and stability of Yugoslavia. By analysing the complex interaction between the external factors and internal dynamics of Yugoslavia and their impact on Belgrade´s policy towards the EEC, this study provides an explanation of the underlying long-term structural problems of the economy that determined the Yugoslav diplomatic and economic responses to the creation and evolution of the EEC until the breakup of the country.
Chapter ‘Conclusion' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'A troubled relationship : Yugoslavia and the European economic community in détente' (2014) in the journal ‘European review of history’

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« 瑤山的学校教育 : 中国广西土瑤的民族志研究 ». 2002. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073851.

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袁同凯.
论文(哲学博士)--香港中文大学, 2002.
参考文献 (p. 235-255).
中英文摘要.
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Yuan Tongkai.
Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.
Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002.
Can kao wen xian (p. 235-255).

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KUNNAS, Jan. « Fire and Fuels : CO2 and SO2 Emissions in the Finnish Economy, 1800-2005 ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/11753.

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The full text available is only the introduction of the thesis.
Defence date: 15 June 2009
Supervisor: Giovanni Federico External supervisor: Timo Myllyntaus Examining Board: Giovanni Federico Bartolomé Yun Casalilla Magnus Lindmark Jan Luiten van Zanden
This thesis examines Finland‘s transition from a solar based energy system to a fossil fuel based one, and the environmental consequences of this transition. The period under examination is from the beginning of the 19th century to the present, covering Finland's transition from a proto-industrial agricultural society to a --post- industrial| society. The theoretical starting point has been the environmental Kuznets curve hypothesis, which proposes that some pollution or measures of environmental degradation would follow an inverted U-curve related to incomes, increasing at low income levels and decreasing at high income levels. Based on the historical approach used in this thesis, two new explanations for the existence of an environmental Kuznets curve are added: 1) The severity of environmental degradation might itself create a turning point for the emissions, or in some cases fear of severe effects. 2) What at a first glance seems to be a genuine environmental improvement might just be a transformation of one environmental problem into another. Some proponents of economic growth go as far as claiming that economic growth is a necessary condition for proper protection of the environment. This thesis turns the argument around, claiming that the causal connection goes in an opposite direction: proper environmental standards and conservation comprise a necessary condition for economic growth in the long run. Finland industrialized by means of renewable, indigenous energy sources. The switch to imported fossil fuels in the 1960s led to exceptionally fast growth of carbon and sulphur dioxide emissions. The emissions of sulphur dioxide started to decline in the 1970s while the emission growth of carbon dioxide only slowed down. The initial decline of sulphur dioxide emissions was mainly a side-effect of changes in industrial processes rather than an outcome of a deliberate policy. Furthermore, anxiety about large and widespread damage to the forests was a major reason for active measures to decrease sulphur dioxide emissions since the mid- 1980s. Thus the emissions themselves provoked their downturn. Quantitative calculations on the use of natural resources provide valuable tools, which can give new insights to old questions and raise new questions. Burning cultivation of peatlands, which has been neglected in historical research, was found to be the greatest source of carbon dioxide in Finland during the whole of the nineteenth century and at the beginning of the twentieth century. Another neglected occupation, the production of potash might have consumed as much wood during the 19th century as the production of tar.

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Stibor, Tomáš. « Pojem "informační politika" z hlediska evropských kontinentálních a amerických tradic ». Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-341869.

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Dissertation deals with the problem of information policy and its development. Information policy and e-Government is defined. The emphasis is put mainly on the history and development of information policy in The United States and Europe, represented by the European Union, Germany and France, from which the current EU policy draws. In conclusion, a comparison is made, to confront American and European attitude along with several cases about the conditions of information policy in the Czech Republic. Keywords information policy, e-government, public administration, information infrastructure, legislative, Europe, USA

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Kroner, Sabine. « Migration und Migrationspolitik im Zuge des Transformationsprozesses seit 1989 – am Beispiel Polen ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0023-9608-2.

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In der politikwissenschaftlichen Transformationsforschung ist Polen ein beliebtes Auswahlland in vergleichenden Untersuchungen oder Einzelfallstudien. Sehr viel seltener wird es Gegenstand von Migrationsstudien. Das liegt darin begründet, dass die polnische Migrationsforschung noch relativ am Beginn steht, die Quellen- und Datenlage zu Migrationsbewegungen und zur Migrationspolitik noch nicht sehr umfassend ist und das Thema „Einwanderung und Asyl“ in Polen, wie auch in anderen mittel- und osteuropäischen Ländern (MOE), erst seit wenigen Jahren in der Öffentlichkeit diskutiert wird. In der Transformationsforschung sind demgegenüber Wanderungsbewegungen bislang nur von untergeordneter Bedeutung. Die Forschung richtet sich überwiegend auf die Institutionen, Akteure und Akteurinnen von politischen Systemen sowie die Zivilgesellschaft. Eingewanderte werden in aller Regel nicht dazu gezählt, und das Feld der Migrationspolitik wird nicht zur Kenntnis genommen. In der Europaforschung werden die Auswirkungen des Integrationsprozesses auf den Handlungs- und Entscheidungsspielraum von Akteuren und Akteurinnen – auch in der Migrationspolitik – sowie auf Organe der politischen Systeme der EU-Mitglieder ebenso intensiv untersucht wie die Folgen des Beitritts zum Acqui Communautaire für Beitrittsstaaten. Ein Desiderat der Forschung ist nach wie vor, die Auswirkungen der europäischen Integration auf die Politik und das politische System von Transformationsländern zu analysieren. Mit der Studie „Migration und Migrationspolitik im Zuge des Transformationsprozesses seit 1989 – am Beispiel Polen“ liegt eine Untersuchung vor, die erstmals verschiedene Stränge aus der Migrations-, Transformations- und Europaforschung zusammenführt. Es wird gefragt, ob sich in Polen nach dem Zusammenbruch des staatssozialistischen Systems ein eigenständiges Migrationssystem und eine eigenständige Migrationspolitik entwickeln konnten, oder ob der Beitrittsprozess und dann der Beitritt zur EU im Jahr 2004 die Entwicklung des Migrationssystems maßgeblich beeinflusst haben. Die Auswahl Polens als Untersuchungsland ist gut begründet. Denn Polen grenzt an die Ukraine und Weißrussland, von denen Wanderungsbewegungen ausgehen oder die Transitländer für Migranten und Migrantinnen aus Russland einschließlich Tschetschenien, dem Kaukasus oder der MENA-Region und Süd- und Südostasien sind. Polen steht zudem vor dem Problem, die EU-Außengrenzen nach Dublin II absichern zu müssen. Die Studie rekonstruiert die Entwicklung des polnischen Migrationssystems für den Zeitraum von 1989 bis 2007 mit Hilfe einer Inhaltsanalyse von Dokumenten nationaler und internationaler Institutionen, beispielsweise der polnischen Regierung, der EU-Kommission, des UNHCR sowie von insgesamt 34 Interviews mit Experten und Expertinnen, durch die sowohl Betriebs- als auch Erfahrungswissen über den Aufbau des Migrationssystems erfasst wurden. Es wurden Expertinnen und Experten interviewt, die in Ministerien, Gewerkschaften, NGO’s oder an Universitäten arbeiten und direkt in den Prozess eingebunden waren oder als Organisation von diesem betroffen sind. Die Ergebnisse aus diesem empirischen Material wurden trianguliert. Sie waren dann auch Grundlage für das Phasenmodell zur Entwicklung der Migrationspolitik und ihrer Institutionen, das im vierten Kapitel aufgezeigt wird. Der Schwerpunkt der Studie liegt in der rechtspolitischen und strukturpolitischen Rekonstruktion, die dann kontextualisiert wird: in das Migrationsgeschehen, den Transformationsprozess und den europäischen Integrationsprozess. Im Fazit wird die Bedeutung der staatlichen Organe, des Transformationsprozesses, der EU als Akteurin, der innen- und außenpolitischen Interessen Polens sowie der Erfahrungen mit Migrationsprozessen gegeneinander ab gewogen. Mit der vorliegenden Studie ist eine Grundlage für weiterführende Migrationsforschung gelegt.

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Difford, Crystal. « International refugee law in Europe and the temporary relocation scheme : on durable solutions for the refugee child during the refugee crisis ». Diss., 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/23832.

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This study explores the international obligations of the European Union to the unaccompanied asylum-seeking and refugee child. In doing so, it involves an investigation into the concept and content of durable solutions for the refugee child. As such, it analyses the effect of the temporary European relocation scheme in the search for durable solutions. To that end, it engages a comprehensive explanation of the relevant refugee law, the law of the rights of the child and the European legislative framework governing the reception and protection of refugees. Cumulatively, an assessment is made as to the effectiveness of the durable solutions that currently exist. This study seeks to establish whether, in an attempt to relieve the pressure from the frontline member states by creating a system for effective integration, Europe encourages the development of a children’s rights perspective and ultimately, provides a path for the unaccompanied child’s development and self-fulfilment.
Public, Constitutional and International Law
LL. M.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Minorities – Government policy – Europe »

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