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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Minorities – Government policy – Europe, Eastern »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Minorities – Government policy – Europe, Eastern"

Kozachuk, Oleh. « Liberal Pluralism and Multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe (W. Kymlicka Views’ Analysis) ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, n^o 33-34 (25 août 2017) : 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.230-237.

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Will Kymlicka is widely known in the world for the research in the field of the theoretical principles of liberal pluralism and justification of the policy of multiculturalism. In his scientific work, he pays attention not onlyto his native Canada but also draws attention to other regions of the world, including Central and Eastern Europe. The scientist asks whether the export of Western model of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism policies available in the region? Are Western models of multiculturalism and minority rights relevant for the post-Communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe? In the following article, we analyze Will Kymlicka’s views on this issue. Kymlicka explains why conventional ways of distinguishing between ethnic relations in the East and West do not help in understanding or responding to ethnic conflicts in the post-Communist world. He argues why the states of Central and Eastern Europe are not inherent in the territorial autonomy in their state building. He also argues why federalism as a form of government is not the solution of interethnic interaction’s problems. In addition, Will Kymlicka tries to highlight the unique characteristics of the region, which do not suggest the possibility of the introduction of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe in the near future. Keywords: Liberal pluralism, multiculturalism, territorial autonomy, federalism, minorities

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Cordell, Karl, et Stefan Wolff. « Germany as a Kin-State : The Development and Implementation of a Norm-Consistent External Minority Policy towards Central and Eastern Europe ». Nationalities Papers 35, n^o 2 (mai 2007) : 289–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254367.

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Germany's role as a kin-state of ethnic German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe stems from a number of factors. At one level it is part and parcel of a unique historical legacy. It is also inextricably linked with the country's foreign policy towards this region. The most profound policy that the Federal Republic of Germany developed in this context after the early 1960s was Ostpolitik, which contributed significantly to the peaceful end of the Cold War, but has remained relevant thereafter despite a fundamentally changed geopolitical context, as Germany remains a kin-state for hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans across Central and Eastern Europe, particularly in the former Soviet Union, in Poland, Romania, and Hungary. As such, a policy towards these external minorities continues to form a significant, but by no means the only, manifestation of Ostpolitik.

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BIEBER, FLORIAN. « LESS DIVERSITY - MORE INTEGRATION : INTERETHNIC RELATIONS IN THE CONTEMPORARY BALKANS 1 ». Southeastern Europe 32, n^o 1 (2007) : 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633307x00039.

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Abstract Summary: This article surveys the state of diversity in Southeastern Europe by examining the nature of interethnic relations and diversity, minority rights protection and political participation of minorities. During the past decade, state repression and hostility towards minorities have largely made way to including minorities in government and introducing comprehensive minority rights protection laws. These improvements at the level of policy are often not matched in terms of general interethnic relations. Majority-minority relations remain burdened by the 1990s and Southeastern Europe is considerably more homogenous than it was in 1989. As a consequence, legal and policy changes are often the consequence of international and in particular EU pressure rather than domestic processes.

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Kuzub, Halyna. « National minorities political rights in the context of decentralization of power in the Eastern European countries ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, n^o 33-34 (25 août 2017) : 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.250-256.

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The question of political minorities rights is always crucial for European countries because of mutual history and border changes. Almost each of these countries are characterized by small groups of ethnic minorities who are living in boarding areas. Some representatives of these ethnic groups have separatistic points of view during the years. In some European countries situation becomes even more complicated because of assimilation policy which was provided by the former Soviet Union. Decentralization is transferring of authorities to the local levels what is other serious accelerator of the questions of political minorities rights. The question of our research work is if the impact of decentralization process matches political minorities rights in Eastern Europe? In the present study we analyze the results of administrative and territorial reforms in Poland, the Czech Republic , Slovakia and we also took into consideration the impact of ethnic factor within new administrative and territorial division. In conclusions author emphasizes that in Eastern Europe new division process mostly happened without taking into account historical areas where small groups of political minorities lived. Author also draws our attention to the possible separatism, which can be the reason of articulation of national minorities will, who live near the borders to other countries as to unite in some areas. Keywords: Decentralization of authority, administrative-territorial reform, post-socialist transformation, minorities, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia

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Collins, Susan M. « Policy Watch : U.S. Economic Policy Toward the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe ». Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, n^o 4 (1 novembre 1991) : 219–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.219.

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As the Soviet Union and the countries in Eastern Europe take steps towards market economies and democratic political systems, the U.S. and other western countries have been confronted by a range of difficult and important questions about the appropriate economic policy response. What role should government policies play? How much assistance should be given? In what form? What actual policies have been undertaken? Are they a lot or a little? At one extreme, some argue that the United States and other developed countries should finance the rebuilding of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe—even though it may cost tens of billions of dollars per year, for at least a decade. At the other end of the spectrum are those who argue that Eastern Europe does not warrant official U.S. assistance, other than for humanitarian purposes, because the situation is just too precarious, because there are worthier uses of scarce government resources, or because any restructuring should be undertaken by the private sector. This paper suggests a framework for answering these questions that considers both the nations of Eastern Europe and recent proposals for direct assistance to the Soviet Union. It draws upon the valuable lessons to be learned from assistance to the developing countries and from historical experience.

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Blitstein, Peter A. « Cultural Diversity and the Interwar Conjuncture : Soviet Nationality Policy in Its Comparative Context ». RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, n^o 1 (15 décembre 2020) : 16–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-1-16-46.

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Soviet nationality policy was one of several political responses to cultural diversity in the interwar period. The author situates that policy in its comparative context, contrasting the Soviet Union to its eastern European neighbors and to British and French rule in Africa. Contrary to the nationalizing policies of the new states of eastern Europe, which sought national unity at the expense of ethnic minorities, Soviet nationality policy was initially based on practices of diff erentiation. Contrary to the colonial policies of Britain and France, which were based on ethnic and racial diff erentiation, Soviet policy sought to integrate all peoples into one state. In the mid-to-late 1930s, however, Soviet policy took a nationalizing turn similar to its neighbors in eastern Europe, without completely abandoning policies of ethnic diff erentiation. We should thus understand the Soviet approach as a unique hybrid of contradictory practices of nationalization and diff erentiation.

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Blitstein, Peter A. « Cultural Diversity and the Interwar Conjuncture : Soviet Nationality Policy in Its Comparative Context ». Slavic Review 65, n^o 2 (2006) : 273–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4148593.

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Soviet nationality policy was one of several political responses to cultural diversity in the interwar period. Peter A. Blitstein situates that policy in its comparative context, contrasting the Soviet Union to its eastern European neighbors and to British and French rule in Africa. Contrary to the nationalizing policies of the new states of eastern Europe, which sought national unity at the expense of ethnic minorities, Soviet nationality policy was initially based on practices of differentiation. Contrary to the colonial policies of Britain and France, which were based on ethnic and racial differentiation, Soviet policy sought to integrate all peoples into one state. In the mid-to-late 1930s, however, Soviet policy took a nationalizing turn similar to its neighbors in eastern Europe, without completely abandoning policies of ethnic differentiation. We should thus understand the Soviet approach as a unique hybrid of contradictory practices of nationalization and differentiation

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Priestly, Tom. « The Position of the Slovenes in Austria : Recent Developments in Political (and other) Attitudes ». Nationalities Papers 27, n^o 1 (mars 1999) : 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999109217.

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The Slovene-speaking minority in Austria—when compared with many other linguistic minorities in Europe—is in an enviable position. Superficially, its minority rights are both constitutionally guaranteed and, for the most part, legally enforced; in the province of Carinthia/Kärnten/Koroška (the home of nearly all the minority; see Map 1) bilingual education is available in many communities at the primary level, and there is a thriving bilingual secondary school; Slovene is officially used in many offices and churches, and can be heard in many shops and on many street corners; there are two weekly newspapers. The picture below the surface is not quite as pleasant: there is anti-Slovene discrimination in several forms, and the pressure on minority members to Germanize themselves is strong; in particular, it must be emphasized that although the minority enjoys virtually full support from the federal government in Vienna, the provincial government in Carinthia has seldom been as favorably disposed. Still, most of the other minorities in Central and Eastern Europe can only dream of living in conditions like those of the Carinthian Slovenes.

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Kovalchuk, Vitaliy, Iryna Sofinska, Taras Harasymiv, Ivan Terlyuk et Maiia Pyvovar. « Parliamentary opposition and democratic transformation issues : Centraland Eastern Europe in focus ». Cuestiones Políticas 40, n^o 75 (29 décembre 2022) : 855–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4075.51.

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The article presents a framework for comparing the policy-making rights of the parliamentary opposition in the parliamentary democracies of Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine). The right of the parliamentary opposition to oppose the government formed by the ruling majority is a fundamental feature of liberal democracy. The application of constitutional values (democracy and rule of law) in Central and Eastern European states demonstrates the actual level of fragmentation, polarization and cartelization of the opposition. The Rule of Law Index 2021 explicitly shows that, among the Central and Eastern European countries surveyed, Lithuania ranks 18th, the Czech Republic 22nd, Poland 36th, Hungary 69th and Ukraine 74th. The Rule of Law Index refers to limitations of government powers, absence of corruption, open government and other issues related to the mission of the parliamentary opposition. It is concluded that, the distance (not only ideological) between the ruling majority and the parliamentary opposition is based on the ability to form government, participation in policy making, scrutiny of strategy and (populist) government policy.

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Moroz, Olga. « Practical experience of self-government of the italian minority of Slovenia ». Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series : History. Political Studies 11, n^o 31-32 (2021) : 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2021-11-31-32-168-179.

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The Republic of Slovenia is a multinational state that appeared on the political map of Central and Eastern Europe as a result of disintegrating processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The problems of national minorities have been further deteriorated at the end of the SFRY existence, despite the fact that the Yugoslav leaders tended minority issues. National relations in modern Slovenia are a legacy of the socialist period. Italians and Hungarians are only two of national minorities in the republic who exercise their constitutional rights and guarantees. The Slovenian Constitution defines these minorities as autochthonous (historical). The article offers an analysis of situation and political activity of the autochthonous minorities in Slovenia using the example of the Italian community. Despite the fact that Slovenian Italians enjoy broad powers of autonomy in education, language, and they are actively involved in the political life of the state, there are still a number of unresolved problems of the coexistence of the Italian minority and the Slovenian majority, which are common to both autochthonous minorities and largely concern all other national communities of the Republic of Slovenia. The resettlement of Italians on the territory of Slovenia is characterized by compactness, which positively influenced the processes of consolidation of the minority in the matter of protecting their constitutional rights and guarantees. In the article, the author reasoned conclusion that Slovenian society has always been marked by a high level of xenophobia, also developed on the basis of the consequences of disintegration processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The concept of autochtonomism has become a kind of society response to the threat of external migration, and, according to the official Ljubljana, poses a danger to the titular nation and language. The Italians and Hungarians, in the minds of the Slovenes and the Slovenian government, are the lesser evil compared to the so-called unconstitutional minorities - immigrants from the former SFRY.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Minorities – Government policy – Europe, Eastern"

Batagelj, Leon. « Competition policy in countries of Central and Eastern Europe : competition in Europe or competition for Europe ». Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81242.

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Competition policy is an important tool for assurance of the efficient allocation of resources in functioning market economies. Applicability of modern competition policy to situations in former planned economies, however, raises doubts because of fundamentally different states of competition in such markets. This study analyses development of competition policy in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. Particular attention is given to the influence of the EU competition policy in the framework of negotiations for final membership in the EU.
This study proposes reassessment of the competition policy of the three countries in order to better tackle the economic complexities of transition to fully functioning market economies. Harmonization of competition policy of the three candidate countries for EU membership with competition policy of the EU assumes appropriateness of EU competition policy for transition situations. Contrary to this assumption, the thesis argues that competition policy in transition should be tailored closely to the needs of transition. Since harmonization of competition law is only an instrument to evaluate whether a candidate country has a functioning market economy that can be integrated in the EU Internal Market, competition policy aimed at better promoting competition should be welcomed.

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VERSTICHEL, Annelies. « Representation and identity : the right of persons belonging to minorities to effective participation in public affairs : content, justification and limits ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13178.

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Defence date: 13 December 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Bruno De Witte (EUI); Prof. Paul Lemmens, (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven); Prof. John Packer, (University of Essex); Prof. Wojciech Sadurski, (EUI)
Awarded the Mauro Cappelletti Prize for the best comparative law doctoral thesis, 2008.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This doctoral thesis aims at investigating this new international right of persons belonging to minorities to effective participation in public affairs. What is its content? What is its justification and what is it aiming at? Are there any limits to its implementation and what kind of problematic issues are involved? The example of Bosnia and Herzegovina as described above illustrates that organising representation along ethnic lines raises challenging questions. These will be explored in this PhD.Our investigation of the right of minorities to effective participation in public affairs will run through five chapters: Chapter 1 will outline the theoretical framework; Chapter 2 will examine the political rights in the general human rights instruments; Chapter 3 will study the provision on effective participation in public affairs in the three key minority rights instruments of the 1990’s; Chapter 4 will look at the range of possible domestic mechanisms implementing the right of minorities to effective participation in public affairs through a comparative national law approach; and Chapter 5 will illustrate Chapter 4 by zooming in on three case studies, namely Belgium, Italy and Hungary.

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Ovseiko, Pavel Victor. « The politics of health care reform in Central and Eastern Europe : the case of the Czech Republic ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d8f1c4d3-9dda-4a2b-94d1-5afcb0cf5c87.

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This thesis examines the political process of health care reform between 1989 and 1998 in the most advanced sizable political economy in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) – the Czech Republic. Its aim is to explain the political process bringing about post-Communist health policy change and stimulate new debates on welfare state transformation in CEE. The thesis challenges the conventional view that post-Communist health care reform in CEE was designed and implemented to improve the health status of the people, as desired by the people themselves. I suggest that this is a dangerous over-rationalisation, and argue that post-Communist health care reform in the Czech Republic was the by-product of haphazard democratic political struggle between emerging elites for power and economic resources. The thesis employs the analytical narrative method to describe and analyse the actors, institutions, ideas and history behind the health policy change. The analysis is informed by welfare state theory, elite theory, interest group politics theory, the assumptions of methodological individualism and rational choice theory, and Schumpeter’s doctrine of democracy. Its focus is on the interests of health policy actors and how they interacted within an unhinged, but fast-consolidating, institutional framework. The results demonstrate that, while historical legacies and liberal ideas featured prominently in the rhetoric accompanying health policy change, in Realpolitik, these were merely the disposable, instrumental devices of opportunistic, self-interested elites. The resultant explanation of health policy change stresses the primacy of agency over structure and formulates four important mechanisms of health policy change: opportunism, tinkering, enterprise, and elitism. In conclusion, the relevance of major welfare state theories to the given case is assessed and implications for welfare state research in CEE are drawn.

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Bartulin, Nevenko School of History UNSW. « The ideology of nation and race : the Croatian Ustasha regime and its policies toward minorities in the independent state of Croatia, 1941-1945 ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/28336.

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This thesis examines the central place of racial theories in the nationalist ideology of the Croatian Ustasha movement and regime, and how these theories functioned as the chief motive in shaping Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the Nazi-backed Independent State of Croatia (known by its Croatian initials as the NDH), namely, Serbs, Jews, Roma and Bosnian Muslims, during the years 1941 to 1945. This thesis is divided into three parts. The first part deals with historical background, concentrating on the history of Croatian national movements from the 1830s to the 1930s. The second part covers the period between the founding of the Ustasha movement in 1930 and the creation of the NDH in 1941. The third part examines the period of Ustasha power from 1941 to 1945. Through the above chronological division, this thesis traces the evolution of Ustasha ideas on nation and race, placing them within the historical context of processes of Croatian national integration. Although the Ustashe were brought to power by Nazi Germany, their ideology emerged less as an imitation of German National Socialism and more as an extremist reaction to the supranational and expansionist nationalist ideologies of Yugoslavism and Greater Serbianism. In contrast to the prevailing historiographical view that has either ignored or downplayed the significance of racial theori! es on Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the NDH, this thesis highlights the marked influence of the question of 'race' on Ustasha attitudes toward the 'problem' of minorities, and on the wider question of Croatian national identity. This thesis examines the Ustashe by focusing on the historical interplay between nationalism and racism, which dominated so much of the modern political life of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The fusion of nationalism and racism was not unique to Ustasha ideology, but the evolution and nature of Ustasha racism was. Ustasha racial ideas were therefore the product of both specific Croatian and wider European historical trends. This examination of the historical intersection between nationalism and racism in the case of the Ustashe will, i hope, broaden our understanding of twentieth-century nation-state formation, and state treatment of minorities, in the Balkans and Eastern Europe.

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SKOVGAARD, Jakob. « Preventing ethnic conflict, securing ethnic justice ? The Council of Europe, the EU and the OSCE high commissioner on national minorities' use of contested concepts in their responses to the Hungarian minority policies of Hungary, Romania and Slovakia ». Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7040.

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Defence date: 23 May 2007
Examining board: Prof. Michael Keating (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Frank Schimmelfennig (ETH Zürick)(External supervisor) ; Prof. Will Kymlicka (Quenn's University, Ontario) ; Prof. Rainer Bauböck (EUI)
This thesis analyses the policies aimed at influencing the situation of the Hungarian minorities in Romania and Slovakia undertaken by three European organisations, the Council of Europe, the EU and the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities. The focus is on the way in which the organisations have conceptualised contested concepts concerning national minorities, minority rights and minority policy in general, when reacting to the policies of the Hungarian, Romanian and Slovak states that have been directed at the Hungarian minorities. Starting with the assumption that many of the concepts upon which minority policies are based are essentially contested, the thesis sets up a framework for analysing the use of specific interpretations of such concepts in argumentation. More specifically, the framework makes it possible to look at how specific interpretations or conceptualisations of such concepts have been used as implicit warrants. By analysing the use of warrants in the texts issued by the organisations in the arguments reacting to the Hungarian minority policies of the three organisations, the thesis provides a picture of how the conceptualisations of different contested concepts developed. Furthermore, by comparing the use of conceptualisations by the organisations, it is argued that although the organisations started out from different positions, they have gradually converged. And this convergence was centred on the emergence of an ideal minority policy which framed the minorities as unitary entities, which should have the right to influence decisions affecting them as minorities. This convergence was due to the appearance of the Framework Convention on the Protection of National Minorities, increased cooperation between the organisations and the reliance of the EU on the assessments of the other two organisations in the context of EU enlargement. Yet, the organisations have often been incoherent, and have treated different issues from very different perspectives.

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Livres sur le sujet "Minorities – Government policy – Europe, Eastern"

Katlijn, Malfliet, Laenen Ria et Katholieke Universiteit te Leuven (1970- ). Instituut voor Europees Beleid., dir. Minority policy in Central and Eastern Europe : The link between domestic policy, foreign policy and European integration. Leuven (Belgium) : Garant, 1998.

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Internationales, Kulturhistorisches Symposion Mogersdorf (16th 1984 Mogersdorf Austria). Internationales Kulturhistorisches Symposion Mogersdorf 1984 in Mogersdorf : Staat und Gesellschaft im Zeitalter des Dualismus = Állam és társadalom a dualizmus korában = Država in družba v dobi dualizma. Eisenstadt : Amt der Burgenländischen Landesregierung, Abt. XII/2 Landesarchiv-Landesbibliothek, 1987.

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Nationalizing the Russian Empire : The campaign against enemy aliens during World War I. Cambridge, Mass : Harvard University Press, 2003.

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Wijnbergen, Sweder van. Enterprise reform in Eastern Europe. Washington, DC (1818 H St., NW, Washington 20433) : Europe and Central Asia Dept., 1993.

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Wijnbergen, Sweder van. Enterprise reform in Eastern Europe. London : Centre for Economic Policy Research, 1992.

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Abteilung, Deutsche Bank Volkswirtschaftliche, dir. Rebuilding eastern Europe. Frankfurt, Germany : Deutsche Bank, Economics Dept., 1991.

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Forum, World Economic. Eastern Europe and South Caucasus 2011 : Competitive outlook. [Paris] : OECD, 2011.

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1934-, Nagel Stuart S., Rukavishnikov V. O et Policy Studies Organization, dir. Eastern European development and public policy. New York, N.Y : St. Martin's Press, 1994.

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Johnson, A. Ross. The impact of eastern Europe on Soviet policy toward western Europe. Santa Monica, CA : Rand, 1986.

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European Bureau for Lesser-Used Languages et European Centre for Minority Issues, dir. Support for minority languages in Europe. [S.l.] : European Bureau for Lesser Used Languages, 2002.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Minorities – Government policy – Europe, Eastern"

Klekowski von Koppenfels, Amanda. « Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for German Citizens Abroad ». Dans IMISCOE Research Series, 207–26. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51245-3_12.

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Abstract This chapter presents an overview of German policies vis-à-vis German nationals living abroad. For the most part, the German Government does not reach out to or encourage engagement from or with German nationals living abroad. This is in contrast to a concerted cultural outreach to ethno-national German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe. Rights in Germany are largely residence-based, and access to rights is thus associated with (legal) residence in Germany, rather than with holding German citizenship. There are two clear exceptions: one is a robust system that enables voting from abroad for German citizens, and the other is facilitated access from abroad to pensions for years worked in Germany. With respect to other measures of social protections, no clear policy can be said to exist. Access to other forms of social protection is on the basis of exception, with consular officials exercising discretion in such cases.

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Marushiakova, Elena. « Self-government Among Bulgarian Gypsies ». Dans National Identities and Ethnic Minorities in Eastern Europe, 199–207. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26553-4_14.

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Lankina, Tomila V., Anneke Hudalla et Hellmut Wollmann. « Local Government Performance in Social Policy ». Dans Local Governance in Central and Eastern Europe, 31–58. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230591745_2.

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Welfens, Paul J. J. « The EU Facing Economic Opening-Up in Eastern Europe : Problems, Issues and Policy Options ». Dans European Economic Integration as a Challenge to Industry and Government, 103–71. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-80014-6_6.

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Hrubý, Zdenêk. « Comments on : The EU Facing Economic Opening-Up in Eastern Europe : Problems, Issues and Policy Options ». Dans European Economic Integration as a Challenge to Industry and Government, 173–79. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-80014-6_7.

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Marat, Uraimov. « China’s Emerging Political and Economic Dominance in the OSCE Region ». Dans Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West, 95–116. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_5.

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AbstractThe presence of China in the OSCE region is becoming resilient, particularly after Beijing began providing infrastructural loans to OSCE states. The size of the issued infrastructural loans in less developed economies is disproportionate to national economies, resulting in the borrowing countries becoming incapable of paying back the loans. In this chapter, I argue that China’s practices of infrastructural loans and China’s overall standing on minority issues and democratization contradicts the OSCE core principles and undermines OSCE integrity. To illustrate this, I use, first, the example of the promotion of non-democratic practices through non-transparent procurement, surveillance of civilians, and supply of police hardware for suppression and control of political dissidents (based on evidence from Eastern and Central Europe, and Central Asia) and, for the second example, I illustrate the violation of minority rights in re-education camps in the Xinjiang region (based on political and civic reaction from Central Asia), which Chinese authorities call “Vocational Education and Training Centers.” The first example helps to analyze how Chinese foreign loans contradict the democratic commitments of the borrowing countries. Chinese infrastructural loans promote non-democratic practices in borrowing countries through unfair, non-transparent procurement in infrastructural development projects. The Chinese side also provides surveillance systems and anti-protest police vehicles and ammunition which help to undermine individual rights and freedoms. The second example helps to analyze the reaction of Central Asian Muslim countries toward China’s treatment of kin-groups, namely the lack of critical reaction of CA states despite their OSCE-membership and commitment toward promotion of individual rights and freedoms (including freedom of faith). China has been providing infrastructural loans to most OSCE member states over the past two decades; and these member states have not officially responded to Chinese treatment of their own kin-groups, such as Kazakh, Kyrgyz, and Uyghur minorities—according to the OSCE core principles on minority rights. The OSCE core principles are categorized under the “human dimension” to ensure OSCE states’ “respect for individual rights and fundamental freedoms” and their commitment to “abide by the rule of law; promote principles of democracy; strengthen and protect democratic institutions” Yamamoto (2015). Most likely if there were no infrastructural loans from China, the OSCE countries under analysis would respond to Chinese domestic policy toward ethnic minorities critically. Most likely, by providing surveillance and police machinery, China tends to support the existing political regimes in borrowing countries and, by its non-transparent procurement, it does not encourage enforcement of laws.

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Kaša, Rita, et Inta Mieriņa. « Introduction ». Dans IMISCOE Research Series, 1–10. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12092-4_1.

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Abstract This volume contributes to research on migration from Latvia, a country in Central Eastern Europe (CEE), following the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1991. The experience of independent Latvia with borders opening up to the world and more specifically to the West has turned out to be both a rewarding and wounding experience for communities in the country. On the rewarding side, individuals have gained liberty – an ability to travel the world freely, to see and live in the countries which were beyond the closed doors of the Soviet Union just some decades ago. This freedom, however, has also brought the sense of cost to the society – people are going abroad as if dissolving into other worlds, away from their small homeland. The context of decreasing birth rates and ageing in the country seems to amplify a feeling of loss which is supported by hard evidence. Research shows a worrying 17% decline in Latvia’s population between 2000 and 2013. One third of this is due to declining birth rates and two-thirds is caused by emigration (Hazans 2016). This situation has turned out to be hurtful experience for communities in Latvia causing a heightened sense of grief especially during the Great Recession which shook the country at the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. By 2013 the feeling of crises even larger than the economic downturn came to a head in Latvian society, pushing the government for the first time in the history of independent Latvia to recognise the migration of the country’s nationals and to acknowledge diaspora politics as an important item on the national policy agenda.

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Ikstens, Jānis, et Ilze Balcere. « Latvia ». Dans Coalition Governance in Central Eastern Europe, 252–302. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844372.003.0007.

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Although a profound ethnic cleavage separates the native Latvians and from the Slavic minorities, and institutional thresholds operate to prevent fragmentation of parliamentary politics, Latvia’s voter preferences generate fractured legislatures and a high turnover of parliamentary parties. Coalitions arise from free-style bargaining among a narrow circle of party elites where the head of state (president) plays a rather limited role. Parties are driven by both office-seeking and policy-seeking considerations but control over public resources is notably important to maintain party organizations and fight elections. Notable is also that the Slavic parties are excluded from government coalitions. Regardless of the type of coalition, very similar coalition agreements outline mechanisms for coalition governance, reinforcing the primus inter pares status of the prime minister as defined in the law. Although cabinet duration is rather low, party discipline in the legislature is high and opposition proposals are usually rejected. Technical reasons aside, most cabinets in the twentieth century collapsed due to disagreements over policy while cabinet termination in the twenty-first century is more frequently related to party strategic considerations. Coalitions tend to lose support in elections, but this does not apply equally to all coalition parties.

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« Lessons From Eastern Europe ». Dans Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 138–52. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-4291-0.ch009.

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This chapter summarizes the key points of the book and discusses lessons other countries can learn from the Czech Republic and Hungary. It first looks closer at democratic backsliding—mainly what it is and whether former communist countries are suffering from it. Next, political leaders and parties in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and the United States are examined, including how much influence they have over policy. The importance of democratic values and civic education are also discussed. Being knowledgeable about freedoms one should have in a democracy allows people to identify when those freedoms are being taken away. Separation of powers is then examined along with how well the Czech Republic and Hungary are doing, preventing the executive from having too much unilateral power. Finally, it is discussed whether the Czech Republic and Hungary are democratically backsliding and the role of the European Union in potentially stopping democratic erosion.

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Nurse, Lyudmila. « Biographical Approach in the Study of Identities of Ethnic Minorities in Eastern Europe ». Dans Realist Biography and European Policy, 115–40. Leuven University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt14jxsz3.11.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Minorities – Government policy – Europe, Eastern"

Mikulić, Davor, Damira Keček et Željko Lovrinčević. « EXAMINING THE IMPACT OF COVID-19 PANDEMIC ON TOURISM SECTOR USING INPUT-OUTPUT ANALYSIS : THE CASE OF CROATIA ». Dans Tourism in Southern and Eastern Europe 2021 : ToSEE – Smart, Experience, Excellence & ToFEEL – Feelings, Excitement, Education, Leisure. University of Rijeka, Faculty of Tourism and Hospitality Management, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/tosee.06.29.

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Purpose – The purpose of the study is to determine the impact of COVID-19 pandemic on tourism and other economic sectors included in the tourism value chain in Croatia. The evaluation of total effects is important in order to evaluate effectiveness of policy measures introduced by Croatian government. Methodology – The estimation of COVID -19 effects on Croatian economy is based on standard input-output model. The open I-O model quantifies indirect effects generated in the tourism value added chain. Closed I-O model estimates induced effects related to the decrease in the net disposable income of the employees which participated in the tourism sector production chain. Findings – Strong reduction in international tourism caused by COVID -19 resulted in significant decrease in activity of many other industries. Besides hotels and restaurant, the most affected sectors were transport, trade, food industry, sports and entertainment services. Total value of indirect and induced tourism effects is bigger than value of direct effects in terms of employment and value added because of multiplier effect. Government subsidies in the form of income support for companies which retained employees have only short-term and limited effects. Negative COVID -19 effects were partially mitigated by output rise in other domestic sectors. GDP decline was more pronounced than GVA since indirect taxes, notably VAT and excise duties were particularly sensitive to negative trends in tourism activity. Contribution – The methodology applied provides the reliable analytical background for analyses of impact of negative exogenous shock affecting tourism and total Croatian economy and assessment of government policy response effectiveness

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Mitrović, Đorđe, et Sabina Taškar Beloglavec. « SIMPLE TOURISM SECTOR DEVELOPMENT INDEX : CRISES VALUES ». Dans Tourism in Southern and Eastern Europe 2021 : ToSEE – Smart, Experience, Excellence & ToFEEL – Feelings, Excitement, Education, Leisure. University of Rijeka, Faculty of Tourism and Hospitality Management, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/tosee.06.32.

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Purpose – The paper aims to construct a simple tourism sector development index reacting to crises occurrences. Methodology – Paper is two-folded, theoretical background with literature overview and empirical part based on the DEA method. Instead of using a vast number of different individual indicators measuring countries’ tourism performance, it is more appropriate to use one composite index to depict complex tourism development issues in a particular country. The composite index proposed in this paper TSDI, was developed using DEA encompassing tourism soundness and macroeconomic data. Findings – We are especially interested in index values in the 2019 COVID-19 pandemic crises relatively to the previous and following year. Therefore, the data time series include the annual data of selected truisms soundness factors from 2016 to 2020. The paper has three hypotheses dealing with simple tourism sector development index (TSDI) values during crises and the correlation of this calculated index to The Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Index (TTCI) and The Global Competitiveness Index (GCI). Contribution – The paper may offer some basic policy recommendations for policymakers as it may be applied as a relatively simple tool for professionals to assess future crises or economic shocks implications on the tourism sector. The TDSI proposed in this paper can point at the differences in countries’ responses to crises shock that could be influenced by government policies aimed at tourism sector development. TDSI is, due to its simplicity, a good tool for practitioners to use in monitoring and placing recommendations for improvements.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Minorities – Government policy – Europe, Eastern"

Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.

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Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).

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