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1
Baack, Ben, et Edward Ray. « The Political Economy of the Origins of the Military-Industrial Complex in the United States ». Journal of Economic History 45, no 2 (juin 1985) : 369–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700034069.
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Despite the attention given by scholars to the military-industrial complex few studies have attempted to pinpoint and explain its origin. In this paper we argue that the coalescing of business, military, and political interest groups in support of a military build-up in the United States during peacetime occurred in the years between the Civil War and World War I. It was during this period that we observe the roots of institutional arrangements between the military and industry for the purpose of large-scale weapons acquisitions.
2
Gladyshevskii, V. L., E. V. Gorgola et D. V. Khudyakov. « The Washington Consensus, liberal ideas and terms of the military-technological policy ». National Interests : Priorities and Security 16, no 11 (13 novembre 2020) : 2103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.16.11.2103.
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Subject. In the twentieth century, the most developed countries formed a permanent military economy represented by military-industrial complexes, which began to perform almost a system-forming role in national economies, acting as the basis for ensuring national security, and being an independent military and political force. The United States is pursuing a pronounced militaristic policy, has almost begun to unleash a new "cold war" against Russia and to unwind the arms race, on the one hand, trying to exhaust the enemy's economy, on the other hand, to reindustrialize its own economy, relying on the military-industrial complex. Objectives. We examine the evolution, main features and operational distinctions of the military-industrial complex of the United States and that of the Russian Federation, revealing sources of their military-technological and military-economic advancement in comparison with other countries. Methods. The study uses military-economic analysis, scientific and methodological apparatus of modern institutionalism. Results. Regulating the national economy and constant monitoring of budget financing contribute to the rise of military production, especially in the context of austerity and crisis phenomena, which, in particular, justifies the irrelevance of institutionalists' conclusions about increasing transaction costs and intensifying centralization in the industrial production management with respect to to the military-industrial complex. Conclusions. Proving to be much more efficient, the domestic military-industrial complex, without having such access to finance as the U.S. military monopolies, should certainly evolve and progress, strengthening the coordination, manageability, planning, maximum cost reduction, increasing labor productivity, and implementing an internal quality system with the active involvement of the State and its resources.
3
Shkrobtak, Igor. « The US military-industrial complex in the modern period ». Russia and America in the 21st Century, S3 (2023) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760029223-2.
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This study is devoted to the state of the US defense industry in the modern period. The paper examines the current situation and issues of the development of the defense industry of the United States. The article examines the key areas of activity of the industry: military shipbuilding, aircraft construction and the armored industry. The main problems of the military-industrial complex are highlighted: the lack of specialists, the rupture of economic ties, the loss of key competencies and technologies. Possible methods of solving the current system challenges facing the American defense industry have been identified.
4
Hull, J. « Torpedo : Inventing the Military-Industrial Complex in the United States and Great Britain ». Journal of American History 101, no 3 (1 décembre 2014) : 954–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jau589.
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5
Dunley, Richard. « Torpedo : Inventing the military-industrial complex in the United States and Great Britain ». Mariner's Mirror 100, no 4 (2 octobre 2014) : 480–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2014.954839.
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6
Seligmann, Matthew S. « Torpedo : inventing the military-industrial complex in the United States and Great Britain ». First World War Studies 6, no 2 (4 mai 2015) : 214–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2015.1111031.
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CHEN, Gang, et Minghui YU. « China’s Joint Military and Civilian Development ». East Asian Policy 09, no 02 (avril 2017) : 26–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000137.
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China’s ambitious military reform deepens with the establishment of a new commission on 22 January 2017 helmed by Chinese President Xi Jinping. The new commission will oversee the integration of military and civilian development. Xi aims to nurture Chinese defence manufacturers that are comparable to Lockheed Martin and Boeing in the United States and develop a military-industrial complex for the military modernisation commensurate with its rising international profile.
8
Shkrobtak, Igor O. « US military-industrial complex under the influence of the ukrainian conflict ». USA & ; Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, no 11 (15 décembre 2023) : 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673023110020.
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This study is devoted to the study of the state of the military-industrial complex under the influence of the Ukrainian conflict, problems and prospects of development. The work is relevant due to the escalation of the conflict in Ukraine and the use of American weapons by the Armed Forces of Ukraine against Russian units during a special military operation. The article investigates such issues of the military-industrial complex as the gap between the civilian and military industries of the United States, the dependence of the American defense industry on foreign manufacturers and developers, the lack of complete chains of weapons creation and the unsuitability of American models for high-intensity conflict. The study particularly considers the relationship between civil and military production and the importance of a developed industry for the military-industrial complex. The paper focuses on the ideology of the creation and production of products of the American defense industry and their inconsistency with the conditions of a high-intensity conflict. The work emphasizes the need for serious financial injections and socio-economic reforms in any possible scenario for the development of the US military-industrial complex.
9
Alic, John A. « The Origin and Nature of the US “Military-Industrial Complex” ». Vulcan 2, no 1 (23 juin 2014) : 63–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134603-00201003.
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This paper makes three primary claims. First, the so-called military-industrial complex (MIC) has its roots in the United States during World War I, when the army and navy turned to private firms for design of aircraft, and not, as some analysts have proposed, in the latter part of the nineteenth century. Second, theMICtook on its current shape during the 1950s. President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s famous warning, in effect, expressed recognition of and perhaps something like dismay at his own creation. Finally, despite the broad shift in responsibility for design, development, and production of military systems from government to industry in the middle of the last century, the armed forces remain the dominant partner in theMICby reason of their control over the technical requirements that shape and constrain weapons system design. This leaves the defense industry a junior partner.
10
ПАСЬКО М.Н., ПАСЬКО М. Н., et ХАРЛАНОВ А. С. ХАРЛАНОВ А.С. « PROSPECTS AND MAIN DIRECTIONS OF RUSSIA'S MILITARY-TECHNICAL COOPERATION WITH THE COUNTRIES OF THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION IN THE CONTEXT OF GROWING GEOPOLITICAL TENSIONS ». Экономика и предпринимательство, no 2(163) (9 mai 2024) : 526–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.34925/eip.2024.163.2.101.
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Авторы показывают хронологию формирования военно-технического сотрудничества между странами АТР, включая Россию, США и Китай, особенности трансформации и взаимодействия с учетом СВО России на Украине и предлагают свои решения по их более эффективному развитию и применению успешного научно-технологического опыта для российского ВПК и космоса. The authors show the chronology of the formation of military-technical cooperation between the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, including Russia, the United States and China, the peculiarities of transformation and interaction taking into account Russia's military-industrial complex in Ukraine and offer their solutions for their more effective development and application of successful scientific and technological experience for the Russian military-industrial complex and space.
11
Orekhova, N. V., N. N. Kudryavtseva, A. V. Popov, J. V. Pakhomova et Y. N. Duvanova. « The largest enterprises of the military-industrial complex of the Russian Federation : analysis of sales volumes, numbers, territorial placement in the country in 2020 ». Proceedings of the Voronezh State University of Engineering Technologies 83, no 4 (10 janvier 2022) : 398–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.20914/2310-1202-2021-4-398-404.
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The work noted the relevance of the development of the military-industrial complex of Russia. An analysis of sales volumes of a number of the largest enterprises of the military-industrial complex of the Russian Federation was carried out, as a result of which two leading organizations were identified. The value of the sales indicator for one analyzed enterprise was evaluated, indicating the reasons for the high results in three enterprises. Based on the analysis of data on the number, conclusions were made about the priority of large enterprises in the structure of the military-industrial complex of the Russian Federation and about the rather serious attention paid by the state to the development of the military economy in modern conditions. When considering the territorial location of the analyzed enterprises, the employment of employees of large organizations of the MIC industries in various regions of Russia is clearly shown, which serves as one of the main factors in the development of the regional economy throughout the country. It was noted the place of the largest enterprises of the military-industrial complex in the ranking of the 100 largest military-industrial companies in the world, based on income from sales of military products by world manufacturers in 2020. The build-up of the country's military power directly depends on the potential of military-industrial complex enterprises and the directions of their development. In the ranking of the analytical company GlobalFirepower for 2020, Russia was ahead of China, but lost to the United States. There are different opinions about the objectivity of this and similar ratings. However, it is impossible not to pay attention to the values of those factors in the GlobalFirepower rating, which indicate insufficient attention to them from the military-industrial complex of the Russian Federation at the present time.
12
Hackemer, Kurt. « Katherine C. Epstein. Torpedo : Inventing the Military-Industrial Complex in the United States and Great Britain. » American Historical Review 120, no 2 (avril 2015) : 588–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/120.2.588.
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Hall, Abigail R. « Katherine C. Epstein, Torpedo : Inventing the military-industrial complex in the United States and Great Britain ». Public Choice 161, no 1-2 (15 mai 2014) : 265–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-014-0181-3.
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Babkina, Sofia K. « The U.S. military-industrial complex as a factor in maintaining its dominant global position ». USA & ; Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, no 11 (15 décembre 2023) : 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673023110019.
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The article identifies considerable structural problems in the U.S. military-industrial complex, including production concentration, inefficiency of the government - defense contractor model and the associated financial losses to the federal budget, fragile production chains, and personnel shortages. Excessive defense spending, which is attributed to external threats, diverts attention from important domestic political subjects, such as social issues. The over-consolidation of production in the hands of the Pentagon's top 5 major defense contractors negatively affects the defense industry and reduces U.S. national security capabilities, undermining the United States' ability to maintain its dominant position in the world.
15
Beckett, Jason. « New War, Old Law : Can the Geneva Paradigm Comprehend Computers ? » Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no 1 (mars 2000) : 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000030.
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Strategic Information Warfare (SIW) has recently begun to garner significant interest among the military and strategic defence communities. While nebulous and difficult to define, the basic object of SIW is to render an adversary's information systems inoperative or to cause them to malfunction. While information is the key, the means, and the target of SIW, real world damage is the intention and effect. It is, nonetheless, an area which has been almost completely ignored by positive international law. The purpose of the present article is to begin to resolve this lacuna by analysing the applicability to, and effect of, international humanitarian law (IHL) on SIW. The author makes recommendations as to possible alterations and improvements to IHL to resolve this lacuna. [In] 1956 when Khrushchev said: “We will bury the West.” What he was really saying was that the military industrial complex of the Soviet Union would win out over the military industrial complex of the West – and note that it's industrial. What Khrushchev didn't understand was that 1956 was the first year in the United States that white-collar and service employees outnumbered blue-collar workers. […] The industrial complex, military or not, was at its end point.Alvin Toffler, Novelist and Social Theorist
16
Wills, Jocelyn. « Innovation in a Cold [War] Climate : Engineering Peace with the American Military–Industrial Complex ». Enterprise & ; Society 12, no 1 (mars 2011) : 120–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700009757.
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On January 8, 2008, executives at MacDonald, Dettwiler and Associates (MDA), a systems engineering firm centered in Vancouver, British Columbia, triggered a political firestorm by announcing that, subject to regulatory approval by the governments of Canada and the United States, shareholders had approved the sale of the firm's space business to Alliant Techsystems (ATK), an aerospace company and manufacturer of land mines, cluster bombs, and missiles headquartered in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Daniel Friedmann, MDA's chief executive since 1995, argued the sale would “allow the company to focus management and financial resources exclusively on its rapidly growing information products business,” particularly the firm's property-information systems for those “involved in real estate-related transactions such as the buying, selling, conveyancing, mortgage financing, and insurance of properties.”
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Regele, Lindsay Schakenbach. « Torpedo : Inventing the Military-Industrial Complex in the United States and Great Britain by Katherine C. Epstein ». Enterprise & ; Society 17, no 1 (2015) : 227–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ens.2015.0091.
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18
Estachy, L. « Power Struggle between China and the United States : Lessons of History ». MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no 1 (3 mars 2020) : 82–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-82-99.
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Fernand Braudel, the economic historian, gave a key for reading the power struggles occurring today between the United States and China. «Just as a country at the center of a world-economy can hardly be expected to give up its privileges at international level, how can one hope that the dominant groups who combine capital and state power, and who are assured of international support, will agree to play the game and hand over to someone else?» In other words, the ruling circles in the United States, the hegemonic power of today, want to keep their leadership, China, the rising and challenging power, would like to replace the USA as the hegemonic country: the trade war starting in 2018 should be analysed in this context . The paper will deal with the recent developments of this hegemonic struggle: within the American establishment, the Pentagon and the US Department of Commerce have regained control over «Wall Street» which has resulted in an updated version of the US military-industrial complex, with China replacing the USSR in a new "cold war". Complex strategies are developped on both sides, involving manufacturing, technology, trade, financial, diplomatic and military issues. Referring to this geo-economic key for reading, a number of actions taken by the US government since 2018 aims in particular at checking China’s mounting economic and financial power. For the United States, it is about challenging the development of China’s influence in the world, in particular along the new maritime Silk Roads.
19
Zueva, Alexandra G. « Export of the South Korea’s defense : problems and prospects ». USA & ; Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, no 11 (15 décembre 2023) : 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673023110081.
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The Republic of Korea aims to become one of the key players in the global arms market by 2027. The military conflict in Ukraine allowed South Korea not only to increase the supply of military products to NATO countries, but also win additional market share in the East Asian, taking advantage of the decline in Russian military exports. At the same time, South Korea is actively signing contracts for the supply of military equipment with the countries of the Middle East. The growth in exports of South Korean military-industrial products is due to the fact that currently the ROK’s weapons have a number of competitive advantages for buyers in Europe and the Asia-Pacific region. First of all, South Korean weapons are compatible with American systems. However, the cost of equipment from the Republic of Korea is sometimes several times lower than military-industrial complex products from the United States or Eurozone countries. However, despite the bright plans in the medium term, the Republic of Korea may face several challenges including inevitable competition with defense industry leaders such as the USA, Russia, Germany, France and the potential worsening of relations with China due to the active increase in arms supplies to India and Vietnam, that could limit the rapid growth of exports of the South Korean military-industrial complex.
20
Spalevic, Zaklina, Zeljko Bjelajac et Dusko Dimitrijevic. « Arms trade as a global international problem ». Medjunarodni problemi 65, no 2 (2013) : 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1302139s.
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The aim of this paper is to highlight the great social danger resulting from uncontrolled trade in arms and military equipment. A large number of terrorist attacks in the world show that uncontrolled arms trade is a growing problem for international security. In order to provide the same protection, the problem of uncontrolled arms and military equipment, which is the major international business, should be viewed from several aspects. To this end, after defining weapons, their production and trade, the authors have presented one of the ways the leading companies in the military-industrial complex provide themselves a market for sale of arms and military equipment, thus creating the conditions that contribute to expanding of their military companies. As the world?s largest exporters of arms and military equipment the United States, Russia and China give a short historical account of their arms trafficking. Then, considering the fact that the amount of weapons would unlikely diminish, the authors have pointed out that states should find a way to control the movement of weapons in the world preventing terrorist to take hold of them.
21
ZAINULLIN, Sergei B., et Ol'ga A. ZAINULLINA. « A comparative analysis of the corporate culture of foreign and Russian military-industrial complex enterprises ». National Interests : Priorities and Security 17, no 1 (15 janvier 2021) : 184–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.17.1.184.
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Subject. The military-industrial complex is a fundamental industry of the Russian economy. On the one hand, it ensures the national security, and, on the other hand, makes the military-industrial enterprises implement the culture, which is loyal to the State and society, being driven by sanctions and internal factors. Objectives. We herein conduct the comparative analysis of the corporate culture practices in Russia and leading countries exporting weapons in order to identify applications and concepts that exist in Russia. Methods. The study relies upon such methods as dialectical, structural analysis, traditional techniques for economic analysis and synthesis, and the modeling method. Results. We conducted the comparative analysis of the way the corporate culture of military enterprises evolves in Russia. We review global practices of using the model in the largest military corporations, discovered their similarities and differences of the applicable directions and concepts. Conclusions and Relevance. The human rights protection policy, corruption counteraction policy, discrimination counteraction, protection of information and assets, insider risk counteraction are implemented in a common and versatile manner. These approaches are used by major corporations in the USA, EU, United Kingdom and Russia. In the mean time, the Russian companies do not focus on special rights of minorities and inclusivity, which are so popular in the USA, EU, and the Commonwealth of States.
22
Gholz, Eugene. « The Curtiss-Wright Corporation and Cold War–Era Defense Procurement : A Challenge to Military-Industrial Complex Theory ». Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no 1 (janvier 2000) : 35–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032372.
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The extraordinary year-to-year continuity in the list of top Cold War aerospace suppliers has led many analysts to adopt theories of a military-industrial complex (MIC). The collapse of the Curtiss-Wright Corporation, once the second-largest manufacturer in the United States and a leading defense contractor, belies their approach. This article recounts the histories of Curtiss-Wright's three independent divisions and uses these to test the MIC theory against three other explanations of the pattern of Cold War defense procurement: the technological imperative, the bureaucratic-strategic perspective, and free-market competition. The bureaucratic-strategic theory is most consistent with the case-study evidence.
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Gummett, Philip, et Judith Reppy. « Military Industrial Networks and Technical Change in the New Strategic Environment ». Government and Opposition 25, no 3 (1 juillet 1990) : 287–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00584.x.
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FOR FORTY YEARS THE COLD WAR, WITH ITS PRESUMED threat to Western Europe, has been used to justify the level of military budgets in NATO countries. The United States, Britain and France, in particular, have sustained high levels of military spending throughout this period. Each has sought to maintain capability across a full range of military options, including nuclear forces and the ability to intervene in Third World conflicts. Each has maintained a large, and quite stable, industrial and technological infrastructure in support of these military goals.With the ending of the cold war, the basis for that stability has been undermined. Defence spending is set to fall. With it will fall overall spending on defence equipment. But the rate of decline, and its distribution across the different sectors of the defence industry, remain to be determined. Upon the outcome turns the future of investment in defence technologies, with further consequences, complex in nature, for national and industrial technological capabilities. To complicate analysis further, these changes arise at a time of considerable concern on both sides of the Atlantic about industrial competitiveness. This concern had already led to upheaval in industrial structures and strategies within both the defence and the civil high technology industries.
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Morgan-Owen, David. « Torpedo : Inventing the Military-Industrial Complex in the United States and Great Britain by Katherine C. EpsteinTorpedo : Inventing the Military-Industrial Complex in the United States and Great Britain by Katherine C. Epstein. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 2014. pp. 328, £30.00 (cloth). » Canadian Journal of History 49, no 2 (septembre 2014) : 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.49.2.352.
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Czitadze, Nika. « Military consequences of economic sanctions against Russia ». Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 8, no 2 (30 mars 2023) : 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2022.8.2.173-191.
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The military Industry of Russia is a strategically important sector and a large employer in Russia. Before the Russia-Ukraine war, the number of employees in the defense industry was about 23.5% of the total number of employees in the country. About 2 million people produced direct weapons and military equipment. It is also a significant player in the global arms market, with Russian Federation being the second largest conventional arms exporter after the United States, with more than $13 billion worth of exports annually within the second decade of the XXI Century. At the same time, due to the economic sanctions and unsuccessful military operation in Ukraine, Russia’s military capabilities have suffered irreparable losses after Eight months of the war. In this regard, the question is the following: Is the military-industrial complex in Russia ready to recover the lost weaponry fast enough? According to the experts, the country needs at least 10 years to make up for the losses.
26
Gurtov, Mel. « Swords into Market Shares : China's Conversion of Military Industry to Civilian Production ». China Quarterly 134 (juin 1993) : 213–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000029660.
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The Cold War is over, but international violence, and preparations for it, are not. Despite the end of the bipolar world and “balance of terror” associated with the United States-Soviet confrontation, peace has not broken out. The militarization of world politics continues, as shown by the Gulf War, ethnic and religious conflicts in central Europe and Asia and nuclear proliferation. Global military spending has somewhat diminished, but at somewhere between $900 billion and $1 trillion annually, it still is a major factor in the budgets and ambitions of most countries. Nevertheless, the end of the Cold War provides opportunities for governments to re-examine their priorities and shift military resources to promote economic and social development, the so-called “peace dividend.” Although in recent years China has dramatically increased its official military expenditures (nearly 100 per cent between 1988 and 1993), beginning in 1979 the Chinese leadership inaugurated a major reorientation of its military-industrial complex.
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Evangelista, Paul, et James Schreiner. « Foreword by Guest Editors COL Paul F. Evangelista & ; LTC James H. Schreiner ». Industrial and Systems Engineering Review 9, no 2 (15 janvier 2022) : 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.37266/iser.2021v9i2.pp75.
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This special issue of the Industrial and Systems Engineering Review once again showcases the top papers from the annual General Donald R. Keith memorial capstone conference at the United States Military Academy in West Point, NY. Despite continued COVID restrictions, the truly innovative conference included a mix of in-person presentations with over 50 live and remote judges from across academia and industry to create a high-quality event highlighting the undergraduate student team research. After consideration of over 50 academic papers, the eight listed in this issue were selected for publication in this special issue of the journal. The topics discussed are broad and diverse, however decision support within an uncertain and complex environment emerges as a theme. Much of the work completed by industrial and systems engineers focuses on getting decisions right by means of the tools of our trade. The suite of tools surveyed within these papers represents several state-of-the-art methods as well as time-proven techniques within a unique application domain.
Military applications dominated several of the papers. Downey et al. studied massive datasets that represent military operational behaviors in training, seeking to better understand military operational capabilities. Ungrady and Dabkowski tackled the complexities of US Army recruiting through the application of fuzzy cognitive maps, searching for causation. Middlebrooks et al. studied military acquisition system decisions, applying system dynamics modeling.
Process improvement represented another sub-theme, with continued focus on decision support. Enos et al. applied lean six sigma techniques to manufacturing processes. Katz et al. explored biomedical machine maintenance scheduling, seeking optimal solutions to a complex scheduling task. Kaloudelis et al. developed a pandemic decision support process for universities.
Analytics and machine learning techniques applied to the information domain dominated the third sub-theme. Krueger and Enos developed analytics to support ice hockey strategies. Manzonelli et al. applied natural language processing against information operations, seeking to automate the examination of incredible amounts of narrative data that seek to shape beliefs and attitudes.
Please join me in congratulating our authors, especially the young undergraduate scholars that provided the primary intellectual efforts that created the contents of this issue.
COL Paul F. Evangelista
Chief Data Officer
United States Military Academy
Taylor Hall, 5th Floor
West Point, NY 10996
Email: paul.evangelista@westpoint.edu
James H. Schreiner, PhD, PMP, CPEM, F.ASEM
LTC(P), U.S. Army
Associate Professor
USMA Academy Professor
Director, Engineering Management (EM) Program
Department of Systems Engineering
Head Officer Representative, Army Softball
United States Military Academy
Room 420 Mahan Hall
West Point, NY 10996
Email: james.schreiner@westpoint.edu
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Amerslanova, A. N., et I. V. Pashnin. « World Practice of Applying State Support Measures for Organizations of the Military-Industrial Complex ». Accounting. Analysis. Auditing 10, no 5 (1 décembre 2023) : 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2408-9303-2023-10-5-50-60.
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The article is devoted to an analytical review of the best global practices in the implementation of measures of state support for organizations of the military-industrial complex (MIC). The purpose of the research was to study international experience in this area and determine its applicability in the context of the development of the Russian Federation’s MIC. The relevance of this work is determined by the need to ensure the solution of operational and strategic tasks of the Russian Federation’s military-industrial complex in the conditions of sanctions pressure from certain countries and the importance of assessing the available measures of state support for organizations of the complex. The study analyses the American Defense Manufacturing Community Support Program, which has been implemented in the United States since 2019. The program is based on the development of cooperation between public and private organizations, including enterprises of the military-industrial complex, scientific organizations, as well as local governments. The structure of the program provides for the formation of a community that brings together stakeholders to ensure sustainable development and competitiveness of the defense industrial complex. As part of the study of European experience, the activities of The European Defense Fund, established in the European Union in 2021 on the initiative of the Commission for the Support of Defense Cooperation of the European Union, were examined. The fund is focused on supporting and developing the European defense-industrial complex by financing innovative research, development and joint projects of international importance. The main objectives of the fund include increasing autonomy and competitiveness in the defense industry, as well as promoting integration and cooperation between the member states of the European Union. Within the framework of the article, each practice was analyzed, and conclusions have been drawn about what ideas from international practice could be applied in the development of the defense-industrial complex of the Russian Federation. The results of the study can be used by the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, the Government of the Russian Federation, the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, the Foundation for Advanced Studies and other state structures and organizations that determine the policy in the field of defense industry regulation as proposals for further development of state support measures in the Russian Federation.
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Malik, Ahmed Ijaz. « Russia’s Military Operations in Ukraine and Strategic Implications for ‘Fortress Europe’ ». Journal of Security & ; Strategic Analyses 9, no 2 (16 janvier 2024) : 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.57169/jssa.009.02.0259.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The ongoing military operations in Ukraine and the unfolding events have displayed the potential of this conflict to extend conventionally to Europe and placing great powers including the United States of America (US) and China in strategic and tactical confrontation. Tracing the dynamics that contributed to the crisis and confrontations between North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), European Union (EU), the US and Russia; this article presents analysis regarding the likely transformation in the US, NATO and EU alliance. The enduring military operation appears to have divided the European states in pursuit of their diplomatic, strategic and economic interests. Based on their economic interests, a few have struck clandestine deals with Russia; while others have criticised the Russian offensive, but have merely offered token diplomatic support to Ukraine. While the conduct of military operations has raised strategic concerns overall for European states, the global military industrial complex has certainly benefitted by selling conventional weapons and technologies to both conflicting parties. It is likely that in case this conflict extends beyond Ukraine; it shall serve the US’ grand strategic interests through the direct and indirect employment of its war industry and military means. This is also likely to reinvigorate and strengthen US stagnant alliance with Europe and the related moribund military entrepreneurial structures. These strategies are likely to support the long-term designs of re-structuring the international order to US’s own strategic and economic advantage against the emerging powers.
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Zonn, I. S. « Arctic cinema : from horror through dramas and thrillers To Action movies and fiction (Part I) ». Post-Soviet Issues 10, no 2 (5 septembre 2023) : 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2023-10-2-185-210.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article considers a number of genres of Arctic films in the world cinema. Among them, some of the most common are horror films (horror), thrillers (part I), dramas, science fiction and action films (part II). The socio-political climate of the times determined the evolution of genres and influenced their semantic content and structure. Their formation and production flow has a calendar milestone. In the second half of the twentieth century, after the end of the Great Patriotic War, a cold war began between two blocs of states with different socio-economic systems led by the USSR and the USA. It was she who strengthened the militaristic role of the Arctic not only in the military-industrial sphere, but also in the cinematographic one. Hollywood, as part of the political and ideological machine of the United States, immediately responded with its films. The screen was politicized in the general range of Cold War sentiments. Conducting atomic tests, the appearance of the atomic bomb in the USA in 1945 and in the USSR in 1949, “flying saucers” from space, noted in 1947, brought to life horror films, science fiction and drama. The heroes of the films were monsters that descended to earth from outer space or rose from the depths of the ocean, all kinds of mechanical and biological monsters awakened by nuclear tests. In parallel, western cinema constructed models of anti-Soviet orientation. The purpose of the films was to amuse and captivate the viewer into an illusory world and at the same time, to shock, amaze, terrify and excite him with scientific or pseudoscientific fiction. This goal remains the main one for most fantastic horror and thrillers. Some of them preached violence, cruelty, conflict, degradation of the human personality. Aggressiveness, programmed in the person himself, is increasingly, manifested in Arctic thrillers and action film.
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Koroschupov, V. « Some Aspects of European Defence Industry Development ». World Economy and International Relations 66, no 12 (2022) : 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-12-98-107.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As a result of the analysis of defence spending in European countries for the period 1990–2022, the author reveals a trend towards underfunding of their defence-industrial base. Due to the fall in defence spending, there is a reduction in European defence companies in Europe, some companies go into the commercial sector, the other part is trying to consolidate. The armed forces of European countries conduct exercises and fight on a multinational basis, and purchase weapons on a national basis. This situation does not allow industrial enterprises to consolidate demand, which makes it possible to increase production volumes. By researching the state of the defense-industrial base of European countries, it becomes evident that there are disagreements between the states of Europe about which is better to buy samples of weapons. Some are in favor of purchases in the United States, others – for joint European projects, and others – for national ones. For example, for fighters, we are talking about choosing between the F‑35, Eurofighter Typhoon, Dassault Rafale or SAAB. A study of data on arms exports from the United States to Europe shows that Europe has lost its status as the main export destination of the United States. The results of research illustrate that the procurement of weapons is a long and complex process, the programming of the construction of the armed forces and the costs are planned, taking into account the threats of tomorrow, in advance. The research findings indicate that the prevailing conditions of peace and stability of the last 30 years have shaped the image of the defense industrial base of European countries unable to produce military products in large quantities and in a short time. The author comes to the conclusion that the ambitions of Europe exceed the available resources.
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Lakstygal, Ilia. « The rivalry of the United States and France in the arms market in the Arab countries of the Middle East in the 1970s ». Tambov University Review. Series : Humanities, no 179 (2019) : 198–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2019-24-179-198-204.
Texte intégralRésumé :
We consider the US-French interaction in the arms markets of the Arab countries of the Middle East during the period of the Arab-Israeli war of the Doomsday (1973) on the Camp David agreements between Egypt and Israel (1978) and the beginning of the Iran-Iraq war (1980). The relevance of the work lies in the fact that the region since the rise in oil prices from the late 1960s to present day remains a key competition place for the largest military-industrial complexes of Western countries, which primarily include the US and French. It is at this time lays the founda-tions of their competition. The purpose of the study is to explore the extent to which the activity of Paris, which, as an ally of Washington in NATO, openly collaborated in the supply of weapons systems with Soviet partners in the region, was willingly or unwillingly subordinated to actions or signals from the United States. We came to the conclusion that the lack of fierce competition, as well as countering the close cooperation of France with Libya, Iraq and Egypt, where the French managed to take a strong position compared to the Americans, is due to the fact that Washington tried to tear off the consumers of the Soviet military industrial complex from the USSR or even would weaken their dependence on Moscow in arms procurement.
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Renshaw, Patrick. « Why Shouldn't a Union Man Be a Union Man ? The ILGWU and FOUR ». Journal of American Studies 29, no 2 (août 1995) : 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800020818.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Historians generally agree that in the 1950s and 1960s organized labour in the United States had become thoroughly bureaucratized. This is often explained as part of a general process of growth and maturity. In their lean, radical youth in the 1930s, those American unions which had launched the Congress of Industrial Organizations had aimed at two targets: to organize and bargain collectively, as promised by the 1935 National Labor Relations Act; and then to use this power to press for wider industrial democracy and social reform. By the time the CIO was reunited with the American Federation of Labor in 1955, this picture had been substantially changed. Increasingly labour cooperated with management and had become part of the white, male, liberal corporate power structure which ran the American capitalist industrial and political system. This military-industrial complex was the indispensable basis, not just for American prosperity but the whole Cold War strategy of containment of communism through the Pax Americana.
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Bui, Keva X. « Napalm’s University : Abolitionist Visions from the Anti-War Movement ». Frontiers : A Journal of Women Studies 45, no 1 (2024) : 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fro.2024.a922895.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract: This essay reflects on the history of napalm and the US anti-war movement to examine the university as both a site of research and development for chemical and biological warfare during the Cold War, as well as a site of abolitionist intervention and struggle. On one hand, napalm represented how war structured the fabric of everyday life in the United States, a condition of total war that overtook institutions of knowledge production within universities, corporations, and laboratories across the nation. On the other hand, napalm was viewed as exceptionally inhumane compared to other tactics of war, prompting movements for outlawing the chemical from military use. This dissonance between organizing against war itself as a perpetual structure of violence and against napalm as an individual technology of war invites consideration of the material stakes of anti-war organizing in an abolitionist vision. As the military–industrial complex only strengthens the entanglements between the university, corporate capitalism, and military expansion, this essay asks: how might we grapple with our place as abolitionist and anti-militarist scholars to interrogate our relationship to knowledge production and the university itself?
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Dmitriev, S. « U.S.-China Technological Rivalry : from “Arrogance” to Boycott ». World Economy and International Relations 64, no 12 (2020) : 70–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-70-77.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The spread of the coronavirus pandemic and the slowdown in economic activity in the United States have strengthened the position of supporters of “decoupling” from China. The U.S.-China relations are progressing from “patient integration” to “impatient disengagement”. Escalating research spending, accelerated industrial modernization, and the expansion of China’s high-tech exports have been identified as major challenges to American technology dominance. The fragility of global value chains in cooperative relationships between US and Chinese companies has become particularly evident. The United States plan to free themselves from dependence on China’s innovative technologies and critical materials. Washington’s efforts to revive the country’s manufacturing industry received a new impetus. American TNCs have begun to return some of their enterprises to the USA. The “technological boycott” of China is aimed at causing maximum damage to the development of any competitive business that presents a challenge to American multinational corporations, and to slow down the progressive technological development of the PRC. Equally important are considerations of industrial policy aimed at crowding out competitors. Washington’s protectionist actions led to a reduction in trade and mutual investment and have put American companies targeting Asian consumers in a difficult position. Washington is beginning to fear that Beijing may powerfully respond to the United States with countermeasures that are sensitive to the American military-industrial complex and innovative sectors of the economy. Washington’s aggressive actions are mobilizing China’s efforts to move up the value chain and localize products to achieve self-sufficiency in key technologies. However, the threat remains that protectionism could become a “new normal” not only for U.S.-China relations. The only viable alternative to this scenario may be the joining of efforts of market participants interested in returning to international legal norms of trade.
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AGGARWAL, VINOD K., et ANDREW W. REDDIE. « New Economic Statecraft : Industrial Policy in an Era of Strategic Competition ». Issues & ; Studies 56, no 02 (juin 2020) : 2040006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251120400068.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 2018 U.S. National Defense Strategy notes that the United States faces “an increasingly complex global security environment, characterized by overt challenges to the free and open international order and the re-emergence of long-term, strategic competition between nations.” In the ensuing months, much has been made of the security-related aspects of this return to great power competition — including Donald Trump’s role in the decline of the existing arms control architecture, responses to Russia’s annexation of Ukraine, and China’s use of subconventional — or “gray zone” — military operations in the South China Sea. What this analysis tends to miss, however, are the economic dimensions of strategic competition. To address the question of how insights from international political economy and security studies can be usefully combined to examine strategic competition, we examine how economic statecraft increasingly takes the form of economic policy beyond sanctions regimes. We argue that economic statecraft has become an increasingly central aspect of geostrategic consideration and consider how economic statecraft is being transformed in the current era.
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Заморин, В. А., et В. А. Сплендер. « Analytical review of the sanctions imposed by the United States against the People's Republic of China in the field of military-technical cooperation with foreign countries ». Экономика и предпринимательство, no 6(143) (31 octobre 2022) : 285–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.34925/eip.2022.143.6.053.
Texte intégralRésumé :
В статье рассматриваются основные события (причины, реакция и последствия) политических и финансово-экономических санкций, введенных США в отношении китайских органов военного управления и организаций военно-промышленного комплекса в период с 2016 по 2020 гг. Дается аргументированный анализ, циркулирующих в политических кругах и экспертном сообществе Китая мнений по поводу организованной администрацией президента США Д. Трампа и продолжающейся против КНР недобросовестной конкуренции в этой сфере деятельности. Также рассматриваются причины этой агрессивной политики, последствия ее введения и реакция на нее. The article examines the main events (causes, reactions and consequences) of political and financial and economic sanctions imposed by the United States against Chinese military authorities and organizations of the military-industrial complex in the period from 2016 to 2020. A reasoned analysis is given of the opinions circulating in political circles and the expert community of China about the organized by the administration of the US President D. Trump and the ongoing unfair competition against China in this field of activity. The reasons for this aggressive policy, the consequences of its introduction and the reaction to it are also considered.
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Maines, Rachel P. « Socks at War : American Hand Knitters and Military Footwear Production for the World Wars ». Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 37, no 1 (1 décembre 2019) : 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sho-2019-0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract In both World Wars, combatant nations, including the United States, Britain, and Germany, learned that inadequate or poorly-maintained footwear produced costly and preventable casualties from trench foot and frostbite. While provision of shoes and boots to troops were major issues in earlier conflicts, no nation before World War I had fully appreciated the significance of warm, dry, well-fitting socks to the effectiveness of soldiers in the field. The large numbers of trench foot casualties in World War I, especially among the French and British, convinced policymakers that this vital commodity must receive a higher priority in military production planning, but few nations in wartime could shift production to knitting mills rapidly enough to make a difference. Thus, in Britain and the U.S, the best policy option proved to be recruiting women and children civilians to knit socks by hand for the military in the first war, and for refugees, prisoners and civilians in the second. This paper discusses the economic and military importance of this effort, including the numbers of pairs produced, and the program’s role in supplementing industrial production. The production of this low-technology but crucial item of military apparel is typical of detail-oriented tasks performed by women under conditions of full mobilization for war, in that they have a high impact on battlefield and home front performance and morale, but very low visibility as significant contributions to national defense. Often, both during and after the emergency, these efforts are ridiculed as trivial and/or wasteful. Unlike women pilots or industrial workers, handcrafters of essential supplies are regarded as performing extensions of their domestic roles as makers and caretakers of clothing and food. This was especially true in the U.S. in and after World War II, a wealthy industrialized nation that took pride in its modern - and thoroughly masculinist - military industrial complex.
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Shlyakov, Alexey V., et Lidia V. Rebysheva. « A comparative analysis of the sociocultural origins of rock music in the USSR and the USA ». Proceedings from Higher Educational Institutions. Sociology. Economics. Politics 16, no 2 (2023) : 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31660/1993-1824-2023-2-99-111.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the sociocultural foundations of the emergence of rock music in the USA and the USSR. The aim of the study is to identify the genesis of rock music and to analyze its characteristics in the United States and the Soviet Union. The authors have shown that a significant factor influencing the birth of rock music in the United States was the post-war socio-economic conditions: the absence of destruction in the country's infrastructure, the concentration in the United States of scientists who had fled fascism in Europe, the orientation of the country's budget towards the socio-economic sector, the demographic explosion, the emergence of leisure time. The Soviet Union, which had suffered catastrophic human losses and destruction of industry because of the war, focused the budget on raising the national economy and strengthening the military-industrial complex, so the appearance of rock music in the USSR became possible only after a full economic recovery. Despite the initial copying and imitation of American rock music by Soviet performers, the authors of the article found differences both in the musical material (form - content) and in the ideological (consumerism - sacrifice) and teleological (commodity - mission) aspects of rock music. The results of the study may be useful for philosophers, cultural scientists, as well as teachers of secondary and higher educational institutions to demonstrate the identity of the Russian cultural path using the example of rock music.
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Gorelikov, V. A. « The impact of the special military operation on the external image of Russia ». Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no 11 (15 novembre 2023) : 492–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2306-03.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The relevance of the topic is conditioned by modern geopolitical realities, the need to protect the Russian-speaking population on the territory of Ukraine, as well as to stop the glorification of Nazism. Also, the relevance is caused by the growing imperialist ambitions of the United States and NATO, the high role of the so-called "hot spots" on the world map — having a long history of regional confl icts that continue with positive dynamics, or are undergoing a process of deconservation by the forces of the Collective West in order to destabilize the geopolitical situation in the world, in particular at the borders of countries, which were declared strategic opponents of the United States of America. In the modern world, which is characterized by a global confrontation between the so-called "Russian world" and the so-called "collective West", it is more important than ever to understand the events taking place on the world stage, to delve into the essence of complex political, social, economic and other mechanisms of influence. The paper will consider such moments as: the spread of disinformation by the collective West led by Washington, the informational confrontation between the Russian Federation and the Collective West, the specifi cs of providing reliable information on the SMO and the formation of the external appearance of the Russian Federation. The role of the doctrine of controlled chaos is also of interest.
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Zamorin, Vladimir. « Participation of the Chinese Military-Industrial Complex in the Implementation of the State Plan "Made in China — 2025" ; ». Problemy dalnego vostoka, no 2 (2023) : 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120025262-9.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the content and driving forces of the "Made in China — 2025" Plan adopted by the State Council of the People's Republic of China in 2015, also examines the key objectives of the Plan and the main factors influencing its implementation, reveals the spheres and stages of development of the technological base of Chinese industry. The current state of participation of Chinese military-industrial corporations in the "Made in China — 2025" Plan is outlined, examples of specific achievements of Chinese industrial and technological leaders in competition with developed countries in international markets are given. The article provides evidence that the civil-military integration conducted under the leadership of Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2010-2016 led to the acceleration of technological development of both the civil and defense industries of the PRC, and became an important impetus for the development of industrial production in China. The features of the the Plan in ten main areas are studied, such as robotics, aerospace and shipbuilding, information technology, rail transport, industries related to energy conservation, biotechnology, medicine, etc. We also offer an analytical study of the reasons for the results achieved by Chinese corporations in the modern period, as well as opportunities for further growth. In addition, the article discloses the issues of competition between Chinese manufacturers and American companies, the implementation of sanctions by Americans against Chinese corporations, as well as big differences in approaches to cooperation with China in Russia and the United States. The article estimates the prospects for China's global industrial and technological leadership and concludes that Chinese industrialists will highly likely fulfill the tasks of the "Made in China — 2025" Plan.
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Yurevich, Maksim A. « Scientific and Technological Development in the Juche Model of Socialism ». Journal of Economic Regulation 14, no 3 (30 septembre 2023) : 006–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17835/2078-5429.2023.14.3.006-015.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The increasing geopolitical fragmentation has emerged as a new reality in the global economy. International sanctions stand as the principal tool employed by the United States and its allies for political, economic, and technological discrimination. Faced with these circumstances, sanctioned nations are driven to seek fresh avenues for economic progress, pivoting towards strategies of widespread import substitution and technological autonomy. Anchored in the doctrine of "Juche" (self-reliance), North Korea has consistently accorded precedence to its domestic scientific and technological domain. Initially centered around national defense until 2013, this priority subsequently extended into the concurrent development of both the military and civilian sectors. Striking accomplishments within the military-industrial complex have garnered extensive public attention and provoked serious apprehensions among less-friendly nations. Despite grappling with challenges in modernizing its economy amid conditions bordering on technological isolation, North Korea has effectively secured noteworthy achievements in specific sectors. Particularly remarkable is North Korea's proficiency in instituting a robust framework for training programmers and other IT specialists. Additionally, apart from bolstering digital security, the country has, as per diverse evaluations, procured a considerable and stable albeit illicit source of budget augmentation
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Piette, Adam. « Writing into the Cold War West ». Theory, Culture & ; Society 28, no 7-8 (décembre 2011) : 390–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276411417464.
Texte intégralRésumé :
John Beck's fine study of the representation of the postwar American West, analyzes the cultural impact of the secret state's establishment of its arsenals, proving grounds and waste disposal sites after the Manhattan Project. The giant Southwest Defense Complex is registered, with acute and telling political energy, in texts by Cormac MacCarthy, Leslie Marmon Silko, Bradford Morrow and Don DeLillo, as a brute invisible energy field at the edges of national experience. This is one of the best studies of the military-industrial complex on record, typified by sharp close reading, blistering and theoretically wise readings, and a sure-footed grasp of difficult and evasive histories and strategies of deception. Beck sketches relations between toxic waste disposal, repressive anti-marginal politics, Cold War megadeath and atomic culture with an eloquence and passion controlled by a cool theoretical head. The review article argues that Beck's study is a major contribution to the analysis of the artificial state of emergency instituted by the AEC and Pentagon deep within the United States.
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Trembach, Stan. « From Information to Knowledge to Wisdom : the Cold War Battle for Information Superiority and Its Implications for Thriving in the Age of Data Smog ». Libri 69, no 1 (26 mars 2019) : 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/libri-2018-0008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article employs a comparative historical perspective to narrow the gap in the existing knowledge of the origins of the trans-Atlantic information explosion phenomenon that dates back to the early decades of the twentieth century. The author examines the root cause of the unprecedented growth of the overall amount of documents through the lens of the rapid expansion of scientific and technical advances across the world and subsequent spread of modern technologies, particularly those applied to scientific and technical information (STI). The study’s focus is on two superpowers of the era: the thriving Soviet military-industrial complex that went hand in hand with the rise of the STI management system in the mid-twentieth century United States. By exploring the practices of a range of U.S. and Soviet information agencies, this research draws parallels with the current information overload and informs our judgment about the challenges and possibilities in scientific and scholarly research brought about by today’s global information age.
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Avatkov, Vladimir Alekseevich, et Alina Igorevna Sbitneva. « Turkey - The West : exemplary antagonism ? » Contemporary Europe, no 5 (15 décembre 2023) : 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323050030.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the Western direction of Turkey's foreign policy and its relations with its three key actors: the United States, NATO and the EU. By its centenary, which Turkey is celebrating on 29th of October, 2023, Ankara seeks to approach the status of an independent supra-regional power. For a long time, Turkey has served as a "junior ally" of Washington, but in the era of the polycentricity’s construction, it has significantly changed its foreign policy priorities. Relations with the United States have moved from an "exemplary partnership" to the rank of an exemplary antagonism and the path to "united Europe" has turned out to be more problematic and not profitable for Ankara from the point of view of its national interests. The NATO bloc has lost its primary importance due to Turkey's development of its own military-industrial complex and growing contradictions with existing and potential members of the alliance. Nevertheless, the West still has a great influence on economic and other related fields affecting the well-being of Ankara. In this regard, building constructive relations with the West remains one of the tasks of Turkey's foreign policy. The authors conclude that under current circumstances the complete political sovereignty of Ankara and its separation from the West can only occur within the framework of the "independence through dependence" model since Turkey due to the lack of its own resources for crisis-free existence will need the support of other stronger world players, such as Russia and, for example, China.
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БЕЛЬКОВ, С. Д. « RUSSIAN ARMS EXPORTS TO THE WORLD MARKET IN THE CONTEXT OF ECONOMIC SANCTIONS ». Экономика и предпринимательство, no 3(152) (12 juin 2023) : 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.34925/eip.2023.152.3.006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Целью исследования является анализ экспорта российских вооружений на мировой рынок в условиях воздействия экономических санкций. В качестве инструментария исследования был использован метод статистического-экономического анализа, аналитический и логический методы, графический метод. Результатом проведенного исследования является анализ масштабов противодействия экспорту вооружений и военной техники из Российской Федерацией в период 2022/2023 годов со стороны США, стран ЕС, стран G7 и ряда стран, являющихся их союзниками, направленных на разрушение или ослабление военно-технического сотрудничества Российской Федерации с ее постоянными иностранными партнерами. К научной новизне статьи можно отнести авторские выводы об основных проблемах по адаптации экспорта российского оружия, боевой и специальной техники в условиях новой санкционной реальности на мировом рынке оружия. The purpose of the study is to analyze the export of Russian arms to the world market under the impact of economic sanctions. The method of statistical and economic analysis, analytical and logical methods, and the graphical method were used as research tools. The result of the study is an analysis of the scale of counteraction to the export of arms and military equipment from the Russian Federation in the period 2022/2023 by the United States, the EU countries, the G7 countries and a number of countries that are their allies, aimed at destroying or weakening the military-technical cooperation of the Russian Federation with its permanent foreign partners. The scientific novelty of the article includes the author's conclusions about the main problems in adapting the export of Russian weapons, military and special equipment in the new sanctions reality in the global arms market. main problems that significantly reduce the efficiency and limit the export potential of the military-industrial complex of the Russian Federation.
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Kibaroğlu, Mustafa. « Between a Rock and a Hard Place : How to Make Sense of Turkey’s S-400 Choice ? » Transformation of Turkey’s Defense Industry : Causes, Context and Consequences 22, Summer 2020 (16 septembre 2020) : 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2020223.10.
Texte intégralRésumé :
With the wrap-up of the S-400 deal with Russia in December 2017, critics argue that Turkey is caught between a rock and a hard place due to the adamant opposition of its NATO allies, the United States in particular, which has threatened Ankara with imposing severe sanctions. Would this be the correct representation of the situation at hand? Does it make any sense for Turkey to engage Russia, an archrival nation, to enhance the security of the country? Is the S-400 deal worth the risk of alienating the allied nations whose projected sanctions may have wide-ranging political, economic and military repercussions? With these questions in mind, this paper will try to shed light on the specifics of the S-400 deal that make one think that it may indeed make sense for Turkey to bear the brunt of engaging Russia. In the same vein, the paper will assess the impact of the S-400 deal on Turkey’s defense industries. The paper will also present the author’s conception of the current “international political non-order” as an underlying factor behind the deal. Finally, the paper will suggest that the S-400 deal must be approached from a wider perspective so as to grasp the extent of the service it has done in bolstering Turkey’s military-industrial complex.
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Sevryugin, Yu V., et A. P. Styazhkina. « ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE STATE DEFENSE ORDER IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE SPECIAL MILITARY OPERATION ». Social’no-ekonomiceskoe upravlenie : teoria i praktika 18, no 4 (30 décembre 2022) : 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22213/2618-9763-2022-4-44-52.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Attention is focused on the problems of ensuring the national security of the state, which are always relevant for our country, on strengthening their significance in connection with the changes taking place in the world. The extreme importance of state planning and budgetary control over the execution of the state defense order is determined, since significant budgetary resources are redistributed through it, and its main indicators determine the quantitative and qualitative characteristics of weapons. Since the end of February 2022, the Russian economy has found itself in a changed foreign policy environment. The need was noted for making serious adjustments to the state regulation of the activities of enterprises of the military-industrial complex, which are the basis for ensuring the national security of our country due to the protracted phase of the special military operation in Ukraine and the harsh sanctions pressure of Western Europe and the United States. The need to find new solutions to the problems of increasing the production of weapons and military equipment, and searching for additional production capacities is emphasized. An increase in the number of military personnel in conditions of partial mobilization obliges us to take additional measures to fulfill the state defense order. The key decisions taken during 2022 to regulate and improve economic relations in the field of state defense orders, as well as the dynamics of public spending on national defense, are analyzed and the prospects for their further growth are outlined. The following main areas for improving financial relations in the field of state defense orders for 2023-2024 have been identified: duties and responsibilities of performers, pricing, procurement procedures and banking support. The conclusion is made about the need for further scientific research to assess the financial efficiency of the decisions made in the framework of state planning and budgetary control in the field of state defense orders.
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Regele, Lindsay Schakenbach. « Katherine C. Epstein. Torpedo : Inventing the Military-Industrial Complex in the United States and Great Britain. Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press, 2014. 328 pp. ISBN 9780674725263, $47.50 (cloth). » Enterprise & ; Society 17, no 1 (19 janvier 2016) : 227–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2015.93.
Texte intégral
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Seregina, Antonina A. « ON THE ISSUE OF INTERACTION BETWEEN DEFENSE INDUSTRY ENTERPRISES AND ORGANIZATIONS OF THE FUEL AND ENERGY COMPLEX IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION ». RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Economics. Management. Law, no 3 (2021) : 222–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6304-2021-3-222-237.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The process of diversification in the defense industry enterprises, besides ensuring the loading of high-tech equipment, first of all, calls for the technological independence of the country, capable of developing under conditions of instability in international relations. The aim of the study is to identify a successful large-scale experience of diversification in the international arena (using the example of the United States, China and Germany), and to formulate specific packages of measures and formats for overcoming stagnation in cooperation between the defense industry and the fuel and energy complex in the Russian Federation. The methodological basis of the study assumes using a systemic and synergetic approach, which in general approximation boils down to enhancing the mutual beneficial effect of its elements. Also, when writing the article, the author applied a quantitative analysis of statistical data, historical and descriptive methods, a comparative method. As the main result, he proposed the formats of interaction between the military and industrial complex and fuel and energy complex, aimed at more efficient use of the potential of the defense industry to meet the needs of organizations in the fuel and energy complex, increasing the volume of output of products at the defense industry enterprises and expanding its range. More active interaction of the defense industry works with organizations of the fuel and energy complex will allow them in the near future to set up producing the new types of civilian products and technologies, and fuel and energy companies to obtain competitive high-tech products.