Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Militarism – Germany – History »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Militarism – Germany – History"
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Treiblmayr, Christoph. « Militarism Revisited : Masculinity and Conscription in Germany ». Journal of Contemporary History 39, no 4 (octobre 2004) : 649–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009404046767.
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Puaca, Brian M. « Navigating the Waves of Change : Political Education and Democratic School Reform in Postwar West Berlin ». History of Education Quarterly 48, no 2 (mai 2008) : 244–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2008.00142.x.
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In the aftermath of the Second World War, Germany found itself defeated, destroyed, occupied, and ultimately divided. The eastern portion of Germany fell under Soviet administration, while the western part came under joint occupation by the three victorious western Allies (the United States, the United Kingdom, and France). Recognizing at an early date that rebuilding Germany would promote political stability, economic growth, and peace in central Europe, the western Allies set out to reconstruct the defeated nation. The schools were an important part of this project. Many observers argued that without substantial reform to the educational system, German nationalism, militarism, and xenophobia might once again lead to conflict. In the western zones, particularly in the American zone, democratizing the schools took on great importance by 1947. This effort, however, was short-lived. The occupation of Germany ended in 1949, leaving many Americans with the sense that school reform was incomplete.
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Welch, David, et Jeffrey Verhey. « The Spirit of 1914 : Militarism, Myth, and Mobilization in Germany ». American Historical Review 106, no 4 (octobre 2001) : 1484. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693136.
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Reimann, A. « Book Review : The Spirit of 1914. Militarism, Myth and Mobilization in Germany ». German History 19, no 4 (1 octobre 2001) : 623–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635540101900422.
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Gregory, Adrian. « The Spirit of 1914 : Militarism, Myth and Mobilization in Germany Jeffrey Verhey ». English Historical Review 115, no 464 (novembre 2000) : 1238–2140. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.464.1238.
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Gregory, A. « The Spirit of 1914 : Militarism, Myth and Mobilization in Germany Jeffrey Verhey ». English Historical Review 115, no 464 (1 novembre 2000) : 1238–2140. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.464.1238.
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Rohkrämer, Thomas. « Book Review : The Spirit of 1914. Militarism, Myth and Mobilization in Germany ». War in History 8, no 3 (juillet 2001) : 361–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096834450100800314.
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Macartney, Alex F. « Hirohitler on the Rhine : Transnational Protest Against the Japanese Emperor’s 1971 West German State Visit ». Journal of Contemporary History 55, no 3 (27 avril 2020) : 622–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009420907666.
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This article explores transnational connections between anti-imperialist groups in West Germany and Japan through an examination of the protest around the Japanese Emperor’s state visit to Bonn in 1971. Although anti-imperialist movements in Japan and West Germany had many similarities and moments of contact, there are few treatments of these groups in transnational perspective. The event offers a unique moment of entanglement between New Left groups in the global 1960s and a rare moment of mutual discussion of the Japanese and German wartime past. The Showa Emperor (better known as Hirohito) traveled to Europe as a way to promote a new, peaceful, Japan; however, his role as a wartime leader complicated this image. Hirohito’s presence in West Germany presented major issues of wartime crimes that were filtered through German’s own memory of perpetration and victimhood. Radical students in and West Germany responded to the Emperor’s visit by cooperating with Japanese exchange students to analyze and protest the history of Japanese militarism and fascism – and also its postwar attempts to regain an empire, especially in Southeast Asia and Vietnam. These concepts were seen, therefore, on another level: the US war in Vietnam, and Japanese and West German complicity in this conflict.
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Whisnant, Clayton J. « Styles of Masculinity in the West German Gay Scene, 1950-1965 ». Central European History 39, no 3 (septembre 2006) : 359–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906000136.
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Since the end of the 1990s, the study of masculinity within German scholarship has made considerable progress, especially in moving beyond the close association made between German manhood and militarism.1 While the figure of the soldier remains crucial for an understanding of masculinity in Germany (as well as the rest of the Western world) during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, scholars have increasingly recognized that any culture includes multiple definitions and representations of manhood—even one so thoroughly saturated by the figure of the soldier as Germany was during the Nazi era.2 Increasingly, the goal of research has been to uncover how masculinity is not only represented in official discourse, but also constructed through social interaction and “performed,” to use Judith Butler's term, in the context of everyday life. Moreover, this research has increasingly taken into account “the relations between the different kinds of masculinity,” in the words of the sociologist Robert Connell—especially the relationships of power.3 In short, recent work has increasingly recognized that the meanings of manhood are constructed within a complicated socio-cultural matrix of gender whose points of reference include not only women and cultural definitions of femininity, but also various versions of masculinity that themselves very often reflect class distinctions and other kinds of social fissures.
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Baev, V. G. « Otto von Bismarck and Germany Militarization (Legislative Formalization of the Military Reform in Germany in the 80s of the 19th century) ». Lex Russica, no 9 (18 septembre 2020) : 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.166.9.077-087.
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The history of Germany of the second half of the 19th century and the activities of Otto von Bismarck form an integral unit, provided we bear in mind the process of Germany becoming a centralized state. The author argues that the attainment of German unity could only be achieved on the paths of war with Austria and France. This implies why military reform in Germany has been given so much attention.This study is focused on the second stage of military reform — the strengthening of the German army after the establishment of a centralized state. The author poses the question: if the “German issue” was resolved, what was the need for further armament? The Bismarck Government in 1874 and 1881 successfully sought from Parliament the adoption of septennat laws (seven years of funding for the army). But in 1887 the Parliament refused to extend the septennat. The author uses Bismarck’s collection of political speeches in the Reichstag as the main source of research. It is an important source of official origin, reflecting the approaches of not only of the subject of Bismarck’s legislative initiative, but also of Germany’s ruling elite.A point of view about Bismarck as vehicle of Germanic militarism prevails in historical literature. As a result of the analysis of the debate on the draft law, the author concludes that Bismarck’s military policy was dictated not so much by the militaristic nature of his personality, but by the necessity of strengthening the military potential of Germany, surrounded by strong adversaries, to defend its sovereignty. For the further development of events, the Chancellor who had been removed from his office, cannot be held responsible. The tragedy of Bismarck-era Germany is expressed in the fact that he failed to prepare a successor capable of leading the country during a period of crisis.
Thèses sur le sujet "Militarism – Germany – History"
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Eynon, Jacob. « The Mythic Army : Cultural Militarism in Germany from 1648 to 1945 ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2121.
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This study focuses on an analysis of militarism in German culture from the end of the Thirty Years’ War in 1648 to the Fall of the Third Reich in 1945. Its focuses on the effects of the military, its presence, needs, personnel, values and activities on the four main groups of relevance to this topic within the German populace; The rulers of Germany and its various states prior to unification, the aristocracy, the common solidres and the common people who comprise the remainder of the populace. The differences in the specificity between the first three categories and the last one is that the rulers, nobility and soldiery each have unique and intense connections with the military and its structures as they are either directly a part of its traditions and hierarchies or are deeply intertwined with its functioning. The rest of the German populace, the common man, experience the structures of the military second hand, they are affected by it but not directly connected to it.
This study focuses on an analysis of militarism in German culture from the end of the Thirty Years’ War in 1648 to the Fall of the Third Reich in 1945. Its focuses on the effects of the military, its presence, needs, personnel, values and activities on the four main groups of relevance to this topic within the German populace; The rulers of Germany and its various states prior to unification, the aristocracy, the common soldiers and the common people who comprise the remainder of the populace. The differences in the specificity between the first three categories and the last one is that the rulers, nobility and soldiery each have unique and intense connections with the military and its structures as they are either directly a part of its traditions and hierarchies or are deeply intertwined with its functioning. The rest of the German populace, the common man, experience the structures of the military second hand, they are affected by it but not directly connected to it.
This study will also focus primarily on the history and military tradition a German state, Brandenburg-Prussia later the Kingdom of Prussia. This is for two reasons; first, that Russia's hegemony over the other German states and its eventual role in unifying them into the German Empire in 1871 give its traditions and structures a primacy amongst its neighbors; second, that the history of Prussia is so deeply entwined with their army, which made them famous at the time and is still the main contributor to their notoriety in history today, that its military culture has the strength and recognition amongst the other German states.
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Stargardt, Edward Nicholas Raymond. « The practice and theory of anti-militarism in German Social Democracy, 1871-1914 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272517.
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Kemp, Christian R. « The Hapsburg and the Heretics : An Examination of Charles V's Failure to Act Militarily Against the Protestant Threat (1519-1556) ». BYU ScholarsArchive, 2011. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/2496.
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This thesis examines Charles V's inability to take decisive military action against the Protestant threat in Germany before 1546. It treats modern historiography on Charles V in Germany. The thesis offers a new theory concerning religious motivation for the delay. Charles was a man of deep and devoted faith in the Catholic Church and consequently, was unable to accept the possibility that any individual would doubt or abandon that persuasion without calculated intention or gross error. Charles was influenced by the Humanistic cries for reform in his age. As a result, Charles, a strong advocate for reform, declined military action before a meaningful outlet to address reforms and air grievances could be convened. But Charles was influenced by tradition, particularly the universality of faith and political unity of Christendom that could save the Church from the heretic and the Turk. Charles also felt himself personally responsible to avoid all conflicts that might endanger unity by creating a schism within Christendom. The evidence will be drawn both from the emperor's own words and deeds derived from primary source material and personal correspondence of Charles V between himself and those persons most likely have intimate knowledge of Charles's own thoughts. These include his personal advisors, Gattinara and Granvelle, and family members: Philip, his son, Mary, his sister, and Ferdinand, his brother. The unpublicized and private correspondence is less likely to be tainted by rhetoric and propaganda than are public declarations and correspondence. Instances not covered by these will be based on an interpretation of Charles's deeds. This thesis will therefore establish Charles's decisions regarding the Protestants in the context of his own convictions.
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ABBIATI, MICHELE. « L'ESERCITO ITALIANO E LA CONQUISTA DELLA CATALOGNA (1808-1811).UNO STUDIO DI MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS NELL'EUROPA NAPOLEONICA ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/491761.
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L’esercito italiano e la conquista della Catalogna (1808-1811)
Uno studio di Military Effectiveness nell’Europa napoleonica
Settori scientifico-disciplinari SPS/03 – M-STO/02
La ricerca ha lo scopo di ricostruire e valutare l’effettività militare dell’esercito italiano al servizio di Napoleone I. In primo luogo attraverso un’analisi statistica e strategica della costruzione, e del successivo impiego, dell’istituzione militare del Regno d’Italia durante gli anni della sua esistenza (1805-14); successivamente, è stato scelto un caso di studi particolarmente significativo, come la campagna di Catalogna (1808-11, nel contesto della guerra di Indipendenza spagnola), per poter valutare il contributo operazionale e tattico dei corpi inviati dal governo di Milano e la loro integrazione con l’apparato militare complessivo del Primo Impero.
La tesi ha voluto rispondere alla mancanza di studi sul comportamento in guerra dell’esercito italiano e, allo stesso tempo, introdurre nella storiografia militare italiana la metodologia di studi, d’origine anglosassone e ormai di tradizione trentennale, di Military Effectiveness.
La ricerca si è primariamente basata, oltre che sulla copiosa memorialistica a stampa italiana e francese, sulla documentazione d’archivio della Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales di Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Parigi), del Ministère de la Guerre francese (Service historique de la Défence, di Vincennes, Parigi) e del Ministero della Guerra del Regno d’Italia (Archivio di Stato di Milano).
Dal punto di vista dei risultati è stato possibile verificare come l’esercito italiano abbia rappresentato, per Bonaparte, uno strumento duttile e di facile impiego, pur in un contesto di sostanziale marginalità numerica complessiva di fronte alle altre (e cospicue) forze messe in campo da parte dell’Impero e dei suoi altri Stati satellite e alleati. Per quanto riguarda la campagna di conquista della Catalogna è stato invece possibile appurare il fondamentale contributo dato dal contingente italiano, sotto i punti di vista operazionale e tattico, per la buona riuscita dell’invasione; questo primariamente grazie alle elevate caratteristiche generali mostrate dallo stesso, ma anche per peculiarità disciplinari e organizzative che resero i corpi italiani adatti a operazioni particolarmente aggressive.The Italian Army and the Conquest of Catalonia (1808-1811) A Study of Military Effectiveness in Napoleonic Europe Academic Fields and Disciplines SPS/03 – M-STO/02 The research has the purpose of reconstruct and evaluate the military effectiveness of the Italian Army existed under the reign of Napoleon I. Firstly through a statistic and strategic analysis of the development, and the following deployment, of the military institution of the Kingdom of Italy in the years of its existence (1805-14). Afterwards, a particularly significant case study was chosen, as the campaign of Catalonia (1808-11, in the context of the Peninsular War), in order to assess the operational and tactical contribution of the regiments sent by the Government of Milan and their integration in the overall military apparatus of the First Empire. The thesis wanted to respond to the lack of studies on the Italian army’s behavior in war and, at the same time, to introduce the methodology of the Military Effectiveness Studies (of British and American origin and, by now, enriched by a thirty-year old tradition) in the Italian historiography. The research is primarily based, besides the numerous memoirs of the Italian and French veterans, on the archive documentation of the Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales of Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Paris), of the French Ministère de la Guerre (Service historique de la Défence, of Vincennes, Paris) and of the Italian Ministero della Guerra (Archivio di Stato di Milano). About the results, it has been verified how the Italian army has become a flexible and suitable instrument for Bonaparte, albeit in a context of substantial overall numerical marginality in comparison to the heterogeneous forces available to the Empire and its others satellites and allied states. Regarding the campaign of Catalonia, instead, it was possible to ascertain the fundamental contribution of the Italian regiments, in an operational and tactical perspective, for the success of the invasion. This was primarily due to the excellent general characteristics shown by the expeditionary force, but also to disciplinary and organizational peculiarities that have made the Italian corps suitable for particularly aggressive operations.
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KAMISSEK, Christoph. « Transnationaler Militarismus : Politische Generationen deutscher Offiziere zwischen militärischen Internationalismus und imperialer Nation (1770-1870) ». Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32122.
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Defence date: 25 June 2014Examining Board: Professor Sebastian Conrad, Freie Universität Berlin Professor Dirk Moses, EUI Professor Ulrike von Hirschhausen, Universität Rostock Professor Robert Gerwarth, University College Dublin.
Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht einen lange Zeit unhinterfragten Gemeinplatz in der deutschen Militär- und Kolonialgeschichte: die späte Verwirklichung eines geeinten Nationalstaates habe nicht nur die deutsche Zivilgesellschaft, sondern auch das deutsche Militär bis in das späte 19. Jahrhundert von der Entdeckung aussereuropäischer Gebiete als mögliche professionelle Einsatzfelder abgehalten und so das deutsche Offizierkorps lange Zeit von imperialen Phantasien unberührt und unerfahren in den Herausforderungen kolonialer Kriegführung belassen. Tatsächlich reichte die Beteiligung deutscher Soldaten an imperialen Auseinandersetzungen jedoch bis in die Zeit der amerikanischen Revolution zurück. Der Wunsch nach Gleichberechtigung mit anderen expandierenden Ländern wie Grossbritannien, Frankreich oder Russland war seitdem nicht nur in kleineren deutschen Staaten mit einer Tradition imperialen Kriegsdienstes "unter fremden Fahnen" weit verbreitet. Auch in Preussen zirkulierten Phantasien eines deutschen Kriegszuges nach Indien bereits in der Zeit der napoleonischen Besatzung. Seitdem entwickelten Generationen deutscher Offiziere immer wieder Visionen eines deutschen Kolonialreiches, ein Wunsch, der insbesondere in längeren Friedensperioden in Europa virulent wurde. Besondere jüngere, gebildete und ambitionierte Offiziere aus elitären Regimentern sahen in imperialen Unternehmungen ihre Chance auf ruhmreiche Bewährung im Krieg. Bei einer Reihe von bisher weitgehend unbekannten Gelegenheiten nahmen diese auch aktiv an den kolonialen Kampagnen anderer Mächte teil. Die Arbeit untersucht daneben auch die Gründe, warum dieser Strang militärischen Denkens und Handelns lange Zeit marginalisiert wurde: die Verwirklichung imperialer Projekte schien gerade aus militärischen Gründen einen vereinigten Nationalstaat zu erfordern, eine Forderung, die Offiziere politisch verdächtig machte und die imperiale Fraktion innerhalb des deutschen Offizierkorps lange Zeit isolierte und in den Untergrund trieb. Als das deutsche Kaiserreich gegen Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts jedoch schliesslich tatsächlich in den Kreis der Kolonialmächte eintrat, war dessen Militär keineswegs vollständig unvorbereitet, sondern konnte auf ein zwar wechselhaftes, jedoch lange zurückreichendes und bisweilen intensives theoretisches und praktisches imperiales Engagement zurückblicken.
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Loi, Stefano. « A evolução da Instituição do Estado-Maior, 1806-1918 : os casos alemão, francês, inglês e português em perspetiva comparada ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/15642.
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A presente tese de doutoramento visa propor uma análise da Instituição militar do Estado-Maior em
sentido comparado e diacrónico. Esta análise desenvolve-se a partir do surgimento deste órgão militar
até à Primeira Guerra Mundial e aborda quatro casos, ou seja, o Estado-Maior prussiano-alemão, o
francês, o britânico e o português. Finalmente, o objetivo desta investigação é oferecer uma definição
deste órgão militar que seja historiograficamente alicerçada e que possa ser aplicada também aos
Estados-Maiores aqui não abordados.
Procura-se, na presente tese, investigar as razões que induziram as chefias políticas dos países
analisados a implementar nos seus sistemas militares o órgão militar alvo de estudo. Foram analisados
os fatores que determinaram a evolução dos Estados-Maiores, como se articulavam do ponto de vista
organizativo, como se relacionavam com as chefias militares e políticas e que papel desempenharam
no período de crise que conduziu à Primeira Guerra Mundial, para além das atividades que realizaram
nas primeiras fases daquele conflito.
Esta investigação apresenta elementos inovadores a respeito dos estudos histórico-militares. A
escolha de princípios teórico-metodológicos que foram pouco aproveitados relativamente à análise dos
Estados-Maiores permitiu oferecer um olhar novo sobre esta Instituição, sobretudo se comparado com
os poucos estudos sobre este assunto encontrados na literatura científica. A abordagem diacrónica dos
quatro casos analisados permite obter informações específicas sobre o surgimento e a evolução do
órgão militar objeto da presente tese, informações essas que irão constituir os elementos para chegar a
uma definição desta Instituição que seja sintética e historiograficamente sólida.This PhD thesis aims to analyse the military institution of the General Staff from a comparative and diachronic perspective. This analysis spreads from the birth of this military institution until the First World War and examines four different cases, i.e., the Prussian-German, the French, the British and the Portuguese General Staffs. Finally, the main goal of this investigation is to formulate a definition of this military institution, definition that aims to be historically grounded and that can be applied also to other General Staffs not investigated in this thesis. In the present analysis, the reasons that lead to the institution of the General Staffs in the researched countries will be studied. Furthermore, the elements that determined the evolution of the General Staffs will be examined, how they were articulated from an organizational point of view, which relations they had with politics and the other military agencies, which role they played before the beginning of the First World War and which activities they performed in the first stages of that conflict. This investigation has innovative elements, when compared to other works of military history. The theoretical and methodological principles that were chosen are not usual for the studies concerning the General Staffs, and this choice allows to provide a new vision on this Institution, especially when compared to the few works on this matter. The diachronic approach in the four analysed cases allows to gather specific evidences to explain the birth and evolution of the General Staffs, and these evidences shall be considered as the main elements to formulate a definition of General Staff that is concise and historically grounded
Livres sur le sujet "Militarism – Germany – History"
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G, Dwyer Philip, dir. Modern Prussian history, 1830-1947. Harlow, England : Longman, 2000.
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Absolute destruction : Military culture and the practices of war in Imperial Germany. Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 2005.
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The spirit of 1914 : Militarism, myth and mobilization in Germany. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2000.
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Stargardt, Nicholas. The German idea of militarism : Radical and socialist critics, 1866-1914. Cambridge [England] : Cambridge University Press, 1994.
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Militarism in a global age : Naval ambitions in Germany and the United States before World War I. Ithaca, N.Y : Cornell University Press, 2012.
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Abenheim, Donald. United Germany, nationalism and militarism : Postsdam [i.e. Potsdam] and the maintenance of tradition. Monterey, Calif : Naval Postgraduate School, 1992.
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Berger, Thomas U. Cultures of antimilitarism : National security in Germany and Japan. Baltimore, Md : The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998.
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Prussian-German militarism, 1914-18 in Australian perspective : The thought of George Arnold Wood. Bern : P. Lang, 1991.
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Von der Erlebnis- zur Erinnerungsgemeinschaft : Militärvereine und militärische Erinnerungskultur im Königreich Sachsen 1863-1913. Leipzig : Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2009.
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Germany on the march : A reinterpretation of war and domestic politics over the past two centuries. Lanham : University Press of America, 1995.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Militarism – Germany – History"
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« Militarism in Modern History ». Dans German History, sous la direction de Hans Herzfeld, 108–21. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429283772-6.
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Goossen, Benjamin W. « Forging History ». Dans Chosen Nation. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691174280.003.0003.
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This chapter explores how the Kulturkampf pushed Mennonite leaders to articulate their relationship to German nationalism. Emerging from the formation of the German Empire, including the abolition of military exemption in Prussia, spokespersons disagreed over the appropriate response. While conservatives found military service and by extension German nationalism incompatible with Mennonite faith, progressives argued that such logic only confirmed the charges from patriots. Torn between the poles of non-resistant theology and nationalist ideology, Mennonite communities descended into chaos. Defending the sanctity of human life, pacifists argued that it would be un-Mennonite and un-Christian to support a militarist Germany and abandoned their homeland. Meanwhile, progressive Mennonite leaders advanced a specifically Anabaptist version of German nationalism.
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« Decline and Collapse ». Dans The Oxford History of the Third Reich, sous la direction de Robert Gellately, 282–318. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192886835.003.0011.
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Abstract The Third Reich rode a wave of ‘lightning’ military victories in 1939 and 1940 that made the regime look stronger than ever. Despite continuing victories into 1941 against the Soviet Union, those in charge of armaments and munitions told Hitler to his face, in late November, that the war could ‘no longer be won militarily’. Thereafter, the dictator became determined to find a victory that would give him the necessary political leverage to seek peace. Yet he grew more ambitious and determined to find space up to the Ural Mountains for the ‘colonial land’ of his dreams. Victory escaped Hitler’s grasp in the vicious war that ensued, particularly in the east. The fighting provided the context for massive human rights abuses and the Holocaust. Although the Wehrmacht reached the distant Caucasus Mountains in mid-1942, already by early the next year the tide had turned with the defeat at Stalingrad. Despite some grumblings, the German people, mobilized into a fighting ‘community of the people’ on the Home Front remained remarkably faithful to the cause. Nor did the armed forces turn on their leaders, apart from the small number of plotters in July 1944. The end came, not so much by Germany’s ‘self-destruction’, as through the determination and concerted efforts of the world’s remaining great powers, who together resolutely waged war, at enormous cost in blood and treasure, to terminate the Third Reich and to discredit the ideas of which it was a product.
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Bonnell, Andrew G. « Michels and French Socialists and Syndicalists ». Dans Robert Michels, Socialism, and Modernity, 128–44. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871848.003.0005.
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Abstract Michels’ contacts with socialist and syndicalist currents in France are less well-known than his involvement with the German Social Democrat Party, but they have received some attention in Zeev Sternhell’s work on the supposed left-wing origins of fascist ideology in France and Italy. From 1904 to 1908, Michels was associated with the journal Le Mouvement Socialiste, and corresponded with the radical syndicalists Hubert Lagardelle and Victor Griffuelhes, as well as Georges Sorel. Michels also had contacts with Gustave Hervé, and sympathized with Hervé’s radical anti-militarism in this period. An examination of Michels’ contacts reveals his sympathy for the revolutionary spirit of the French revolutionary syndicalists, but it also shows that he did not fully identify with syndicalist theory. The examination of the group around Le Mouvement Socialiste also shows that it occupied an increasingly marginal position in the French labour history, lacking a mass working-class base.
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Raustiala, Kal. « America Abroad ». Dans Does the Constitution Follow the Flag ? Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195304596.003.0008.
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The single most important feature of American history after 1945 was the United States’s assumption of hegemonic leadership. Europeans had noted America’s enormous potential since at least the nineteenth century. After the Civil War the United States had one of the largest economies in the world, but, as noted earlier in this book, in geopolitical terms it remained a surprisingly minor player. By 1900 the United States was playing a more significant political role. But it was only after 1945 that the nation’s potential on the world stage was fully realized. Victory in the Second World War left the United States in an enviable position. Unlike the Soviet Union, which endured devastating fighting on its territory and lost tens of millions of citizens, the United States had experienced only one major attack on its soil. Thanks to its actions in the war America had great influence in Europe. And the national economy emerged surprisingly vibrant from the years of conflagration, easily dominant over any conceivable rival or set of rivals. When the First World War ended the United States ultimately chose to return to its hemispheric perch. It declined to join the new League of Nations, and rather than maintaining engagement with the great powers of the day, America generally turned inward. The years following the Second World War were quite different. In addition to championing—and hosting—the new United Nations, the United States quickly established a panoply of important institutions aimed at maintaining and organizing international cooperation in both economic and security affairs. Rising tensions with the Soviet Union, apparent to many shortly after the war’s end, led the United States to remain militarily active in both Europe and Asia. The intensifying Cold War cemented this unprecedented approach to world politics. The prolonged occupations of Germany and Japan were straightforward examples of this newly active global role. In both cases the United States refashioned a conquered enemy into a democratic, free-market ally—a significant feat. The United States did not, however, seek a formal empire in the wake of its victory.