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1
Colombo, Raffaella. « Niente di meno che il Tutto ». Balthazar, no 4 (13 septembre 2022) : 1–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.54103/balthazar/18658.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ripercorrendo in particolare il serrato confronto critico di Mario Mieli con la teoria freudiana e l’ambivalente rapporto con essa intrattenuta, questo articolo vuole indagare l’orizzonte non soltanto teorico-pratico ma, a parere di chi scrive, più propriamente “mistico” in cui dovrebbero essere inscritte l’esperienza intellettuale e umana e la militanza di Mieli. Un’esperienza e una militanza dichiaratamente e fedelmente rivoluzionarie - con Freud e Marx come maestri da criticare e, infine, sostanzialmente superare - che possono essere tuttavia comprese, nella loro radicalità, solo se intrecciate con la tensione “mistico-folle” che muoveva l’autore di Elementi di critica omosessuale.
2
Preda, Daniela. « Le prime battaglie per l'unitŕ europea : Mario Albertini ». CITTADINANZA EUROPEA (LA), no 1 (décembre 2010) : 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ceu2010-001004.
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Nel secondo dopoguerra, sulla scorta dell'unitŕ d'intenti d'azione che aveva sostanzialmente caratterizzato la Resistenza e dell'esperienza bellica da poco conclusa, erano in molti, soprattutto persone di orientamento democratico-laico, ad abbracciare idee europeiste o vagamente federaliste. Tra queste, Mario Albertini, che a partire dagli anni Cinquanta avrebbe speso la sua esistenza per l'ideale federalista, dalla militanza nella sezione del MFE pavese sino alla presidenza dell'Union Européenne des Fédéralistes dal 1975 al 1984, diventando un leader riconosciuto del federalismo europeo. Questo paper riassume le tappe principali della sua avventura politica e intellettuale, soffermandosi in particolar modo sulla sua formazione, l'opera di proselitismo, l'etica della responsabilitŕ, la scelta di creare una forza politica autonoma militante, l'approfondimento culturale quale base indispensabile per ogni azione politica.
3
Sulis, Gigliola. « Il racconto come militanza : sulle radici femministe dell’opera di Laura Pariani* ». Cahiers d’études italiennes, no 16 (30 juin 2013) : 303–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cei.1299.
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Pipitone, Daniele. « Storiografia e militanza Aldo Garosci e La vita di Carlo Rosselli ». ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, no 268 (mai 2013) : 382–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ic2012-268002.
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Ward, David. « Le ragioni di un decennio. 1969–1979. Militanza, violenza, sconfitta, memoria ». Journal of Modern Italian Studies 16, no 4 (1 septembre 2011) : 567–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2011.593789.
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de Becdelièvre, Pauline, et François Grima. « Assurer son employabilité militante externe par la mobilisation du capital social : le cas des ex-permanents syndicaux lors d’une reconversion en dehors du syndicat ». Articles 72, no 2 (22 juin 2017) : 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1040404ar.
Texte intégralRésumé :
À partir d’une recherche qualitative auprès de 48 ex-militants syndicaux ayant eu plus de 80% de leur temps de travail pour leur syndicat, de 10 directeurs des Ressources humaines et de trois organisations syndicales, une organisation patronale et un cabinet d’accompagnement, cet article questionne la reconversion des militants syndicaux en dehors de la sphère syndicale. En s’appuyant sur le contexte français et la littérature existante sur la reconversion des militants syndicaux, nos travaux soulignent les stratégies mises en place par les ex-militants afin d’assurer leur employabilité militante externe. Ces stratégies sont influencées par la perception qu’ils ont de leur employabilité. Plusieurs facteurs externes et individuels affectent cette perception. Les facteurs individuels sont le capital social perçu, la nature du départ (subi ou volontaire), le niveau de poste précèdent et le niveau atteint dans l’organisation syndicale. Ces facteurs individuels n’expliquent pas tout. D’autres facteurs externes, tels la stigmatisation dont peut faire l’objet le militant à cause de son engagement syndical, le lien contractuel et l’accompagnement du syndicat, expliquent la perception que le militant a de son employabilité. Celle-ci entraine soit une non mobilisation du capital social, soit une mobilisation offensive du capital social. Dans ce dernier cas, l’ex-permanent peut subir une phase d’observation de la part de l’entreprise d’accueil. En s’intéressant à la reconversion syndicale, cette recherche constitue un renversement de positionnement par rapport aux nombreux travaux analysant la carrière syndicale. Le capital social des militants n’est plus pensé au sein de l’organisation syndicale, mais en dehors de celle-ci, et il permet de proposer le concept d’employabilité militante externe, à savoir la capacité d’un ex-militant syndical d’obtenir un travail et de se maintenir en emploi en dehors du syndicat grâce à la mobilisation de son capital social.
7
Lambelet, Alessandro. « Segregazione per età, invecchiamento e militanza. L'impegno nelle organizzazioni di difesa dei pensionati ». PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO, no 3 (décembre 2013) : 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/paco2013-003007.
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Heath-Kelly, Charlotte. « Vi ricordate la rivoluzione ? Politica della memoria e militanza tra Cipro e Italia ». PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO, no 3 (décembre 2011) : 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/paco2011-003005.
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Piaia, Gregorio. « Tra militanza cattolica, ricerca filosofica e politica accademica. Una biografia su Luigi Stefanini ». RIVISTA DI STORIA DELLA FILOSOFIA, no 3 (septembre 2009) : 513–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sf2009-003005.
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Loschi, Chiara. « Da una sponda all'altra del Mediterraneo : memorie di militanza comunista. Intervista a Giuseppe Prestipino ». HISTORIA MAGISTRA, no 6 (août 2011) : 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/hm2011-006008.
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Bamidele, Seun. « The Resurgence of the Niger-Delta Avengers (ndas) Group in the Niger-Delta Region of Nigeria : Where Does the Economic Deprivation Lie ? » International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 24, no 4 (3 novembre 2017) : 537–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02404003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The region of Niger-Delta has been emerging as a danger zone for militants. The affected states and the federal government have responded to this threat with several strategies raging from the introduction of an amnesty programme to the deployment of security forces, which are dominated by efforts to improve military capabilities, with the aim to deter militancy in the region. Despite these efforts, the Niger-Delta Avengers (ndas) militant group has remained undeterred in the region. Beyond looking at the conventional military power reductionism of militancy in the Niger-Delta region, especially in Ogoniland, this study examines the ndas’ activities in the region. The motivations and capabilities for resurgence of ndas members in the Niger-Delta region are examined along the patterns of distribution of wealth of nations, institutional capacity and stability of the states in the region. The study examines the ndas’ groups in the region with special focus on issues of deprivation and marginalisation of the inhabitants of the region. The study recommends a comprehensive strategy against ndas militant groups in the region.
12
Fumagalli, Andrea. « La parabola del lavoro : dall'homo faber al lavoro gratuito, tra riproduzione sociale e crisi della militanza ». SOCIOLOGIA DEL LAVORO, no 145 (mars 2017) : 44–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sl2017-145003.
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Salim, Asif, Holli Semetko et Sania Zehraa. « Pak-US Strategic Partnership and Challenge of Internal Radical Symbiosis ». Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 2, no 1 (30 juin 2018) : 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/2.1.7.
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Pakistan’s efforts against the terrorism has entirely changed the security landscape of Pakistan. Growing waves of extremism, militancy and sectarianism emerged as a fundamental threat to the security of the state as the aftermath of 9/11. Different terrorist groups gathered under the umbrella of al-Qaeda and posed grave security challenges to the state. Although, their doctrinal philosophy and aims were stridently at contrast, but security situation compelled them to jointly chalk out a common strategy. Moreover, militants’ splinter groups with new leadership find out new source of funding which denied the upper hand of the security vanguards on them. The current paper at the first stage supplies deep analysis of the birth of various militant groups and on the next stage discusses different Jihadi, sectarian, and criminal groups’ closed nexus and their modus operandi. The outcome of the discussion shows that the benefits of marriage of convenience between the security apparatus and radical militants were less, but the impact was generational.
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BORGES, RILTON FERREIRA. « Émile Zola : a formação de um militante * Emile Zola : the making of a militant ». História e Cultura 3, no 1 (28 avril 2014) : 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v3i1.1197.
Texte intégralRésumé :
<p><strong>Resumo: </strong>Este artigo tem como objetivo traçar uma biografia de Émile Zola do ponto de vista intelectual, buscando em sua formação, trajetória pessoal e profissional, os caracteres que possam ter contribuído para que sua obra, sobretudo a partir de <em>Germinal</em>, passasse a ser reconhecida por seus contemporâneos, e também posteriormente, como uma espécie de “militância”, termo que será utilizado em sentido amplo, como defesa de uma ideia ou causa. A partir de documentações de diferentes ordens, tentaremos demonstrar alguns itinerários possíveis para compreender esta questão, relacionando Émile Zola, o contexto histórico, social e intelectual em que viveu, e alguns traços de sua obra, sobretudo a série <em>Os Rougon-Macquart</em>. Para tanto, a trajetória de Zola será dividida em três momentos: a militância na arte, a militância pelo Naturalismo e a militância política.<strong></strong></p><p><strong>Palavras-chave: </strong>Zola – Militante – Intelectual.<strong></strong></p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract: </strong>This article aims to draw a biography of Emile Zola by an intellectual point of view, investigating his formation, personal and professional trajectory, the features that may contributed to his work, mainly from <em>Germinal</em>, started to be known by his contemporaries, and lately, as a kind of “militance”, term used meaning “the defense of an idea or a cause”. From distinct kinds of documents, we will try to demonstrate some possible ways to understand this point, relating Emile Zola's historical, social and intellectual context with some marks of his books, especially <em>The Rougon-Macquart</em> series. Therefore, the trajectory of Zola will be divided in three stages: militancy in art, militancy in the Naturalism and political militancy.<strong></strong></p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Zola – Militant – Intellectual.<strong></strong></p>
15
Shapiro, Jacob N., et C. Christine Fair. « Understanding Support for Islamist Militancy in Pakistan ». International Security 34, no 3 (janvier 2010) : 79–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2010.34.3.79.
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Islamist militancy in Pakistan has long stood atop the international security agenda, yet there is almost no systematic evidence about why individual Pakistanis support Islamist militant organizations. An analysis of data from a nationally representative survey of urban Pakistanis refutes four influential conventional wisdoms about why Pakistanis support Islamic militancy. First, there is no clear relationship between poverty and support for militancy. If anything, support for militant organizations is increasing in terms of both subjective economic well-being and community economic performance. Second, personal religiosity and support for sharia law are poor predictors of support for Islamist militant organizations. Third, support for political goals espoused by legal Islamist parties is a weak indicator of support for militant organizations. Fourth, those who support core democratic principles or have faith in Pakistan's democratic process are not less supportive of militancy. Taken together, these results suggest that commonly prescribed solutions to Islamist militancy—economic development, democratization, and the like—may be irrelevant at best and might even be counterproductive.
16
Kapur, S. Paul, et Sumit Ganguly. « The Jihad Paradox : Pakistan and Islamist Militancy in South Asia ». International Security 37, no 1 (juillet 2012) : 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00090.
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Islamist militants based in Pakistan pose a major threat to regional and international security. Although this problem has only recently received widespread attention, Pakistan has long used militants as strategic tools to compensate for its severe political and material weakness. This use of Islamist militancy has constituted nothing less than a central component of Pakistani grand strategy; supporting jihad has been one of the principal means by which the Pakistani state has sought to produce security for itself. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, the strategy has not been wholly disastrous. Rather, it has achieved important domestic and international successes. Recently, however, Pakistan has begun to suffer from a “jihad paradox”: the very conditions that previously made Pakistan's militant policy useful now make it extremely dangerous. Thus, despite its past benefits, the strategy has outlived its utility, and Pakistan will have to abandon it to avoid catastrophe. Other weak states, which may also be tempted to use nonstate actors as strategic tools, should take the Pakistani case as a cautionary lesson.
17
Linebarger, Christopher, et Alex Braithwaite. « Do Walls Work ? The Effectiveness of Border Barriers in Containing the Cross-Border Spread of Violent Militancy ». International Studies Quarterly 64, no 3 (11 juin 2020) : 487–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa035.
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Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, walls, fences, and fortifications have been constructed on interstate borders at a rapid rate. It remains unclear, however, whether these fortifications provide effective security. We explore whether border fortifications provide security against the international spread of violent militancy. Although barriers can reduce the likelihood that militant activity diffuses across international borders, their effectiveness is conditional upon the roughness of the terrain on which they are built and the level of infrastructure development in their proximity. Barriers require intensive manpower to monitor and patrol, and so conditions like rough terrain and poor infrastructure render security activity more difficult. However, rebels and other militants prefer to operate in such difficult areas, ultimately reducing the effectiveness of barriers in containing the international spread of violent militancy. Analyses on newly collated data on interstate border fortifications within a global sample of contiguous-state directed-dyad-years show that border fortifications are only effective in limiting the diffusion of militancy in contexts in which states can plausibly monitor and police their borders. This paper has significant implications for the academic literatures on national security and intrastate conflict, and it also speaks to the broader policy debate over border walls and fences.
18
Khan, Irshad Ullah, Alamgir Khan et Asif Ullah. « Causes and factors responsible for Operation Zarb-e-Azb : perspective of internally displaced persons of North Waziristan, Pakistan ». Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 6, no 1 (9 juillet 2022) : 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/6.1.12.
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After 9/11 incident, the US and NATO forces entered Afghanistan to defeat Al-Qaida and its affiliated militant group–Taliban. The NATO forces invasion pushed militants from Afghanistan to take refuge in nearby places. Due to close proximity and vulnerable borders, many of these militants entered Pakistan’s erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), which resulted in the growth of militancy and extremism in the region. Pakistan launched a series of operations to counter terrorism and its facilitators. Operation Zarb-e-Azb was the continuation of those operations, started as a last vengeance in North Waziristan Agency with the aim to evacuate common people and then to extinguish militants. Resultantly, operation started in the mid of June, 2014 and the people of North Waziristan Agency started migration to the adjacent areas i.e., Bannu, Lakki Marwat and Karak etc. with worries and miseries in their hearts. Operation Zarb-e-Azb has been discussed in the literature. However, the perspective of IDPs has been overlooked. The study is descriptive-exploratory which is accomplished on a mixed study approach. This research article aimed to assess the perception of IDPs camped in Lakki Marwat from 2014-17 regarding the operation's causes and factors and the problems IDPs faced during displacement.
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Moreno García, Maider. « Un doble exilio : militancia de mujeres chilenas exiliadas en Francia = A double exile : Chilean women’s militancy in France ». Cuestiones de género : de la igualdad y la diferencia, no 14 (27 juin 2019) : 527. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/cg.v0i14.5844.
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<p><strong>Resumen</strong></p><p>La militancia en tierra de asilo representa, en un primer momento, la continuidad con la actividad política realizada en Chile. Para una gran parte de la diáspora chilena militar es la única razón de vivir. Participar de lo político da sentido al exilio y además favorece la integración de las/os chilenas/os en tierra de asilo. El compromiso político, la práctica asociativa y partidista, así como las reivindicaciones, tienen un carácter sexuado. A continuación, analizamos las prácticas militantes, los espacios específicos que ocupan las mujeres en los ámbitos de militancia, así como las estrategias de acción y resistencia que estas ponen en práctica.</p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Militancy in the land of asylum represents, at first, the continuity with the political activity carried out in Chile. For a large part of the Chilean diaspora, to militate is the only reason to live. Getting involved in politics gives sense to the exile, as well as encourages the integration of Chilean women and men in the land of asylum. The political commitment, the associative and partisan practice, besides the migrants’ claims, have a sexed aspect. We will analyze the militant practice, the specific spaces occupied by women in these militancy fields and the action and resistance strategies that they implement.</p>
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Ud Din, Jamal, Rooh Ul Amin Khan et Khalid Khan. « Role of Local Press in Conflicts : A Case Study of Editorial’ Contents of Daily Chand and Daily Shamal during Militancy in district Swat, Pakistan ». Journal of Business and Social Review in Emerging Economies 1, no 2 (31 décembre 2015) : 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/jbsee.v1i2.12.
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The study "Role of Local Press in Conflict: A Case Study of Editorial' Contents of Daily Chand and Daily Shamal during Militancy in district Swat, Pakistan" is basically a comparison of editorials, being published on the issue of militancy in both the local dailies of Swat to analyze that how these dailies treated government and militants’ agendas in their editorials. This study was conducted by content analysis of editorials of Daily Chand and Daily Shamal, publishing from district Swat while the media hegemony theory was applied as theoretical frame work for conducting the study. The findings made it clear that both the dailies had been given more coverage to militants' agenda, the ruling class during the unrest, than government agenda. Daily Chand had written total 84 editorials on the issue of militancy, it wrote 12 (14 percent) editorials against government but not a single editorial had been written against militants. Besides the daily had given only 06 percent supportive coverage to government agenda by publishing 05 editorials while the paper had, however, given more supportive coverage to militants by publishing 17 editorials in favor of their agenda with 20 percent of its total editorials, being published on the issue of militancy. Similarly daily Shamal had written 61 editorials on issue of militancy and of them only three editorials had been written with percentage of 05 percent in support of government agenda while it published two editorials in favor of militants' agenda, which reflect 03 percent of the total editorials, being written on the issue of militancy. Daily Shamal wrote o8 editorials (13 percent) against the provincial government, but it did not write even a single editorial to oppose militants' agenda or their any kind of act, meant to challenge writ of the government in district Swat, Pakistan.
21
Ortega Fernández, Javier. « Revisión y limitaciones de la Investigación Militante en el estudio de los movimientos sociales ». Tendencias Sociales. Revista de Sociología, no 6 (17 décembre 2020) : 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/ts.6.2020.29162.
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Los movimientos sociales de base asamblearia promueven, en muchas ocasiones, la defensa y aplicación de procesos participativos. Esta correlación también se ha incorporado al estudio de los movimientos sociales, concretamente al campo de la investigación comprometida con las transformaciones sociales. Términos epistemológicos como «conocimiento situado» (Haraway, 1995) han motivado a que desde la Investigación Militante se cuestione el mantra de la objetividad científica y, de este modo, se articulen metodologías junto y con los movimientos sociales. El presente artículo pretende seguir dicho paradigma, enmarcándose en un trabajo etnográfico sobre el movimiento antidesahucios (España). Nos haremos valer de reflexiones aplicadas en relación a la polémica triangulación militancia-academia-investigación. Entre otras cuestiones nos preguntamos: ¿es suficiente una etnografía implicada con la acción colectiva para generar un espacio de sinergia entre el conocimiento académico y los movimientos sociales?, ¿a qué limitaciones nos enfrentamos? En esta línea se realiza un ejercicio retrospectivo y (auto)crítico a partir de diferentes experiencias que tuvieron lugar durante el desarrollo del trabajo de campo. En consecuencia, se concluye que no es suficiente con la predisposición y la voluntad de generar un proyecto de investigación militante, tenemos la responsabilidad de revelar los sesgos academicistas que debilitan la articulación de prácticas epistemológicas implicadas con la acción colectiva.The social movements assembly usually promote the defence and application of participatory processes. This correlation has also been incorporated to the study of social movements, specifically to the field of research that is committed to social transformations. Epistemological terms like «Situated Knowledges » (Haraway, 1991) have motivated the Militant Research to discuss scientific objectivity. And thanks to this, they have articulated methodologies together and with the social movements. This article pretends to follow such an above mentioned paradigm within an ethnographic work on the evictions movement in Spain. We will use theoretical reflections applied all in relation to the controversial triangulation: militancy-academy-investigation. Among other questions we ask ourselves: Do we have enough with an ethnography involved with the collective action to generate a space of synergy among the academic knowledge and the social movements?, which limitations are we facing? Following this, a retrospective and critical exercise is made from different experiences which took place during the development of the work of field. In consequence, we conclude by saying that it is not enough with the predisposition and the will to generate a project of Militant Research, we should also have the responsibility to reveal those academic bias that weaken the articulation of epistemological practices involved with the collective action.
22
Marche, Guillaume. « Political memoirs and intimate confessions : Analysing four US gay liberation/gay rights militants’ memoirs ». Sexualities 20, no 8 (8 février 2017) : 959–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460716677036.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The US gay liberation and gay rights movements of the 1960s and 1970s are a contested historical and sociological terrain. We analyse the narrative reconstruction of militant identities in the memoirs of four gay movement militants – Martin Duberman, Amy Hoffman, Karla Jay, Arnie Kantrowitz. The article focuses on the way authors account for the interplay between their self-discovery through sexuality and through militancy. We endeavour to fully appreciate the interaction of the personal and the social in order to gauge the degree to which confessions about sexuality take on a meaning that escapes authors’ control, or whether that meaning is a reflection of the authors’ agency. After a brief summary of how the authors tell about their sexual history, the article analyses the four authors’ distinctly different genders, generations, and political options as pertinent variables for comparison among the memoirs.
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Bapat, Navin A., et Kanisha D. Bond. « Alliances between Militant Groups ». British Journal of Political Science 42, no 4 (23 mars 2012) : 793–824. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000075.
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Instrumentally, militant groups should seek to maximize their power against governments by forming alliances. However, studies in bargaining theory predict that alliances between militants would suffer from commitment problems. This study seeks to identify the conditions under which militant groups overcome these acute commitment problems and form alliances. Two game theory models of alliances amongst militants are presented, the first capturing bilateral co-operation, and the second under conditions of asymmetry. It may be concluded that while militants less susceptible to government repression should prefer bilateral alliances, vulnerable militants are more likely to form asymmetric alliances involving state sponsors. Following the theoretical predictions, the theory is tested empirically using the UCDP/PRIO data.
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Aksoy, Deniz, et David Carlson. « Electoral support and militants’ targeting strategies ». Journal of Peace Research 59, no 2 (1 décembre 2021) : 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00223433211047719.
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Militant groups that are in armed conflict with a government often coexist with political parties that have ethnic or ideological connections to them. In this article, we explore the extent to which electoral support received by militant associated opposition parties and nationally incumbent political parties influences subnational variation in militant attacks. We argue, and empirically demonstrate, that militants strategically target localities where the levels of electoral support for the opposition party and the nationally incumbent party are close in an effort to negatively influence the electoral performance of the incumbent party. To illustrate this dynamic we examine subnational data from 1995 to 2015 Turkish legislative elections and attacks organized by the Kurdish militants within the same time period. We also examine the impact of June 2015 legislative elections on militant attacks until the snap elections in November 2015. Our empirical examination shows that militants target localities where electoral support for the governing party and Kurdish opposition party is close. Moreover, increase in violence negatively influences the electoral performance of the governing party. However, it does not consistently have a significant influence on the opposition. The findings illustrate that militants strategically choose the location of their attacks based on electoral dynamics, and attacks can pose an electoral challenge to the governing party.
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Elankumaran, S. « The Bitter Brew ». Asian Case Research Journal 08, no 02 (décembre 2004) : 173–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218927504000519.
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Assam, a state in Northeast India, has been experiencing the problem of militancy for over two decades. Tea was a major industry in the state and due to its pivotal position, militants had been excessively harassing it. Tata Tea Limited (TTL), a subsidiary of a 125-year old and well respected conglomerate, the House of Tatas, was one of the largest players in the tea industry in the region. The company had never succumbed to militants' pressure of parting with money but had acted as a responsible corporate citizen by involving itself in substantial community development initiatives. Under one such initiative — the Special Medical Assistance Scheme — a leader of a militant outfit has been treated for pregnancy and accompanying life-threatening health problem in a hospital in Mumbai. After childbirth and treatment, when she was about to board a flight to Delhi, the Assam government with the help of Mumbai police arrested her on a tip off. The arrest led to the controversial allegation that TTL had been funding terrorists in Assam. Based on press and published reports, this case unfolds the whole episode with relevant background and raises debatable ethical issues that are universally relevant for business in today's environments.
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Austin, Jonathan Luke. « The departed militant : A portrait of joy, violence and political evil ». Security Dialogue 51, no 6 (6 avril 2020) : 537–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010620901906.
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This is an essay about the personhood of militant violence, the phenomenological underpinnings of political evil and the friendship between two men. It begins by recounting the author’s street-side meeting with several Islamist militants in Tripoli, Lebanon, one of whom later described his preparations to become a ‘martyr’ in Syria. The essay takes my conversations with this man and his friends as a means of exploring the becoming of violent militancy as a fundamentally creative and essentially joyful series of encounters that lead to the emergence of extreme violence. To do so, I read the narrative account at the centre of the essay through the concept of social and political ‘fracturing’, which is described as the process through which individuals or groups are able to transcend traditional limits on knowledge, action and belief. This discussion of social and political fracturing is then brought into conversation with the question of what constitutes social or political evil in order to demonstrate that debates over what produces violent militant mobilization have generally missed the crucial relevance of a set of small, intimate and embodied rituals that suffuse evil, violence and war-fighting more generally with a fundamentally positive (yet eventually destructive) phenomenology.
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Donovan, Mark. « Carmen Golia, Dentro Forza Italia. Organizzazione e militanza, Marsilio, Venice, 1997, 189 pp., ISBN 88-317-6772-0 pbk, 20,000 Lire ». Modern Italy 3, no 2 (novembre 1998) : 298–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400007018.
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Berardi-Spairani, Adrián Pablo. « Mundo militante : algunas caracterizaciones de la militancia en la provincia de Jujuy, Argentina ». Universitas, no 33 (29 août 2020) : 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17163/uni.n33.2020.09.
Texte intégralRésumé :
El presente trabajo analiza el mundo militante por medio del estudio de la carrera militante retomando laperspectiva de carrera de Howard Becker. El objetivo es dar cuenta de cómo se construye y desarrolla esemundo a través de las experiencias de militantes de distintos espacios de participación política.Se propone indagar en las lógicas compartidas por los militantes de la provincia de Jujuy, Argentina, apartir de comprender la manera en que interactúan más allá de su espacio o ámbito de pertenencia, retomando una perspectiva microestructural. Se pretende entender la militancia contemporánea superandolas limitaciones de los estudios macroestructurales, principalmente aceptando que en la actualidad existeuna diversidad en las formas y espacios de militancia, que rompe con las fronteras de la militancia másestructural y tradicional de partidos y sindicatos. Para alcanzar estos objetivos, se realizó un análisis longitudinal de trayectorias de nueve militantes de diversos espacios de participación política de Argentina, considerando los aspectos subjetivos y objetivos a partir del relato de los propios militantes por medio del uso de la técnica del relato de vida. Este trabajo permite dar cuenta del aporte analítico del “mundo militante” para exponer las continuidades y rupturas, así como las generalidades y particularidades de la militancia contemporánea en Argentina.
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Faqir, Khan, Bilal Haider et Sumbal Jameel. « Geneses, Causes, and Ramification of Militancy in FATA in the Post 9/11 Scenario ». Global Political Review 2, no 1 (30 décembre 2017) : 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(ii-i).07.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The basic aim of the paper is to highlight the impacts of militancy on the Federally Administrated Tribal Area. Strategically the area is very important, and it is situated between Afghanistan and Pakistan. The area also played a very important role in the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Before and after 9/11 most of the militants fled to the Tribal areas of Pakistan to seek shelter. The area was used as a launching pad by militants. There were safe sanctuaries of those militants and thus it was a threat to the integrity and sovereignty of Pakistan. As a result, a number of military operations were launched to eliminate those safe sanctuaries. The whole scenario has had some impacts on the life of tribesmen. The paper is an attempt to investigate the root causes of militancy and its impacts on FATA after 9/11.
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Chinwokwu, Eke Chijioke, et Christopher Eraye Michael. « Militancy and violence as a catalyst to kidnapping in Nigeria ». International Journal of Police Science & ; Management 21, no 1 (mars 2019) : 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461355719832619.
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This study examines the concept of militancy and violence as a catalyst for kidnapping in Nigeria. The study acknowledges that there may be violent and non-violent militancy, but kidnapping is always forceful and violent in nature. Nigeria has witnessed and continues to witness various forms of militancy and violence, which have generated a booming new enterprise in the form of kidnapping for ransom. Government efforts to address these problems have been discriminatory, sentimental and engulfed in ethnicity. The lop-sidedness and apathy shown by the government in thwarting this menace has led to militants’ demands for self-determination and sovereignty. Triggers for militancy, such as social injustice, oppressive policies, marginalization and resource control, seem to have no bearing on government agenda and policy. There is mistrust as to the intent of the government in containing the rising profile of militants and kidnappers, thereby creating fear in the minds of Nigerian citizens. We recommend among other actions: re-value orientation, good governance based on justice and the rule of law, and reform of the criminal justice system.
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Rivarola, María Dolores Rocca. « Saudade do partido : referencias nostálgicas entre militantes de las bases de sustentación de los gobiernos argentinos y brasileros (2003-2015) ». Revista de Sociologia e Política 25, no 62 (juin 2017) : 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1678-987317256202.
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Resumen El artículo examina de modo comparativo la presencia de referencias nostálgicas entre militantes de organizaciones y espacios políticos que forman parte de las bases de sustentación de los gobiernos argentinos y brasileros desde 2003. Como parte de una investigación más amplia sobre la militancia oficialista, el fenómeno de nostalgia abordado en este trabajo es interpretado como una de las dos caras del impacto que escenarios político-electorales de intensa fluctuación en las identidades políticas y de volatilidad en el comportamiento electoral han tenido sobre las prácticas y concepciones de la militancia activa: por un lado, una adaptación a esas condiciones de la vida política – a través de la transformación del vínculo militante y de los formatos que asume esa militancia oficialista – y, por otro, un fenómeno paralelo – al que se dedica específicamente este artículo – de apelaciones nostálgicas referidas a un pasado de identidades políticas arraigadas y de partidos (o del propio partido) con una intensa vida orgánica y un fuerte lazo con el electorado. El trabajo adopta una perspectiva metodológica cualitativa, recuperando las interpretaciones de los propios actores a través del análisis de las entrevistas semi-estructuradas realizadas en cuatro distritos: las ciudades de San Pablo y Río de Janeiro, en Brasil; y la ciudad de Buenos Aires y algunos distritos del conurbano bonaerense – con especial foco en La Matanza – en Argentina (56 entrevistas desde 2013, y la consulta selectiva de otras 74 realizadas entre 2005 y 2010 para una investigación previa). A partir del agrupamiento de distintas categorías creadas en el proceso de codificación de las entrevistas se han identificado dos dimensiones de esa nostalgia: las apelaciones al perfil del militante del pasado, por un lado, y la referencia al contexto o condiciones en las que se militaba, por otro. El análisis cualitativo permite confirmar el peso de las referencias nostálgicas en los testimonios. Cabe destacar, de todos modos, que la presencia de esa nostalgia no es homogénea en ambos casos nacionales, ni entre distintas organizaciones (predominando entre los militantes del PT en Brasil y al interior de las redes del PJ argentino y, diluyéndose, en cambio, en las nuevas organizaciones nacidas por fuera del PJ durante el período kirchnerista), ni tampoco entre distintas generaciones de militantes. Asimismo, aunque las dos dimensiones de nostalgia mencionadas aparecen con fuerza en los testimonios brasileros, es la segunda dimensión la que predomina entre los argentinos. El artículo procura contribuir al debate sobre la militancia y el vínculo político en la actualidad. Asimismo, postula – aun inscribiéndose en la literatura que plantea el debilitamiento de los vínculos estructurales y psicológicos entre los partidos y los ciudadanos – la pertinencia de estudiar la militancia política activa, la cual paradójicamente ha persistido en esos contextos de fluctuación.
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Sin, Philippe, et François Grima. « La militance syndicale dans la très petite entreprise : le cas du conseiller du salarié ». Relations industrielles / Industrial Relations 74, no 1 (7 mai 2019) : 66–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1059465ar.
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Notre étude cherche à comprendre la militance dans de très petites entreprises en France. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à cerner la forme prise par la militance dans ce contexte et les motivations du militant. Pour cela, nous nous appuyons sur 29 entretiens semi-directifs réalisés auprès de conseillers du salarié des deux principales entités syndicales. Mobilisant la littérature sur l’engagement et le travail militant, nous avons dégagé trois profils : le « bon soldat », le « défenseur des droits » et le « combattant ». Le « bon soldat » a une stratégie de valorisation de son syndicat. Sa militance s’exprime par un accueil soigné au salarié et un alignement sur sa position dans sa relation avec l’employeur. Son engagement militant montre qu’il cherche à préserver un équilibre entre son engagement syndical et sa vie privée. Le second profil, le « défenseur des droits », est attiré par les dimensions juridiques de son engagement auprès des salariés. Le conseiller du salarié ayant ce profil cherche à construire une stratégie de partenariat avec le salarié afin d’obtenir le moins de sanctions pour ce dernier. Pour lui, sa militance est d’abord motivée par la défense des droits du salarié. Le dernier profil, « le combattant », est très expérimenté syndicalement et il s’intéresse davantage à la relation interpersonnelle. Le conseiller du salarié de ce profil met en place une stratégie de conflits. Il s’engage auprès du salarié sans condition. Il lui propose une prise en charge totale jusqu’à le substituer et il ira jusqu’à mobiliser son syndicat, cela sans hésitation. L’étude met en exergue la diversité de la militance dans les très petites entreprises grâce à des conseillers du salarié qui restent fidèles à leur organisation syndicale et qui s’engagent auprès des salariés en s’appropriant la militance. Cette dernière vient questionner globalement les pratiques syndicales dans les très petites entreprises.
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Berardi Spairani, Adrián Pablo. « Participación política, compromiso y carrera militante. Una propuesta para el estudio de la militancia en el contexto del activismo global ». Desafíos 32, no 2 (28 mai 2020) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12804/revistas.urosario.edu.co/desafios/a.7751.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Este artículo se propone analizar la participación y el compromiso político por medio del estudio de la carrera militante. El objetivo es dar cuenta de cómo se construye una trayectoria militante exitosa que persiste más allá del tiempo, y que se diferencia de un tipo de militancia parcial o puntual. De esta manera, el presente trabajo estudia las formas de militancia contemporánea, con el objetivo de responder si es posible pensar la participación política como una militancia sostenida en el tiempo y cuáles son los recursos que poseen las ciencias sociales para diferenciar los distintos tipos de militancias dentro de un periodo marcado por la globalización. Para dar respuesta a los interrogantes planteados se desarrolló un estudio longitudinal de trayectorias militantes al examinar los aspectos objetivos y subjetivos, a partir del relato de los propios militantes, bajo la perspectiva de carrera desarrollada por Howard Becker. En la metodología se describe la utilización de una perspectiva cualitativa a partir del uso de la técnica del relato de vida.
34
Mayhall, Laura E. Nym. « Defining Militancy : Radical Protest, the Constitutional Idiom, and Women's Suffrage in Britain, 1908–1909 ». Journal of British Studies 39, no 3 (juillet 2000) : 340–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386223.
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May some definition be given of the word “militant”? (Chelsea delegate Cicely Hamilton)Scholarship on the women's suffrage movement in Britain has reached a curious juncture. No longer content to chronicle the activities or document the contributions of single organizations, historians have begun to analyze the movement's strategies of self-advertisement and to disentangle its racial, imperial, and gendered ideologies. Perhaps the most striking development in recent scholarship on suffrage, however, has been the proliferating discourse on militancy among literary critics, a development with which few historians have engaged. Yet, while militancy has spawned a veritable subfield in literary studies, continually generating new articles and books, these accounts portray the phenomenon in similarly reductive terms. After 1903 the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), under the leadership of Emmeline and Christabel Pankhurst, revitalized a genteel and moribund women's suffrage movement. The WSPU introduced the use of militancy, first interrupting Liberal Party meetings and heckling political speakers, then moving to the use of street theater, such as large-scale demonstrations, and ultimately to the destruction of government and private property, including smashing windows, slashing paintings in public galleries, and setting fire to buildings and pillar-boxes. Once the Liberal government introduced forcible feeding as an antidote to the suffragette hunger strike, militants created a visual activism, dependent upon the exhibition of women's tortured bodies as spectacle. By this account, the activities of the WSPU became exemplary of what critic Barbara Green has called “performative activism” and “visibility politics” in early twentieth-century feminist praxis, creating “almost entirely feminine communities where women celebrated, suffered, spoke with, and wrote for other women,” and that “allowed women to put themselves on display for other women.”
35
Din, Najbud, et Khan Faqir. « Temporary Displaced Persons (TDPS) from North Waziristan Agency (NWA) in Bannu : Problems and Prospects ». Global Strategic & ; Securities Studies Review VI, no IV (30 décembre 2021) : 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-iv).02.
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Since its inception, Pakistan has always remained an important player in the South Asian politics due to its geographical location and strategic position. The war against terror affected the whole world generally and South Asia particularly. After the 9/11 attacks, the United States came into Afghanistan along with allied forces which pushed militants from Afghanistan to take refuge in near by places. Due to close proximity and vulnerable borders, many of these militants entered Pakistan's Federally Administered Tribal Areas, which resulted in a huge growth of militancy and extremism in the whole region.On the other side due to close collaboration with the United States in the war against terror, Pakistan suffered more in terms of lives, infrastructure, and the economy as compared to the forces combating terrorism in Afghanistan. This influx of militancy and extremism drove Pakistan to take measures against the advancement of militancy. Forceful strikes from Pakistan security forces on one side shook the structure of militants but on the other side resulted in a huge number of displacement. In the recent wave of displacement from the North Waziristan Agency, people suffered a lot, but later on, the Pakistani government, with the help of the local population and humanitarian agencies, overcome their difficulties and still trying to facilitate and rehabilitate them as soon as their areas became clear of the menace.
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Mehta, Akanksha. « Masculinity and militancy : narratives of “surrendered militants” in Kashmir ». International Feminist Journal of Politics 20, no 4 (2 octobre 2018) : 657–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2018.1532177.
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Mohammed, Suleiman B., Onome Robinson Jackson et Isiaka Hassan Aliyu. « From Conflict to Peace Building and Post Conflict Reconstruction : A Critical Reflection on the Nigeria Niger Delta Amnesty ». International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 30 (juin 2014) : 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.30.81.
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Many decades of exploration and exploitation of petroleum resources have adversely affected the host communities in the Niger Delta. Environmental degradation, loss of means of livelihood, unemployment, poverty, loss of lives and general underdevelopment characterized the region. These formidable odds that threaten the survival of the Niger Delta people triggered off various shades of interminable violent agitations by militants that involved hostage taking and attacks on oil installations. These agitations, no doubt, reduced crude oil production and had adverse effect onthe national economy. This prompted the Nigerian state to intermittently launch attacks on the militants. In spite of the bombardments by the military Joint Task Force, the militants remain resolute in their agitations. Disturbed by the security and economic challenges, the Nigerian state came out with the amnesty initiative. The initiative was designed for the militants to surrender their arms, renounce militancy and also create a favourable atmosphere for the sustainable development of the region. This paper is geared towards examining theoretically, the efficacy of the amnesty initiative in finding solution to the general problem of underdevelopment in the Niger Delta. Situating the discourse within economic integration framework, the paper argues succinctly that the amnesty initiative is intentionally designed to deceitfully disarm the militants and create an enabling environment for the multinational oil companies to operate unhindered while ignoring the burning issues of underdevelopment that triggered the violent agitations in the first place. In order to avert a relapse into militancy, the Nigerian state must develop a credible rehabilitation package for the ex-militants and a holistic framework that can adequately address the problem of underdevelopment in the Niger Delta.
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Fagioli, Julia. « Notas em torno do cinema militante de 1960 e 1970 / Notes on the Militant Cinema of the Sixties and Seventies ». Cadernos Benjaminianos 15, no 1 (8 octobre 2019) : 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2179-8478.15.1.79-102.
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Resumo: Neste trabalho buscamos realizar uma breve genealogia – sempre inacabada – acerca das formas como a política – especificamente sua dimensão militante e engajada – se manifesta no cinema, a partir de um recorte histórico que privilegia a produção militante e coletiva dos anos 1960 e 1970. Nesse período vários coletivos e iniciativas individuais surgiram em torno de um cinema engajado. Ao recuperar algumas dessas iniciativas, é possível retomar também as questões que elas abordavam, tais como o ato de delegar a câmera ao trabalhador, as relações entre as imagens filmadas num momento de urgência – o ponto de vista – e sua articulação na montagem, o modo de distribuição dos filmes militantes. Assim, percebemos o quanto esse momento de contestação política será também o de uma invenção formal no âmbito do cinema.Palavras-chave: cinema militante; cinema coletivo; contra-informação.Abstract: In this paper we seek to develop a genealogy – always unfinished – about the ways in which politics – specifically in its militant and engaged dimensions – manifests itself in cinema, throughout a historical frame that privileges the militant and collective production from the sixties and the seventies. During this period, several collectives and individual initiatives emerged regarding an engaged cinema. By recovering some of these initiatives it is possible to also recapture the issues that they addressed, such as the act of delegating the camera to the workers, the relations between the images made in moments of urgency – the point of view – and its assemblage in montage, the modes of distribution of the militant films. Therefore, we realize that the moment of political challenge will also be of formal invention in the scope of cinema.Keywords: militant cinema; collective cinema; counter-information.
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Brulois, Vincent. « Une ONG au risque de l’engagement : participation et coordination des bénévoles, militants et salariés ». Recherches en Communication 52 (8 septembre 2021) : 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/rec.v52i52.55593.
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Depuis l’origine, Amnesty International France (AIF) se présente comme un « mouvementbénévole et militant ». Au fil du temps, l’ONG connaît une évolution raisonnée qui a favorisé une audience et une influence plus forte. Aujourd’hui, cette notoriété s’accompagne d’une professionnalisation de ses structures, marquée notamment par un important recrutement de nouveaux membres comme de nouveaux salariés. Ces évolutions ne se font pas sans heurts. Ainsi,les bénévoles apparaissent en manque de reconnaissance et les militants se sentent parfois dépossédés de leurs prérogatives au profit de salariés perçus comme des « personnes de passage », moins imprégnés de l’histoire, des valeurs et de l’identité du mouvement, en un mot « moins militants ». Nous nous intéresserons donc à la façon dont les changements qui touchent AIF redistribuent les cartes de la participation de chacun au projet associatif en fonction de son statut (bénévole, militant, salarié). À l’heure où les frontières se troublent (travail bénévole, engagement salarié), comment l’ONG parvient-elle à organiser le travail de tous sans désespérer la participation bénévole et l’engagement militant ? De quelle façon parvient-elle, tout à la fois, à manager et à ménager les individus ?
40
Brulois, Vincent. « Une ONG au risque de l’engagement : participation et coordination des bénévoles, militants et salariés ». Recherches en Communication 52 (8 septembre 2021) : 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/rec.v52i52.55593.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Depuis l’origine, Amnesty International France (AIF) se présente comme un « mouvementbénévole et militant ». Au fil du temps, l’ONG connaît une évolution raisonnée qui a favorisé une audience et une influence plus forte. Aujourd’hui, cette notoriété s’accompagne d’une professionnalisation de ses structures, marquée notamment par un important recrutement de nouveaux membres comme de nouveaux salariés. Ces évolutions ne se font pas sans heurts. Ainsi,les bénévoles apparaissent en manque de reconnaissance et les militants se sentent parfois dépossédés de leurs prérogatives au profit de salariés perçus comme des « personnes de passage », moins imprégnés de l’histoire, des valeurs et de l’identité du mouvement, en un mot « moins militants ». Nous nous intéresserons donc à la façon dont les changements qui touchent AIF redistribuent les cartes de la participation de chacun au projet associatif en fonction de son statut (bénévole, militant, salarié). À l’heure où les frontières se troublent (travail bénévole, engagement salarié), comment l’ONG parvient-elle à organiser le travail de tous sans désespérer la participation bénévole et l’engagement militant ? De quelle façon parvient-elle, tout à la fois, à manager et à ménager les individus ?
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Hausen Mizoguchi, Danichi, et Alice De Marchi Pereira de Souza. « A urgência das inquietações : uma improrrogável militância / The urgency of the restlessness : a non-postponable militancy ». Revista Polis e Psique 7, no 1 (29 mars 2017) : 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2238-152x.71846.
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ResumoO presente artigo dedica-se a interrogar as relações possíveis entre o derradeiro curso ministrado por Michel Foucault no Collège de France – A coragem da verdade – e as urgências de militância demandadas por um mundo que não cessa de acontecer. Assim, extrai duas passagens breves e quase desimportantes do curso ditado por Foucault em 1984 – os excertos iniciais e finais – , nos quais Foucault anuncia uma delicada relação com o tempo: entre o tarde e o tarde demais. É, pois, entre o tarde e o tarde demais que é alocada a atitude de militância – quando o mundo demanda o improrrogável, quando há muito a ser feito, quando a luta torna-se força de abertura daquilo que já se é. O artigo faz-se em dois movimentos intercalados: a aproximação com as aulas ministradas por Foucault e a publicização narrativa de uma militante – performatizando a improrrogável junção entre a coragem da verdade e uma vida não-fascista.Palavras-chave: Tempo; Militância; Ética; Verdade. AbstractThis article deals with the possible relations between the last course given by Michel Foucault in the Collège de France - The Courage of Truth - and the urgencies of political militancy demanded by a world that never ceases to happen. Thus, it draws two brief and almost unimportant passages from Foucault's 1984 course - the initial and final excerpts - in which Foucault announces a delicate relationship with time: between the late and the too late. It is, then, between the late and the too late that the attitude of militancy is allocated - when the world demands the non-extendable, when there is much to be done, when the struggle becomes the opening force of what one already is. The article is made in two intercalated movements: the approximation with the classes taught by Foucault and the narrative of a militant - performatizing the non-extendable junction between the courage of the truth and a non-fascist life.Keywords: Time; Militancy; Ethic; Truth.
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Kolås, Åshild. « Naga militancy and violent politics in the shadow of ceasefire ». Journal of Peace Research 48, no 6 (novembre 2011) : 781–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343311417972.
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Ceasefires are often seen as a simple measure to end violence and allow more substantive negotiations to begin. Contemporary conflict resolution models thus posit the ceasefire as a basic step in the peacebuilding trajectory. Offering an in-depth analysis of Naga militancy in Northeast India, this article argues that ceasefires should rather be understood as a part of the dynamics of conflict. Northeast India is a site of protracted conflict involving multiple contestants, where Naga militant organizations play a key role. A string of ceasefires since 1997 between the Indian government and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) has contained fighting between security forces and militants, while violence has continued unabated between NSCN factions and among an array of other armed groups in the area claimed as ‘Nagalim’, with serious consequences for local communities. This study suggests that ceasefires may impact on conflict dynamics in at least three ways, all interrelated: (1) by affecting the internal cohesion of belligerent groups, (2) by affecting the operational space of armed groups, and (3) by affecting the relations between multiple stakeholders and parties to a conflict, including but not limited to the challenger(s) and the state. The study concludes that the terms of ceasefire agreements, the strategic use of ceasefires by conflict actors, and the opportunities created by a lack of effective monitoring of ceasefire ground rules has facilitated the operations of militants vying for territory, revenues from illegal ‘taxation’ and political stakes. Ceasefires have also paved the way for an escalation of factional and intergroup fighting and violent politics in Northeast India, by empowering signatory groups versus contenders as well as nonviolent actors.
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Dunezat, Xavier. « Las luchas de sin-papeles : entre comunidad prescrita, dispersión real y profundización democrática ». Feminismo/s, no 33 (1 juin 2019) : 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/fem.2019.33.05.
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Privilegiando el marco del pensamiento feminista negro de Patricia Hill Collins, el artículo analiza varias dimensiones del estatuto y de la dispersión de los/as sin-papeles en relación con la dinámica interseccional de los ejes de opresión. Los/as sin-papeles constituyen una «comunidad sobre el papel». Por eso la experiencia militante colectiva es muy importante como condición previa de grupo movilizado. Sin embargo, dentro de dos luchas diferentes de sin-papeles en Francia, centenares de observaciones muestran que la matriz militante se vuelve ambivalente. Por un lado, porque al incorporarse a formas disponibles de militancia dirigidas por sus aliados/as (coerción, autonomía, negación), los/as sin-papeles se enfrentan a un proceso de desposesión en cuanto a la dirección de sus luchas. Por otro, los fracasos no deben esconder la emergencia de comunidades reales de militancia dentro de las cuales se cristalizan varias dinámicas de profundización democrática en los ámbitos ideológicos, prácticos y éticos.
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Moriconi, Martina. « Escena con un militante de izquierda : aproximaciones sobre su forma de hacer política ». Sociohistórica, no 42 (3 décembre 2018) : e057. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/18521606e057.
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Este trabajo se propone reflexionar sobre la forma de militancia de Marcos, un obrero fabril, delegado sindical y militante trotskista. Para ello, se trabajará con registros etnográficos y fragmentos de entrevistas. Asimismo, se fundamentará la importancia de analizar los bares como lugares centrales para nuestro interlocutor y, a través de los cuales, se vislumbrarán otras facetas de su modo de hacer política. Entonces, situados en un bar matancero en pleno contexto electoral, veremos cómo las transformaciones en la militancia, que Marcos señalaba discursivamente, se pondrían en evidencia allí y me interpelarían en mi rol de investigadora. Por lo tanto, poner en práctica la reflexividad será una excelente vía para aprender aún más de su forma de militancia. Así, concluiremos en la necesidad de matizar aquellas visiones que reconstruyen las prácticas de militancia trotskista a partir, esencialmente, de la discusión política.
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Bondi, Erika. « Militant Emotions in Reina Roffé’s Monte de Venus ». Emotions : History, Culture, Society 1, no 2 (22 mars 2017) : 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2208522x-00102004.
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This article analyses the role of emotions in the formation of militant groups as represented in the novel Monte de Venus (1976) by Reina Roffé. It draws comparisons between the novel’s backdrop of Argentina’s militant movements of the 1960s and ’70s and the actual militancy in the country from that time period. This approach to emotions in literature focuses on the fictionalisation of character emotions and its role in the production of the overall tone of the novel. An important aspect of the study is the genre of the militant literature in Argentina in the mid-twentieth century and its aesthetic and ideological norms.
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Leandro, Anita. « Sem imagens : memória histórica e estética de urgência no cinema sem autor ( Sans images : mémoire historique et esthétique d’urgence dans le cinéma sans auteur) ». Estudos da Língua(gem) 12, no 1 (30 juin 2014) : 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.22481/el.v12i1.1243.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Uma forma singular de filmar os acontecimentos sociais, de um ponto de vista interno, coloca em dúvida o papel do autor, do espectador e das próprias imagens no espaço contemporâneo. Numa perspectiva histórica, avaliamos, aqui, o alcance político e a contribuição estética de um certo tipo de cinema militante, tomando como exemplo o filme Sans images (França, 2006), obra anônima, realizada por estudantes grevistas.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Ponto de vista interno. Cinema militante. Estética de urgência.RÉSUMÉUne forme singulière de filmer les événements sociaux, d’un point de vue interne, met en question le rôle de l’auteur, du spectateur et des images même dans l’espace contemporain. Dans une perspective historique, nous évaluons, ici, la portée politique et l’apport esthétique d’un certain type de cinéma militant, en prenant comme exemple le film Sans images (França, 2006), œuvre anonyme réalisée par des étudiants en grève.MOTS-CLÉS: Point de vue interne. Cinéma militant. Esthétique d’urgence.
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Mehdi, Syed Eesar. « Serving the Militant’s Cause : The Role of Indo-Pak State Policies in Sustaining Militancy in Kashmir ». Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, no 2 (23 juillet 2020) : 244–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020939012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The essay explores three recently published books on the origins of militancy in Kashmir. In short, they all find that two causal factors are responsible for the insurgency’s ability to endure. First, the unending muscular security policy of India coupled with its explicit integrationist approach that triggered alienation by squeezing the democratic space of Kashmiris. Second, the role played by Pakistan in strongly backing the menagerie of militant groups for weakening political and territorial control of India over Kashmir. These books rely on a series of case studies of the different militant groups that have operated in Kashmir: most notably, Al-Fatah, the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), Hizbul Mujahedeen (HM) and Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT). The emergence of Al-Fatah and JKLF was an offshoot of New Delhi’s iron-fist approach compounded with the dwindling of democratic space. Pakistan played a major role in the creation of HM and LeT by invoking Islam and Muslim identity as mobilising factors. These books, in their own different ways, identify a teleological shift in the thinking, strategies and operations of the militant groups, and this essay tries to extrapolate this by outlining the key markers of distinction between the old and new militancy.
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Vézina, Jean A. « La position subjective des personnes qui s’engagent dans l’action militante ». Thème 18, no 1 (30 mai 2011) : 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1003549ar.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ayant oeuvré pendant plusieurs années en paroisse, force nous a été de constater le peu d’implication au niveau de l’engagement social auprès des plus défavorisés, sauf pour un petit nombre de personnes qui en font le leitmotiv de leur vie de foi. Leur engagement a piqué notre curiosité à un point tel que nous avons décidé d’en étudier le phénomène que nous définissons comme « militance chrétienne » inscrite dans la dynamique du Royaume. Le présent article consiste à faire ressortir les éléments structurants du parcours de militants chrétiens qui les ont conduits à pratiquer un type de militance qui s’inscrit dans la dynamique du Royaume. Pour ce faire, nous avons interrogé une dizaine de militants chrétiens en leur demandant de nous faire le récit de leur parcours. Nous avons ainsi découvert qu’ils vivent leur foi comme un impératif d’engagement à favoriser la dignité des plus défavorisés et à construire un monde plus juste. Cet impératif est provoqué par une série d’éléments déclencheurs et de motivations humaines et chrétiennes qui, fondamentalement, prennent leur source dans un dynamisme intérieur qu’ils attribuent à Dieu. Nous avons également découvert que cette foi cherche à se dire, à se nourrir et à se célébrer. D’où l’importance de créer des espaces adéquats qui permettraient aux militants de dire et d’approfondir leur foi inscrite dans la dynamique du Royaume.
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Oberti, Alejandra. « ¿Lo personal es político ? : repensar la historia de las organizaciones político militares ». Revista Estudos Feministas 23, no 3 (décembre 2015) : 893–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0104-026x2015v23n3p893.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Este trabajo analiza la militancia en las organizaciones revolucionarias de Argentina, en los años 70 (PRT-ERP y Montoneros). El análisis se focaliza en las menciones que aparecen en la prensa y en documentos internos de ambas organizaciones al papel de los afectos, la vida cotidiana y la construcción de la subjetividad militante
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Ganaie, Nasir Ahmad. « Modernizing Extremism : A Case of New Age Militancy in Kashmir ». Advances in Politics and Economics 1, no 1 (16 mai 2018) : 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v1n1p61.
Texte intégralRésumé :
<p><em>The research article delivers enlightenment on the New Age Militancy in Kashmir in which the new energetic and vigorous faces arose to enter militancy and for the stated design the usage of contemporary and improvised ways are drawn to recruit youngsters in the valley. Known to the outer world as tech-savvy militants who are hailing from the rich educational backgrounds and they do believe in autochthonous viewpoint of militancy irrespective of different names of the terror outfits. Besides this, there is a new trend of </em><em>“</em><em>Arms Snatching</em><em>”</em><em> which has been prevalent in the valley mostly from last three years to arm the newly recruits. The article also analyses the impact of the social media usage in branding the New Age Militancy.</em></p>