Thèses sur le sujet « Militanza »

2010 - 2011
Il dibattito critico statunitense dalla fine degli anni Settanta del Novecento ha dovuto fare i conti con la necessità di ripensare i metodi di analisi dell’arte, prima reagendo alle regole rigide che il metodo formalista aveva dettato fin dagli anni Quaranta e, poi, attrezzandosi progressivamente all’analisi delle nuove pratiche dell’arte ibridando strumenti presi in prestito da differenti discipline. La fuoriuscita dai confini disciplinari dell’arte quale istituzione tradizionalmente intesa da parte di critici e artisti che hanno condiviso una stagione, forse ormai tramontata, di continua problematizzazione dei ruoli, degli strumenti, delle metodologie e delle finalità dell’azione critica, ha decretato la polverizzazione dell’impianto formalista adottato come riferimento principale dagli storici dell’arte negli Stati Uniti fino alla fine degli anni ’70. La fondazione della rivista “October” risponde a questo processo di autoanalisi e al tentativo di costruire nuovi strumenti con i quali interpretare la complessità della sperimentazione artistica. Il gruppo degli autori che ha collaborato alla rivista però non si è mai accontentato di guardare solo alle novità dell’arte che avanzavano in quegli anni, ma ha messo sotto setaccio l’esperienza dell’arte del Novecento nella sua interezza, considerandola sempre nel rapporto dialogico con la fase interpretativa. L’esperienza dell’arte e la critica insieme costruiscono una storia culturale che non può essere in alcun modo tenuta separata dai processi speculativi che dagli anni Settanta hanno travolto il soggetto nella sua dimensione individuale e sociale. L’emergere della crisi epistemologica, che la riflessione filosofica postmoderna mette in luce, contribuisce ad articolare il discorso della critica d’arte sempre più coscientemente disponibile alle possibilità inedite suggerite dall’adozione di strumenti di indagine presi in prestito da discipline differenti. La rivista “October” è uno dei luoghi in cui questo dibattito accade, dove si avanza una proposta nuova per la critica d’arte in rottura con un passato asfittico e immobilizzante. “October” è il luogo dove si testano delle ipotesi e da cui ci si muove per problematizzare costantemente i metodi; è il luogo dove si verificano procedure e si contano i sostenitori, di incontri e di scambi proficui, ma è anche il luogo dove si afferma un nuovo metodo la cui validità si tutela con l’esclusione delle voci dissenzienti. Il presente lavoro è l’esito di un’indagine sulla trasformazione dei metodi e delle posizioni critiche presentate dalla rivista “October” dal momento della sua fondazione, 1976, fino alla pubblicazione, da parte degli autori più influenti tra gli octoberists, dell’opera Art since 1900. Modernism, Antimodernism, Postmodernism che segna l’apice dell’affermazione, nell’ambito del dibattito americano, delle posizioni critiche degli editorialisti della rivista. Negli ultimi anni il dibattito critico, sia in ambito italiano sia in quello anglosassone, si è lungamente occupato delle riviste, della loro mappatura e della costruzione di un network di relazioni tra i differenti nuclei di un’intricata orografia. Nel clima di diffuso interesse per lo studio delle riviste quali luogo di sperimentazione di proposte metodologiche e interpretative inedite è sembrato necessario ricostruire la singolarità del processo critico condotto da “October”. Il presente studio è stato suggerito, inoltre, dalla presenza nel dibattito italiano e internazionale di continui riferimenti alla proposta critica avanzata dalla rivista “October” e contemporaneamente dall’assenza di una ricognizione storico-critica dei processi teorici avviati dalla rivista statunitense. Lo studio della rivista è stato affrontato dopo aver individuato alcuni temi ricorrenti: l’analisi mediale e la centralità della fotografia (non solo con il confronto con la produzione saggistica di Rosalind Krauss, che più degli altri ha studiato questi argomenti, ma anche in quella degli altri teorici); il processo di rielaborazione interpretativa dell’arte d’avanguardia europea in termini antiformalisti, l’analisi dell’arte del presente e dei contesti su cui agisce e da cui viene coprodotta, la problematizzazione costante del discorso critico e degli strumenti della storia dell’arte. Si è proceduto all’analisi di alcune linee teoriche e dello sviluppo del metodo critico dalla fondazione della rivista fino alla pubblicazione del manuale di storia dell’arte del Novecento. Ad una prima fase, militante, di continua riflessione metodologica della proposta critica, che ha luogo sulla rivista, si aggiunge, a mio avviso, una seconda fase contraddistinta da un processo di istituzionalizzazione dei discorsi all’interno del manuale. L’analisi delle proposte critiche è stata condotta tentando di contestualizzare le singole novità teoriche avanzate dalla rivista nel dibattito più ampio statunitense, e laddove possibile anche in quello europeo, ricostruendo una genealogia delle teorie nel confronto con l’ampia produzione bibliografica dei collaboratori di “October” e, più in generale, degli studiosi attivi negli Stati Uniti. Nel primo capitolo, vengono ricostruite le fasi iniziali della fondazione della rivista e l’avvio del processo di radicale contestazione dell’impianto teorico-critico formalista, perseguito fin dalla scelta del titolo attraverso la revisione della tradizione critica americana della storia dell’arte d’avanguardia. Ne La condizione postmoderna: un passaggio cruciale nella critica americana si ricostruisce, alla luce dell’emergere delle novità critiche del postmoderno, l’attento percorso di revisione a cui i critici hanno sottoposto la tradizione storica americana forgiata dalle teorie formaliste di Clement Greenberg. La centralità dell’analisi della fotografia, allo stesso tempo oggetto estetico, medium artistico e complesso segnico, è sottolineata dalla relazione con lo studio del Surrealismo, altro nucleo d’indagine su cui il gruppo degli autori sviluppa inedite analisi. L’emergere della consapevolezza di un definitivo cambiamento epistemico nella condizione culturale postmoderna smuove il dibattito che dopo gli anni ’50 si era impaludato intorno alla proposta di Greenberg. La riflessione sul paradigma postmoderno permette di puntualizzare alcuni aspetti che riguardano la critica del moderno. Nel terzo capitolo l’indagine sulle metodologie critiche ha messo in evidenza come nel corso degli anni di pubblicazione della rivista sia prevalso l’assunto che nessun discorso critico-estetico può essere considerato neutrale e indipendente da condizionamenti. Piuttosto è apparso necessario agli Octoberists mappare le relazioni contestuali in modo da ricostruire la complessità delle dinamiche culturali. Contesto e riflessione sulla disciplina sono così le questioni chiave che muovono l’analisi delle posizioni specifiche che si articolano nel corso degli anni intorno all’arte nello spazio pubblico e all’Institutional critique. L’ultimo capitolo è dedicato all’impianto critico del volume Arte dal 1900 e alla contraddittoria ricezione. Si chiude, in questo modo, la parabola delle proposte critiche che, migrate dalla rivista, quale laboratorio di idee, vengono cristallizzate in un impianto che si auto-legittima attraverso l’interpretazione strumentale dei fatti. In appendice vengono pubblicate le interviste fatte a Rosalind Deutsche e Douglas Crimp. [a cura dell'autore]
X n.s.

Cette these a vise a la realisation d un travail de recherche qualitatif portant sur la question du militantisme au sein de la federation rpr de l isere afin de retracer la gense de l engagement politique de militants actifs. L enquete de terrain a mis en evidence une serie de facteurs sociaux,affectifs et psychologiques interdependants rendant compte de cette dynamique logique qui conduit progressivement ce citoyen a l action militante
This doctorate thesis has carried out a qualitative methodology research turning on the question of political militancy within the rpr federation of isere in order to recount the political involvement genesis of active militants. The fieldwork survey emphasizes a set inter-related social, emotional and psychological factors accounting for the dynamic which progressively induces a citizen to become an active militant

L'objectif de cette these est d'etudier l'objection de conscience militante, le refus du service militaire et l'antimilitarisme, du point de vue de leur genese et de leurs conditions sociales. Il s'agit d'analyser un phenomene particulier, le phenomene objecteur, et d'inscrire cette etude dans une problematique globale, celle de l'action colletive. Hypotheses : l'objection militante et l'antimilitarisme sont produits au sein des groupes militants, motives par une demande de reconnaissance sociale, conditionnes par l'imposition conrete de la conscription. Le recueil des donnees se fait par observation participante, questionnaire et entretien. La premiere partie decrit l'objection militante : le discours des objecteurs, leurs caracteristiques, leurs actions symboliques et politiques, leur memoire collective. La deuxieme partie analyse la genese des groupes et celle des militants, a travers les concepts de groupe de pairs, dynamique de groupe, minorite active et mouvement social. La troisieme partie examine successivement (1) en quoi le groupe se revele finalement determinant par rapport aux motivations individuelles et aux objectifs collectifs (2) la question de la quete de reconnaissance sociale du mouvement objecteur, (3) les conditions sociales du refus du service militaire et de l'antimilitarisme, et (4) l'integration sociale des objecteurs et de leur critique par la legalisation d'un statut et l'institutionalisation d'un service civil d'une part, par la militance elle-meme, a savoir la canalisation et l'expression ritualisee de la contestation, la catharsis et la resorption du conflit, d'autre part
The aim of this thesis is the study of militant conscientious objection, the refusal of military service and antimilitarism, from the point of view of their penesis and their social conditions. It is a question of analysing a particular phenomenon, the phenomenon of conscientious objection, and of placing this study in a global problematic, that of collective action. Hypotheses : militant objection and antimilitarism are produced within militant groups, motivated by a claim for social recognition, conditioned by the concrete imposition of conscription. The collection of data is is done by participant observation, questionnaire and interview. The first part describes militant objection : objectors' discourse, their characteristics, their symbolical and political actions, their collective memory. The second part analyses the genesis of groups and that of militants, through the concepts of the peer group, group dynamics, the active minority and social movment. The third part successively examines (1) in what the group finally reveals itself determinant with regard to individual motivations and to collective objectives, (2) the question of the quest for social recognition of the conscientious objection movment, (3) the social conditions in the refusal of military service and in antimilitarism, and (4) the social integration of objectors and of their criticism, by the legalization of a status and the instituti0nalization of a civil service on the one jha nd, by militancy itself, that is the canalization and the ritualized expression of protest, the catharsis and the absorption of conflict, on the other hand

Résumé des chapitres Dans le premier chapitre, j’ai traité les mouvements altermondialistes émergés à Seattle en 1999. J’en ai décrit le parcours historique, international et italien, en situant les cultures « antagonistes » italiennes dans le contexte plus large des mobilisations mondiales critiques envers la mondialisation. Je les ai mises en relief en les confrontant avec les antécédents italiens des années soixante-dix. Les principaux aspects sociologiques qui caractérisent ces mobilisations sont la structure de socialisation et la mobilisation par le biais des réseaux, basée sur des interrelations faibles mais élastiques, les modalités d’autogestion mêlées aux instances anti-hiérarchiques du mouvement féministe historique, et les affiliations locales comme base des luttes, avec le dépassement des affiliations par classe. J’ai décrit les modalités de gestion de la conflictualité sociale, pratiquée et symbolique, qui caractérise ces mouvements, en analysant surtout le cas italien des manifestations de rue, qui ont eu lieux à Gênes en 2001. La notion de démocratie par le bas, développée au sein du Forum Social, structure une nouvelle idée de citoyenneté et de participation sociale sur la base des autonomies locales que les activistes revendiquent de manière stratégique comme leur horizon principal. Dans l’articulation entre local et global, toujours présente dans le discours des activistes, j’ai montré comment le « global » constituait une dimension surtout narrative, émergente par rapport au tissu des interconnexions hétérogènes entre les différentes dimensions locales. Cette dimension narrative se concrétise surtout dans un complexe de productions éditoriales qui véhiculent des imaginaires cosmopolites. A l’intérieur de ces imaginaires partagés, les autochtonies sont un élément discursif de résistance aux logiques impersonnelles et immatérielles tels que « la globalisation », le « néolibéralisme » ou « l’Empire ». Dans le second chapitre, j’ai exploré le monde proprement « antagoniste » des Centre Sociaux Occupés, les fameux CSO italiens, en décrivant l’histoire des occupations et de l’antagonisme du conflit ouvert contre l’Etat et les partis politiques historiques (en particulier le Parti Communiste Italien), pour se différencier de ces mouvements des années soixante-dix qui s’étaient alors définis comme « marxistes hérétiques ». La généalogie des idéologies des occupants des CSO trouve ses racines dans le mouvement ouvrier et étudiant des années soixante-dix, dans les autogestions et dans les pratiques d’autonomie de classe. J’ai montré comment cette période historique, sur laquelle les interprétations de la société italienne connaissent, aujourd’hui encore, de profondes divisions, a généré des fractures sociales et émotives à l’intérieur des mouvements de cette époque, qu’une partie des gauches radicales ont recousues uniquement dans les années quatre-vingt-dix, lorsque de nombreux anciens militants se sont rencontrés sur la route du Chiapas insurgé. J’ai décrit, en particulier, le cas de l’association Ya Basta, formée au sein des CSO au milieu des années quatre-vingt-dix pour soutenir les Zapatistes. Je me suis surtout arrêtée sur la composante vénitienne des CSO et de Ya Basta, liée de manière particulière aux expressions plus théoriques du mouvement ouvrier des années soixante-dix. Ceci m’a permis de confronter, à travers une ethnographie rapproché de pratiques et de discours, la figure du militant organique de cette époque avec l’activiste d’aujourd’hui, dont la socialisation personnelle est moins totalisée dans la sphère de la participation politique et qui, à la différence du « vieux » militant, se mobilise en faveur de causes plus circonscrites et est doté d’une perspective historique plus faible et plus malléable pour situer le sens de ses actions. Dans le troisième chapitre, j’ai examiné la question de l’insurrection du mouvement zapatiste mexicain. J’ai montré comment la construction intellectuelle internationale du zapatisme constituait un cas d’« orientalisme ». J’ai décrit les secteurs de la société chiapanèque que le zapatisme a mobilisés, en montrant qu’il ne s’agissait pas de la partie la plus traditionaliste de cette société, mais plutôt de couches de la population détachées des communautés traditionnelles afin de rechercher des nouvelles voies d’accès aux ressources. Elles ont sélectionné, dans le rapport dialogique qu’elles entretiennent avec les activistes internationaux solidaires, certains aspects « ethniques » de leur culture, en renforçant d’un côté les projections essentialisantes des européens solidaires, mais en activant en même temps une stratégie efficace de résistance culturelle dans laquelle l’essentialisme a un statut pleinement stratégique. J’ai montré, donc, la manière dont se démêlent les politiques culturelles des Zapatistes qui, en essayant de parler au nom de toute la population paysanne et subalterne chiapanèque, ont développé des discours et des pratiques où les catégories de la marginalisation de l’« indigène » aspirent à devenir les catégories d’un rachat. La construction de l’« indigène », au Mexique, est un fondement politique du colonialisme interne propre au nationalisme mexicain, profondément raciste, qui fonde son statut de « culture » sur l’opposition narrative avec un état de « nature » ou la population autochtone est, de fait, reléguée, bien qu’elle soit encensée, dans les structures du discours muséologique d’Etat comme le fondement mythologique de la nation. La question du nationalisme mexicain touche de près les chiapanèques eux-mêmes, qui adhèrent au mouvement zapatiste. Ceux-ci, quoique pratiquant l’autonomie administrative vis-à-vis de l’Etat, se réapproprient cependant une partie de son apparat symbolique, en commençant par les drapeaux, en utilisant leurs revendications indigénistes comme moyen de revendiquer la citoyenneté mexicaine. Dans ce contexte de conflit latent se délient les profondes transformations du territoire et de la société chiapanèque dans sa complexité, impliquée dans un champ de forces qui génèrent des effets paradoxaux, portés par le tourisme et par le modèle de développement qu’il véhicule d’un côté, et par la guérilla et la solidarité politique internationale de l’autre. Dans le quatrième chapitre, j’ai suivi le zapatisme comme une trame, afin de mener mon ethnographie sur le terrain des CSO de Rome. A travers le récit de leur rapport avec le zapatisme, et de leurs différentes expériences, individuelles, et collectives, vécues en relation avec lui, les personnes qui peuplent le monde « antagoniste » de la ville ont montré les profondes transformations qu’ont subi les modes d’engagement politique au fil des années. Il en est ressorti une approche essentiellement réformiste, dans laquelle les antagonistes se mesurent au contexte local en collaborant activement avec les institutions municipales et en suivant parfois un parcours d’entrée en leur sein. Les antagonistes dialoguent, donc, avec l’Etat, à travers ses ramifications territoriales, avec lesquelles ils collaborent. Ils reconnaissent le potentiel démocratique des communautés de quartiers et, au maximum, citadines, en tant qu’institutions légitimes et utiles dans lesquelles il est possible « se constituer en société ». Parallèlement à ces pratiques, les antagonistes ont mûri, au cours des années, une idéologie dont le rapport avec l’Etat n’est plus révolutionnaire et subversif, mais est plutôt inséré dans un parcours progressif et ouvert de changement de regard sur la sphère politique dans son ensemble. Cette maturation est exprimée, par les activistes romains, avec un langage emprunté aux Zapatistes, auxquels ils attribuent également des changements dans les pratiques internes au CSO de gestion du pouvoir et du leadership. Ces mutations ont commencé avec la crise des mouvements italiens à la fin des années soixante-dix et avec son hybridation avec le mouvement féministe. La donnée essentielle qui émerge est le détachement des activistes par rapport à des idéologies structurées et à des formes organiques et classifiables d’appartenance politique. Les continuelles revendications d’indéfinition interrogent quant à la capacité de conceptualisation des instruments de l’anthropologie, me conduisant à envisager que l’apparat théorique le plus adapté pour comprendre les sujets émergents de la crise de la représentation des narrations politiques traditionnelles est celui proposé par la queer theory, qui fait de la résistance aux définitions organiques un rempart pour la déconstruction des systèmes de pouvoir et de vérité hégémoniques. Dans le cinquième chapitre, j’ai émis l’hypothèse de l’utilité d’une perspective mettant en relation non seulement les mondes « antagonistes » italiens entre eux, mais pouvant aussi mettre en évidence les contacts de ceux-ci avec la réalité d’un autre pays. J’ai donc présenté une ethnographie des processus mimétiques du zapatisme à Barcelone, en me concentrant sur un groupe, le plus important, qui coordonne la solidarité catalane avec le Chiapas. Des différences avec le contexte « antagoniste » italien sont apparues, dues surtout à la différente base historique des deux pays. Le mouvement « antagoniste » catalan se présente comme davantage inclusif et avec une base théorico-réflexive plus faible par rapport à son homologue italien, qui est au contraire plus différencié et au sein duquel coexistent des groupes qui présentent des éléments de compétitivité entre eux. Deux notables homologies entre les deux contextes ont aussi fait surface. La principale est la propension des activistes à choisir une perspective communautaires, qui est incarnée pour tous de manière exemplaire par les communautés zapatistes chiapanèques. Comme il était déjà apparu au cours de la recherche parmi les mouvements italiens, les Catalans aussi expriment une idée de citoyenneté qu’ils entendent comme pleinement démocratique, à la différence de celle proposée par les modèles politiques hégémoniques de participation aux institutions de l’Etat. Les « antagonistes » italiens et catalans ont en commun l’idée d’appartenir à une société civile qui est supérieure à la société politique, dont elle serait structurellement séparée. Cette société civile, pour eux, est une entité idéalement parallèle à l’Etat, opposée à celui-ci sur le plan rhétorique, mais non basée sur des pratiques d’affrontement ouvert, mis à part les éléments de « sortie » des lois, comme les occupations de maisons, en Italie comme à Barcelone. D’autre part, une des idées zapatistes qui connaît le plus de succès parmi la communauté solidaire internationale est celle de s’autogérer en se séparant de l’Etat central, sans néanmoins vouloir le combattre ouvertement. L’aspiration qui rassemble les Zapatistes et les philo-zapatistes des mouvements européens est donc celle de fonder une société civile parallèle à l’Etat. Les activistes barcelonais et italiens ont en commun la volonté de donner vie à des communautés, volonté qui consiste surtout en une tentative constante d’identifier des éléments, des thématiques, des intérêts, des dangers et des ennemis en mesure de fusionner ceux qu’ils perçoivent comme des individus faiblement interconnectés, des monades qui, à leurs yeux, sont aliénés par la société de consommation et, en dernière analyse, par les conséquences de l’ordre capitaliste. En harmonie avec l’ensemble des discours transversaux que l’on peut globalement indiquer comme constituant la pensée critique exprimée par les mouvements altermondialistes, les activistes retiennent que c’est la « société civile » qui se trouve être le « nouveau sujet politique », apparu avec les mouvements qui ont vu le jour à partir de Seattle. Dans le sixième chapitre, j’ai suivi les activistes italiens qui se rendent au Chiapas, de différentes façons, et avec différentes aspirations. J’ai montré comment ces voyages, individuels ou collectifs, constituaient une initiation politique et étaient en mesure de marquer profondément le parcours existentiel des personnes qui y participent. Suivre les activistes au Chiapas a permis de comprendre les différentes modalités de se rapporter à l’« autre » et à l’« ailleurs » chiapanèque. Il s’agit d’un ailleurs souvent idéalisé et objet d’exotisme de la part des activistes. Les différentes procédures de solidarité et d’apprentissage de styles de vie « communautaires, écologiques et démocratiques » auprès des Zapatistes présentent des traits d’ethnocentrisme inconscient de la part des activistes. Dans certains cas, est apparue la manière dont l’ordre « universaliste » du système de valeur européen se révèle, quoi qu’il en soit, être dominant par rapport à celui, local, des communautés zapatistes, et cela même dans des rapports qui se voudraient être de coopération paritaire. J’ai examiné les idéologies sous-tendues aux rhétoriques de coopération, et comment l’emploi de ces rhétoriques s’avère fondamental, en Italie, pour enraciner, sur son territoire spécifique, le discours politique « antagoniste », qui tend à construire des communautés locales à partir de narrations universalistes qui se réfèrent à un zapatisme idéal. Dans le rapport dialogique entre activistes italiens et chiapanèque, la manière dont les Zapatistes « mettent en scène » le zapatisme a émergé, ainsi que la manière dont cette image est, par la suite, véhiculée par les activistes une fois rentrés en Italie, selon des schémas qui construisent, entres autres choses, une différence impossible à combler entre « nous » et les « autres », même dans un partage idéal de la perspective politique et éthique de l’action des mouvements. Cette supposée distance ontologique est aussi fixée par un texte d’une certaine manière officiel, qui « explique » le Chiapas aux activistes. Les constructions opérées dans ce texte par les deux auteurs ont été examinées, tout comme les modalités de gestion du texte lui-même. Dans le septième chapitre, j’ai montré comment le zapatisme, au moins dans son utilisation internationale, était un discours unificateur et souple, qui permet aux activistes d’exprimer une mutation, existentielle et politique. Face à la perte de puissance des grandes narrations politiques, incarnées par les partis et les syndicats, ceux qui, aujourd’hui, se sentent impliqués en première ligne dans la promotion d’un changement social en direction d’un éco-socialisme ont recours au zapatisme pour affirmer la légitimité d’un expérimentalisme idéologique qui cherche des solutions et des adaptations progressives en réponses aux évolutions permanentes du monde contemporain. A Rome, au sein du « mouvement pour le droit au logement » (« movimento per il diritto alla casa »), qui dialogue avec les institutions municipales, comme à Bologne, où des écrivains militants tentent de véhiculer, à travers le monde de l’édition, l’idée d’un mouvement altermondialiste hétéroclite, les personnes utilisent un discours zapatiste pour évoquer des valeurs liées à la justice sociale comme un bien propre des communautés citoyennes, sujet principale du discours du mouvement. Il apparaît ainsi que le pouvoir évocateur du zapatisme, avec différentes déclinaisons, donne vie au discours « antagoniste » italien, de manière différente selon les lieux où il est produit. La modalité de construction de l’objet ethnographique a donc été celle « de suivre l’histoire » (Marcus, 2009). J’ai donc considéré le zapatisme comme une trame structurée et diffuse sur la résistance mondiale des indigènes du monde contre l’ordre néo-libéral, au nom de la défense de la Terre et de la justice sociale, confrontant cette trame à la réalité de l’analyse ethnographique de différents sites de construction et de diffusion de la narration elle-même. De cette manière, il est apparu que le zapatisme constituait un registre discursif qui permet à différents contextes locaux d’imaginer un « global » et de se mettre en relation avec lui, en fournissant un support narratif à la construction d’un écoumène global altermondialiste.

This thesis addresses the campaign of militant activism which Wales witnessed between 1963 and 1969. It demonstrates that the unprecedented period of violence was fuelled by both the contentious flooding of Cwm Tryweryn and crucially, the failure of Plaid Cymru to prevent the valley's drowning through constitutional means. By not taking passive and timely protest action, Plaid Cymru ensured that militancy, as predominately undertaken by Mudiad Amddiffyn Cymru, became a feature of the Welsh geo-political landscape. Moreover, had the party taken a more sharpened approach during the earlier stages of the proposal, it is likely that the emergence of the so-called Free Wales Army, which campaigned along the lines of using 'propaganda against the Establishment', may well have been avoided. However, this is a view which is challenged by, among others, former members of the displaced community, who maintain that Plaid Cymru - and most notably its president - did all they could to prevent the Tryweryn Reservoir Bill becoming law. Nonetheless, the escalation in militant strategy came in response to the impending Royal Investiture of Charles Windsor as Prince of Wales. In retaliation, the authorities established the so-called Shrewsbury Unit. This was borne of an increasingly desperate attempt to apprehend those responsible, in order to ensure the safety of the Royal Party and the success of the ceremony. By considering the publicity conscious Free Wales Army, the thesis demonstrates that the group undertook one failed militant strike. It also establishes that the militant offensive undertaken by MAC comprised two distinct phases. The first in 1963 was predominately marshalled by Emyr Llywelyn Jones. The second period of hostilities, between 1966 and 1969, was orchestrated by John Jenkins; who critically, was a Sergeant in the British Army Dental Corps. This thesis seeks to reinstate the importance of the militant campaign in Welsh history, neither by judging it nor dismissing it, but by establishing the importance of these protests to both the nation's history and its cultural and political advance. It also establishes the detail of what happened, while seeking to tell the story in a balanced way, paying full attention to the perspective of the perpetrators and those actively engaged in their detection.

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Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

Orientador: Luzia Margareth Rago
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A tese parte do interesse de Michel Foucault pela questão da parrhesía na cultura antiga e das suas reflexões sobre a construção ética do indivíduo. Essa problematização integra os últimos estudos do filósofo, dentre os anos de 1982-1984, dedicados a trabalhar a ética, as estéticas da existência e o cuidado de si no mundo greco-romano. Ela também se insere nas suas reflexões sobre uma "ontologia histórica de nós mesmos", a partir de uma crítica histórica que tem por objetivo libertar e ultrapassar as condições existentes da atualidade. Sublinho, nesse sentido, a mudança que o pensamento de Foucault sofre entre o final da década de 1970 e o início de 1980, especialmente com relação à problemática da verdade. Ao privilegiar a noção antiga de coragem da verdade, ele tenta escapar dos modos predominantes de entendê-la na modernidade, que estão vinculados ao cristianismo e à ciência moderna. Dentro desse contexto, a volta à Antiguidade, pelo estudo da parrhesía socrática e cínica, por exemplo, possibilita a Foucault questionar a figura do "intelectual universal" dominante nos séculos XIX e XX e propor, por meio da figura do "intelectual específico", uma nova relação entre a verdade, a política e a produção do conhecimento. O estudo do GIP (Grupo de Informações sobre as Prisões) mostrou a especificidade da militância do próprio Foucault, ao problematizar a figura do intelectual como o guia das massas, a relação entre teoria e prática, a partilha entre proletariado e lúmpen-proletariado, a noção de autocrítica, etc. Dentre o pensamento e a experiência de Foucault, emerge uma ética do intelectual comprometida com a recusa da individualização e da sujeição promovidas pelo Estado moderno e com a tarefa urgente de elaborar, em sua atualidade, uma ética que aposta na criação de novos modos de viver
Abstract: This thesis handles the interest of Michel Foucault in the question of parrhesia in the ancient culture as well as his reflections on the ethical construction of the individual. This problematization integrates the philosopher's late studies, from 1982 to 1984, dedicated to working on the ethics, the aesthetics of existence and the care of the self in the Greco- Roman world. It is also inserted in his considerations on a "historical ontology of ourselves", based on a historical critique that aims at releasing and surpassing the existing conditions of the present time. The change in Foucault's mind between the late 1970 and early 1980, especially in what concerned the problem of the truth, is then highlighted. When favoring the ancient idea of courage of the truth, he tries to escape from the predominant ways to understand the truth in the modernity, which are connected with the christianity and the modern science. In this context, the return to Antiquity through the studies of the Socratic and Cynic parrhesia, for instance, allows Foucault to question the figure of the "universal intellectual" dominant over the nineteenth and twentieth century's and propose, via the figure of the "specific intellectual", a new relation among the truth, the politics and the production of knowledge. The study of GIP (Information Group on Prisons) showed the peculiarity of Foucault's own activism, as it problematized the figure of the intellectual as the guide of the masses, the relation between theory and practice, the distinction between proletariat and the lunpemproletariat, the notion of self-criticism, etc. From among Foucault's thought and experience, it is seen the emergence of the ethics of the intellectual committed to the refusal of the individualization and subjection promoted by the modern State and who urgently aims at creating in his time ethics that invest in the creation of new ways to live
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutor em História

En m'intéressant aux discours de deux groupes en opposition, les antipublicitaires et les publicitaires, j'ai tenté de construire une sociologie de leurs visions du monde et de rapprocher ces analyses des concepts d'idéologie et d'utopie. L'approche est qualitative, elle privilégie l'observation non participante auprès de collectifs militants et l'analyse de discours produits lors d'entretiens semi-directifs ou à l'occasion de publications des acteurs concernés. Ce travail sociologique s'organise autour du triptyque soi, l'autre, le monde. La vision de soi, ou encore le discours sur soi, en tant qu'individu et en tant que collectif, déploie les questions d'identification, d'efficacité, de plaisir, de vocation et d'engagement. A travers deux figures vocationnelles, celle du combattant et celle de l'artiste, l'acteur renforce son identité personnelle, dans le sens d'une définition de soi, en légitimant le rôle qu'il se donne au sein de la société. Ainsi, l'autolégitimation prend place dans la construction de la croyance collective et enclenche le processus de légitimation d'une conception du monde, qu'elle soit en accord ou en rupture avec le système existant. Le regard posé sur l'autre renvoie à une définition et une désignation de l'adversaire, mais le discours révèle aussi une certaine instrumentalisation de l'autre, l'autre pensé comme un moyen de se faire entendre et d'acquérir une légitimité aux yeux du public. Enfin, les notions qui se trouvent interrogées dans cette présentation de soi et de l'autre sont dès lors confrontées à un discours plus général, un regard sur le monde et la société. Le discours se fait constructeur d'évidences en affirmant ce qui est et ce qui doit être. La publicité devient ainsi l'élément sur lequel s'amorce une réflexion critique envers le système économique libéral. Idéologie et utopie sont ainsi analysées comme deux dynamiques à la fois opposées et complémentaires, comme si en fin de compte regarder le monde, c'était déjà mettre en œuvre une volonté de le mettre en ordre.

nÃo hÃ
Este estudo compreende a anÃlise do jornal comunista O Democrata, no perÃodo de 1946 e 1947, na cidade de Fortaleza-Cearà (Brasil). Procuro recuperar o trajeto da imprensa transgressora no Estado, a partir do final do SÃculo XIX, e mostro a relaÃÃo do impresso com a tradiÃÃo da escrita subversiva. Neste trabalho, abordo o documento dentro da perspectiva das interferÃncias e a circularidade do mesmo nos espaÃos pÃblicos da cidade. A partir da fonte principal de pesquisa, tento ampliar a leitura da escrita fazendo uso das fontes orais e documentos relativos ao perÃodo da temÃtica. Avalio, ainda, a participaÃÃo do impresso nas eleiÃÃes e mostro a importÃncia do vespertino para difusÃo das prÃticas e idÃias comunistas.
This study approaches an analysis of the communist newspaper "O Democrata" (in English "The Democrat"), during 1946 and 1947, in Fortaleza-CE, Brazil. It is aimed to recover paths of the transgressing press in the State of CearÃ, from the beginning of the 19th century. It is shown the relation between traditional and subversive written press. This study also approaches documents from interference perspectives and public places where they were sold in Fortaleza. From the main source of the research, it is intended to amplify the comprehension of the speech by the use of oral sources and documents during the years of 1946 and 1947. It is also evaluated the contribution of the written press during the election period and the importance of the evening newspaper in order to diffuse the communist ideas.

Orientador: Maria Stella Martins Bresciani
Dissertação (mestrado)-Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Não informado
Abstract: Not informed
Mestrado
Mestre em História

Orientador: Guilherme do Val Toledo Prado
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: A problemática central desta pesquisa é a formação pessoal e profissional e o tema de investigação é a relação instituições-sujeitos, mais especificamente a relação entre instituições/organizações educativas e profissionais que nelas trabalham. Com o propósito de compreender como se dá essa relação, as mútuas influências que ocorrem e que tipo de profissional tem ações instituintes no ambiente de trabalho, foram tomados como instrumentos de produção de dados 32 memoriais de sujeitos principalmente da área da educação, que narram suas experiências mais significativas em uma ou mais instituições em que atuam ou atuaram. Os dados indicaram que os contextos de trabalho e a cultura que neles predomina, ao mesmo tempo em que são formativos, são também instituídos pelos sujeitos, ainda mais quando estes são militantes na profissão, característica do grupo de autores dos memoriais analisados. Foram dois os conceitos sistematizados ao longo da pesquisa a partir dos dados empíricos e das contribuições teóricas: formação e militância na profissão. Formação, entendida de um ponto de vista amplo, como o conjunto de experiências formativas ao longo da vida, ou seja, todas as experiências que produziram aprendizagens. Militância na profissão, definida como um tipo de atuação própria das pessoas que não poupam tempo e esforços para desenvolver um trabalho de qualidade, que não se satisfazem com nada que não seja 'o seu melhor¿, que em geral desempenham um papel instituinte não só no âmbito de sua atuação específica, mas na instituição como um todo. A resposta da pesquisa para a pergunta-título 'Quem forma quem?¿ é de que, a rigor, ninguém forma ninguém: o sujeito se forma a partir das oportunidades que tem, aquelas que se convertem em experiências de aprendizagem de fato, a partir de sua história anterior, do que valoriza e deseja, das relações que estabelece com o outro. Ao final, como resultado das lições aprendidas, são apresentadas algumas recomendações aos responsáveis pela elaboração e implementação de políticas de educação e de formação, propósito colocado desde o início do trabalho. Também por essa razão, o registro da pesquisa é feito na forma de correspondências endereçadas a esses profissionais
Abstract: The main aim of this study is the professional and personal formation and the investigational thematic is the relation between Institution and Subjects, specifically the relation between Educational Institutions/Organizations and their professionals. Intending to also understand this relation and the existing mutual influences and the type of professional that have ¿instituting¿ action at work, the instruments used to produce the data had been the 32 ¿memorials¿ written by the research subjects, most of them of the educational area, telling their most important experiences in the institutions in which they have worked during their professional life. The data indicated that the work context and its predominant culture are formatives and instituted by the subjects, at the same time, mainly when these subjects are militants on the profession, as the memorials¿s authors. Two concepts were organized during the research through the empirical data and the theoretical contributions: formation and militancy on the profession. Formation means, in an ample point of view, the set of formative experiences during the life, or either, all the experiences that had produced learnings. Militancy on the profession means a type of characteristic performance of the people who don¿t save time or efforts to develop a quality work, who are not pleased with less than their better work and do play ¿instituting¿ role not only on the scope of their specific performance, but on the entire institution. The answer to the question ¿Who does really educate?¿ is: nobody educates anybody, because the subjects form themselves through the existing opportunities that become real learning experiences due to their life history, values, desires, relations with another significant people. At the end, as results from the learned lessons, some recommendations are presented to the responsible ones for design and implement Education and Formation policies. For this same reason, the register of the research were written as a letter addressed to them
Mestrado
Ensino, Avaliação e Formação de Professores
Mestre em Educação

This thesis is an analysis of ‘militant art’ – a type of art activism that is prepared to break the law, use violence against people (including the artists themselves), property, or incite others to do the same, in order to realise a cause. This thesis considers militant art as a continuation of the expanded field of relational aesthetics fused with a renewed interest in 20th century avant-garde art practices and the organisational structure, politics and tactics of the Global Justice Movement – which I conceptualise as a direct response to a lingering post-political spectacular malaise. Although there has been a surge of recent writing about Socially Engaged Participatory Art practices and, to a lesser extent, art activism, the more militant forms are still under-researched. The thesis is divided into two parts: the first is an art historical, theoretical and political analysis; the second uses qualitative research methods to verify and interrogate claims made in the first. A series of ten interviews with contemporary artists (and collectives) and an ethnographical study provide new data on militant art, which are analysed fully in a dedicated chapter. The findings give us insight into the militant artists’ psychology, motivations and tactics providing a description, analysis and definition of hitherto overlooked contemporary practices.

Comment devient-on militant et comment le demeure t-on au fil du temps, dans un contexte de "crise du politique" et de déprise partisane ? Contrairement à ce qu'une lecture hyper-rationaliste des comportements individuels présume, l'engagement suppose que les acteurs assimilent une culture politique spécifique à chaque organisation partisane. A partir d'une enquête qualitative menée auprès de jeunes engagés dans trois partis italiens de "droite" et d' "extrême droite" (Alleanza Nazionale, Lega Nord et Forza Italia), nous avons cherché à mettre au jour les conditions présidant à l'appropriation des cultures politiques et leur transformation / altération au cours du temps, notamment face aux changements liés à la conquête et l'exercice du pouvoir. Nous montrons que l'engagement juvénile repose sur un double mécanisme social a) d'appropriation d'un modèle de société (une cité, un territoire, une mémoire) et de trajectoire militante interne (un type idoine de dévouement, de socialisation et d'avancement) et b) d'indexation entre le discours d'une organisation partisane et le récit biographique, autrement dit l'établissement d'un rapport d'équivalence entre les éléments d'une culture partisane d'une part et les éléments d'une biographie personnelle et sociale d'autre part. L'hypothèse générale que nous défendons est que la mobilisation d'une culture militante par les jeunes sert autant à mettre en cohérence le sens (signification) de leur engagement que le sens (direction) de leur trajectoire militante, au gré des éventuelles bifurcations. En effet, les jeunes militants justifient leur entrée et négocient leur carrière (maintien, ascension, déprise, engagement) sur la base de cette même culture ; ainsi les processus de désengagement trouvent une partie de leurs motifs dans les formes de l'attachement et de l'appartenance au groupe.

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política.
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Este texto investiga as conseqüências da atividade política no movimento ambientalista stricto sensu sobre a vida pessoal do militante e seu reflexo sobre a organização do movimento. Nele é realizado um levantamento das complexas características do ambientalismo # diversidade temática e tipológica, princípios integradores processuais-relacionais, abordagem profunda e ampla, requisição de envolvimento individual e cotidiano, etc. #, um estudo de conceitos sociológicos que permitem pensar a relação entre indivíduo, sociedade e a transformação desta # habitus, estigma, papel social, revolução molecular, self, genericidade e particularidade, etc. # e um conjunto de entrevistas com militantes do movimento ambientalista stricto sensu da cidade de Florianópolis para perceber a pertinência dos conflitos vivenciados pelos militantes para a compreensão do movimento ambientalista. Descobriu-se uma grande rotatividade de militantes no movimento ambientalista, a presença de militantes com interesses divergentes do movimento, um alto grau de afetação emocional decorrente da atividade política e que os militantes mais persistentes são aqueles que conseguem um bom equilíbrio no enfrentamento dos conflitos através da afirmação dos princípios ambientalistas.

I start by first considering the obligations of local authorities to tackle racism. I do this by exploring the legal responsibilities of a local authority, to promote equality of opportunity and by looking at what steps can be taken - considering the civil and criminal legal options available. To pursue the theme of tackling militant racism further, in Chapter three I provide an analysis of racist speech and literature. This involves analysing certain racist materials to see if they could possibly provide grounds for criminal prosecution under British criminal laws. This emphasis on racist literature and material derives from a perception that such material can be potentially damaging in a multi-cultural society, since it can help raise racial tensions between citizens, though it is important to recognise that there is no irrevocable proof that racist literature and materials are directly responsible for racist crime. As I discussed earlier when referring to material from Hounslow, and with regards to "Searchlight material", there does exist some anecdotal evidence that shows that in areas where there is a high incidence of racist material being distributed - racial crime is often on the increase. Chapters four and five are key chapters within my thesis. In Chapter four I outline two key proposals for legislative change, considering the practicalities and problems associated with making it an offence to stir up racial discrimination and/or hatred through the use of 'racially offensive' words. In Chapter five I develop this further, by refining the proposals and giving consideration to determining if, as amended, they are compatible with the (European) 'Convention on Human Rights'. 9-5 Having established my arguments for legislative change, I continue with Chapter six in which I look for a philosophical basis for the changes I propose - with consideration given to jurisprudential elements deriving from the works of John Stuart Mill, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John Rawls. In Chapter seven I look at the Crime & Disorder Act 1998 and a new approach to tackling racist crime which enables courts to pursue a harsher sentencing policy where it is determined that there exists evidence of racial motivation or hostility. Chapter eight provides my concluding comment upon this research.

This study is focused on the spreading wave of militancy in the Muslim youth after 9/11 era.  The role Al Qaeda is researched in understanding this problem in the case study of Pakistan. Al Qaeda is considered as the nursery for the rising of militancy in the Muslims while Pakistan is the birthplace of Al Qaeda. The problem of militancy rose to the alarming level in Pakistan after 9/11 when the Pakistani state started to support the US in the war against terror which Al Qaeda and other Islamists consider as the war against Islam. The recruitment strategies of Al Qaeda and other Pakistani militant groups like Tihreak Taliban Pakistan (TTP or Pakistani Taliban movement) are studied through the discourse analysis. The primary data from the militant sources like the speeches, books and interviews of their leadership and ideologues, their official magazines and press releases are selected for this research. All this data is available in Urdu language which is translated to the English for this research. The theoretical framework of this research is based on the “Soft theory” of Josef Nye (2006) and the “three dimensions of Power” theory of Steven Lukes (2005). The results of this research show that the militants mostly use different types of arguments in their messages to the youth in their efforts for recruiting them to the path of militancy which include mostly the religious arguments. Along with it, they also attract youth to their path on targeting their grievances and hopes. They present to them the path of militancy as an end and the only way of revenge for their all grievances. These results also show that the militants also present militancy to the youth as the only mean for achievement of their various hopes which they believe these Muslims youth cannot get without militancy.

Comment devient-on militant et comment le demeure t-on au fil du temps, dans un contexte de "crise du politique" et de déprise partisane ? Contrairement à ce qu'une lecture hyper-rationaliste des comportements individuels présume, l'engagement suppose que les acteurs assimilent une culture politique spécifique à chaque organisation partisane. A partir d'une enquête qualitative menée auprès de jeunes engagés dans trois partis italiens de "droite" et d' "extrême droite" (Alleanza Nazionale, Lega Nord et Forza Italia), nous avons cherché à mettre au jour les conditions présidant à l'appropriation des cultures politiques et leur transformation / altération au cours du temps, notamment face aux changements liés à la conquête et l'exercice du pouvoir. Nous montrons que l'engagement juvénile repose sur un double mécanisme social a) d'appropriation d'un modèle de société (une cité, un territoire, une mémoire) et de trajectoire militante interne (un type idoine de dévouement, de socialisation et d'avancement) et b) d'indexation entre le discours d'une organisation partisane et le récit biographique, autrement dit l'établissement d'un rapport d'équivalence entre les éléments d'une culture partisane d'une part et les éléments d'une biographie personnelle et sociale d'autre part. L'hypothèse générale que nous défendons est que la mobilisation d'une culture militante par les jeunes sert autant à mettre en cohérence le sens (signification) de leur engagement que le sens (direction) de leur trajectoire militante, au gré des éventuelles bifurcations. En effet, les jeunes militants justifient leur entrée et négocient leur carrière (maintien, ascension, déprise, engagement) sur la base de cette même culture ; ainsi les processus de désengagement trouvent une partie de leurs motifs dans les formes de l'attachement et de l'appartenance au groupe
How can one become and stay an activist in the current context of a "crisis of politics" and a downward trend in party militancy ? Contrary to what the hyper-rationalist analysis of individual behaviours often suggests, involvement depends on social agents assimilating the specific political culture which characterizes each partisan organization. From a qualitative research carried out among the young activists of three Italian right-wing and far right-wing parties (Alleanza Nazionale, Lega Nord and Forza Italia), we intend to identify the conditions that make possible the appropriation of political cultures and their transformation / alteration over time, paying particular attention to the changes which follow from the conquest and the exercice of power. We show that youth activism is built on a double social mechanism : a) an appropriation of a model of society (one city, one trritory, one memory) and of a militant carrer (one appropriate type of dedication, socialization and promotion), and b) an indexation between the discourse of partisan organisation and the biographical narrative. .

Thesis (M.S. in Information Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Glenn E. Robinson, Heather S. Gregg. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-89). Also available in print.

Following the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001, the US government has become increasingly concerned with madrassas, Islamic schools of religious education in Central and South Asia. U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Secretary of State Colin Powell denounced these religious seminaries as radical institutions which produce Islamic jihadists capable of threatening U.S. national security and interests. This thesis examines the history and current evidence available on madrassas. Specifically, it analyzes their historical evolution and reaction to domestic, regional and international developments. It finds that there is little evidence to connect madrassas to transnational terrorism, and that they are not a direct threat to the United States. However, Pakistani madrassas do have ties to domestic and regional violence, particularly Sunni-Shia sectarian violence in Pakistan and the Pakistani-Indian conflict in Kashmir, making them a regional security concern. This thesis argues that the best path for combating religious militancy in madrassas is by helping to create better alternatives to madrassa education, including state run and private schools, and not by targeting madrassas directly.

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This study is related to the discussions about Militant Engagement and particularly deals with the affirmation process of a housing association and its political entrepreneurs in the São Luís metropolitan region. The emergence of this collective agent in 2003 was the local reflection of the change that occurred in the relationship between social movements and the government noticed in the period of redemocratization in Brazil. From this, we observed a relative degree of inclusion of popular sectors in political and administrative institutions. In the Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff governments, the experiences so-called "participatory” have multiplied and become institutionalized. In this manner, social movement organizations activated the "right to the city," "urban reform," and "self-management" symbols have gained ground in planning and implementing housing estates for the grassroots in different parts of the country. In this context, the research attempted to comprehend how the State Association for Support of Popular Housing became representative of the "housing cause" in Maranhão and to trace its specificities, the delineations that such collective agent gave to the issue housing locally, realizing in the process the political role of representation and mediation of this mediator and his individual spokespersons. Thus, this research on a social organization and the militant engagement of its representatives was problematized from the perspective of historical sociology and militant engagement sociology, highlighting the social properties of those who engage, their accumulated attributes, resources detained, individual predispositions to militancy and, on a more general level, to the opportunity spheres and constraining under which this occurs. Considering the genetic, relational and sociographic perspective, the results were obtained through archival research, documentary, participant observation and interviews made with both the organization militants and some activists who graduated from this "problematic" in Maranhão in the first semester 2016.
Este estudo faz parte das discussões acerca do Engajamento Militante e trata, especificamente, do processo de afirmação de uma associação habitacional e de seus empreendedores políticos na região metropolitana de São Luís/MA. A emergência desse agente coletivo em 2003 foi o reflexo local da mudança ocorrida na relação entre movimentos sociais e Estado observada no período de redemocratização do Brasil. Observou-se a partir daí relativo grau de inclusão de setores populares nas instituições político administrativas. Nos governos de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff as experiências ditas “participativas” se multiplicaram e se institucionalizaram. Aí organizações de movimentos sociais acionando os símbolos “direito à cidade”, “reforma urbana” e “autogestão” ganharam espaço no planejamento e implementação de conjuntos habitacionais para as camadas populares em várias partes do país. Nesse contexto, a pesquisa tentou compreender como a Associação Estadual de Apoio à Moradia Popular se tornou representante da “causa habitacional” no Maranhão e localizar suas especificidades, os delineamentos que tal agente coletivo deu à questão habitacional localmente, percebendo no processo o papel político de representação e mediação desse agente e de seus porta-vozes individuais. Assim, esta pesquisa sobre uma organização social e o engajamento militante de seus representantes foi problematizada na perspectiva da sociologia histórica e sociologia do engajamento militante, dando relevo às propriedades sociais daqueles que se engajam, seus atributos acumulados, recursos detidos, predisposições individuais para a militância e, no plano mais geral, às esferas de oportunidades e constrangimentos sob as quais isso ocorre. Considerando a perspectiva genética, relacional e sociográfica, os resultados foram obtidos por meio de pesquisa arquivística, documental, observação participante e por meio de realização de entrevistas tanto com os militantes da entidade quanto com alguns ativistas egressos dessa “problemática” no Maranhão no primeiro semestre de 2016

L’objectif de cette thèse est de décrire la société formée par les militants du Front national, parti politique fondé en 1972 mais qui n'a véritablement émergé sur la scène électorale que dix ans plus tard. Un chapitre préliminaire cherche à comptabiliser l'ampleur du phénomène et à présenter la répartition géographique des membres du Front national. La première partie comporte ensuite une étude sociologique des adhérents du mouvement d'extrême droite en fonction des critères fondamentaux que sont le sexe, l’âge, l'éducation reçue, les diplômes obtenus, la profession, la pratique religieuse, l'environnement familial et le passé politique des partisans de Jean-Marie Le Pen nous y détaillons également leur présence au sein d'éventuelles tendances internes (catholiques traditionalistes révolutionnaires. . . ), des syndicats, des associations et des cercles nationaux. La seconde partie traite plus spécifiquement des diverses motivations poussant les sympathisants à adhérer au Front national mais parfois aussi à le quitter. Nous y rendons compte des rétributions du militantisme, des journaux lus, de de la formation octroyée par le FN et des activités exercées par les militants. Enfin, nous y analysons les idées, croyances et valeurs des militants sur les sujets importants que sont l'immigration, l'éducation, la peine de mort, la monarchie ou l'avortement
The objective of this thesis is to describe the society formed by the militants of the national front, a political party founded in 1972 but which only really emerged on the electoral scene ten years later. A preliminary chapter is attempting to account for the extent of the phenomenon and to present the geographic distribution of the members of the national front. Then, the first part includes a sociological study of the adherents of that extreme right movement according to fundamental criterions such as sex, age, the education received, the diplomas obtained, profession, religious practices, the family environment and the politic past of Jean-Marie Le Pen advocates. Also we explain in detail their presence within possible internal tendencies (traditionalist Catholics, royalists, followers of the new right, Bonapartists, nationalist-revolutionists. . . ), unions associations and national groups. The second part more specifically deals with the diverse motivations which encourage the sympathizers to adhere to the national front but sometimes to leave it too. We account for the remunerations of activism, of the newspapers which are read, of the formation granted by the FN and of the activities practiced by the militants. Finally, we analyses the ideas, beliefs and values of the militants on important subjects such as immigration, education, death penalty, monarchy or abortion

This thesis examines the lives of Senior Chief Koinange wa Mbiyu and his eldest son, Peter Mbiyu Koinange. It joins with the growing rise of biographical work within African Studies. It challenges the historical understanding of late colonial rule in Kenya and the role of official myth in pre- and post-independence historical narratives. Koinange wa Mbiyu was the patriarch of one of the most respected, wealthy, and politically influential Kikuyu families of Kenya's colonial and post-colonial period. His eldest son, Peter Mbiyu, received a prestigious education abroad and returned to Kenya where he became a prominent leader for African independent education African political action. Koinange and Peter bear frequent mention in academic discussions of collaboration, discontent, nationalism, and militancy in Kenya's colonial era. This thesis challenges the widely held narrative that Koinange and Peter embraced militant politics opposing colonial rule during the 1940s. While fitting larger understandings of decolonisation, it is not an honest depiction of the Koinange's political actions. As a result, this thesis is intentionally a work of revisionist history that looks to the profound changes in the culture and nature of colinal rule during the 1940s, rather than a political shift in the Koinanges. In addition to challenging the prevalent understanding of Koinange and Peter's political action, this thesis raises a number of areas - gender, wealth, elite and family dynamics, to name a few - where the Koinange family history would further illuminate the historical understanding of the colonial era. This thesis is a dual biography, crafted as a work of narrative history. It challenges a breadth of current scholarship, utilizing the largest collection of pre-Mau Mau archival records to date. This thesis engages with a number of historiographical challenges related to biography, the individual, the family, and the challenges of oral history shaped in the crucible of cultural crisis.

Ce travail est une réflexion qui porte sur la nature du militantisme aux C. E. M. E. A. , sur ce qui anime les militants pédagogiques et sur ce qui peut les définir dans une approche de nature avant tout psycho-sociologique. Le propre du discours des militants pédagogiques tel qu'il a été recueilli ici sous forme d'entretiens non pré-structuré est qu'il organise le militantisme apparemment sur la seule scène du stage de formation. On peut penser que le stage est à la fois but et moyen du militantisme condensant ainsi autant l'espoir d'un avenir social (socialiste) radieux que le terme même de cette échéance sur le lieu de l'exercice militant. Le discours des militants est référé aux "principes" propres au mouvement. Ceux-ci proposent une mythologie qui s'organise en véritable "vision du monde" pédagogisée qui amène à penser les rapports sociaux au travers du prisme des rapports pédagogiques tels qu'ils existent en stage: celui-ci véritable mini-société permet que s'établissent des relations qui apparaissent comme idéales. Dans le même temps se produit une dénégation (au sens Freudien) de la réalité extérieure. On peut penser que les militants des C. E. M. E. A. Inscrivent leur demande singulière dans un système d'offre (la mythologie) institutionnelle. Cette demande quant à elle organise les conditions individuelles du militantisme, et peut s'analyser comme demande d'amour, de changement personnel et enfin désir diffus de savoir. Au terme de notre problématique nous poserons la question de la pertinence du substantif militant : les satisfactions personnelles ne sont-elles pas premières au détriment d’une vocation qui reste présentée comme sociale ? les militants ne promeuvent-ils pas une valeur vérité qui n’aurait qu’un strict usage personnel ? le militantisme pédagogique n’est-il pas en définitive une aire typique d’illusion?
This work is a reflextion on the nature of militancy inside the C. E. M. E. A. , about what animates and how they can be defined in an approach which is above all psycho-sociological. The characteristic of the speech such as it is setted down here in the form of unprompted talks, is that it apparently organizes activism on the one and only scene of training premises. In this way, training is the aim together with the means of militancy thus condensing the hope of a social (socialist) beaming future as well as the expiration of that delay on the premises of militant action. The activists' speech refers to principles peculiar to the movement. These ones propose a mythology which is organized in a genuine pedagogically "vision of the world". It leads to conceive social relationships through the prism of pedagogical relations such as they exist in the training: this period of probation, true mini-society, allows relations which appear as ideal. In the same time arise a denial (as in the Freudian sense of the word) of the outside reality. We can think that militants'peculiar request proceeds from a system of institutional offer. Concerning this request, it determines individual motivations of activism and can be analysed as a request for love, a personal need to change and lastly a diffuse yearning for knowledge. At the end of our work, we will question the relevance of substantive “militant”: do not personal satisfactions come first and prejudice a vocation refered as social ? do not activists promote thruth as a standard when they only make a personal use of it ? Could pedagogical activism finality be a typical illusion area ?

Le portrait de gautier en "militant du romantisme" peut paraitre aussi evident que contestable : si d'un cote le gilet rouge crea le celebre stereotype du "soldat", de l'autre le ralliement de l'ecrivain au second empire, son asservissement journalistique, et plus profondement la resistance du romantisme a toute circonscription definitionnelle compromettent la credibilite d'une telle representation. Parce qu'elle tente d'explorer les langages d'un militantisme "vivant", polymorphe et tenace, cette recherche transversale tient compte de la diversite de l'oeuvre, qu'elle soit critique, poetique ou narrative. Trois "strates" du discours militant sont ainsi abordees, de ses plus visibles affleurements a ses formes les plus cryptiques : celle des textes violemment polemiques tournes contre le fleau bourgeois; celle des articles "pedagogiques" de gautier "conseiller" esthetique, artisan d'une reconciliation du poete et du prince; celle, plus enfouie, des representations poetiques ou s'inscrit l'expression sublimee de ses convictions. Notre premiere partie concerne donc essentiellement les ecrits jeunes-france, la polemique des grotesques, les insolences de mademoiselle de maupin ou du figaro. . . La seconde extrait une critique du monde moderne, de ses realisations esthetiques ou techniques, et tache de montrer sa compatibilite avec l'hugolatrie. La troisieme enfin, exhumant le militantisme irreductible enterre dans les couches profondes du capitaine fracasse, de tableaux de siege et de nombreux autres recits, analyse cette poetique du regard amoral qui constitue l'essence de la resistance romantique
To portray gautier as a staunch advocate of romanticism may seem as much of an evidence as a questionable representation - if, on one hand, the "gilet rouge" coined the famous stereotype of the soldier, on the other hand, the writer's rallying to the "second empire", his subservience as a journalist, and more basically the way romanticism resists any definition, put into question such a representation. This multifaceted research takes into account the variety of gander's works whether they are critics, poems, narration, for it attempts to explore the languages of a lively polymorphous, deep-seated militancy. Thus three layers of the militant discourse are being dealt with, from its most visible signs to its most secret forms - first, the highly polemical texts attacking the bourgeois scourge; then the educational articles of gautier as an aesthetical adviser as well as the architect of a reconciliation between the poet and the prince; finally, the deepest layer of the poetical representations where the sublimated expression of his convictions is to be found. Hence, for the most part, my first section shall examine the "jeunes-france" writings, the controversial nature of les grotesques, the insolent mood of mademoiselle de maupin or the figaro. My next section shall reveal a critical outlook on the modem world with its aesthetical and technical achievements. I shall also try to determine to what extent it might be compatible with the "hugolatrie". Finally, in my last section, i shall analyze the poetics of the amoral vision - which is at the basis of the romantic resistance - by digging up the irreducible militancy buried in the deepest strata of capitaine fracasse, tableaux de siege and many other stories

Reproduction de : Habilitation à diriger des recherches : Lettres et Sciences humaines : Lille 1 : 2004.
Synthèse des travaux. N° d'ordre (Lille 1) : 433. Résumé. Titre provenant de la page de titre du document numérisé. Bibliogr. p. 204-214. Notes bibliogr. Liste des publications et communications.

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Since 2001, the West has focused on the insurgency along the Afghan-Pakistani border. The minimal achievements of Pakistans counterinsurgency operations drew U.S. scrutiny. Skeptics accused Pakistan of not being serious about eliminating Islamic militants. Pakistan has opposed, supported, or ignored Islamic militant groups. Both domestic and transnational issues complicate Islamabads decision-making ability. This thesis evaluates to what extent India, Islamic affinity, and Pashtun nationalism shaped Pakistans counterinsurgency strategy. The perceived existential Indian threat creates a security dilemma for the Pakistani military. Pakistan lacks the capacity to fight a two-front war without international assistance. Islamabads instrumental use of Islamic groups to achieve political and strategic objectives allows Islamist to become intertwined with the state. Strategic successes of the military-militant nexus created deep-rooted sympathies toward Islamic militants that make implementing counterinsurgency policies problematic. Fearing Pashtun nationalism, the Pakistan armys deployment in the region was minimal, and instead, Pashtun tribal leaders were unprotected against radical elements. The Mullahs growing strength upset the balance of authority within the tribal governance system. The spread of radical fundamentalism outside the FATA region forced Islamabad to react.

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The present study analyses the press organized by the Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB), a fascist orientation group that existed in Brazil between 1932 and 1937. As first mass movement nationally structured in the country to have great social expression, it had radically utilized a network of newspapers and magazines in order to expand its politics’ ideology, attract new adepts and indoctrinate its militants within its basic principles. The integralist press aimed all the sectors that were susceptible to its speech and “universalize” its ideological presuppositions, independently of gender, age, creed or ethnicity. Since that, the web of periodicals settled by the AIB has had a fundamental role for the considerable movement’s acceptation – superior to five hundred thousand members – in Brazil in the years of 1930.
O presente estudo analisa a imprensa organizada pela Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB), grupo de orientação fascista que existiu no Brasil entre 1932 e 1937. Como primeiro movimento de massas estruturado nacionalmente no país a ter grande expressão social, utilizou radicalmente uma rede de jornais e revistas com o objetivo de expandir sua ideologia política, atrair novos adeptos e doutrinar seus militantes dentro de seus princípios básicos. A imprensa integralista tinha por finalidade atingir todos os setores que eram suscetíveis ao seu discurso e “universalizar” os seus pressupostos ideológicos defendidos pelo movimento, independente de gênero, faixa etária, credo ou etnia. A partir disto, a rede de periódicos montada pela AIB teve um papel fundamental para a considerável aceitação do movimento – superior a quinhentos mil filiados – no Brasil dos anos de 1930.

Memoria para optar al Título Profesional de Periodista
El siguiente reportaje tiene como objetivo describir las formas de participación en política por parte de la ciudadanía, más específicamente las de aquellas personas que deciden ingresar a militar a un partido. El panorama actual por el que atraviesan estas colectividades se configura gracias a la mirada de ocho militantes de diferentes partidos, quienes dan cuenta de cómo han cambiado las formas de participación a través del tiempo. En la investigación también se incluyen datos que permiten comprender el nivel de participación que tiene el resto de la ciudadanía no militante, como así también las formas alternativas con las cuales la gente comienza a participar de la política.

Historiquement, l'apparition du sida a opéré des branchements inédits entre l'intime et lepolitique. Investiguer les motivations des militants d'Act Up-Paris, association de lutte contrele sida « issue de la communauté homosexuelle », leurs façons d'user de la mort dans lavisibilisation du combat ou les artifices inventés pour maintenir « vive et inspirée » l'identitédu groupe jette un éclairage particulier sur ce qu'on peut entendre par empowerment, entre unrapport récalcitrant aux savoirs constitués de la science et de la médecine et uneexpérimentation autour du commun, comme ce qui fonde et ce que vise tout à la fois l'actionpolitique
Historically, the emergence of AIDS operated unprecedented connections between theintimate and the political. Investigating the motivations of the activists of the « born of thegay community » anti-AIDS association Act Up-Paris, their ways to make use of death in aneffort to make their fight visible or the artifices devised in order to maintain « the livelinessand inspirational force » of the group's identity sheds a peculiar light on what empowermentcould mean, somewhere between a reluctant relationship with science and medicines'spowers-that-be and an experimentation around the community, envisioned as both theground and the aim of political action

Ce travail s'intéresse aux enjeux esthétiques et à la fabrication dramaturgique de l'acte théâtral militant en France, de 1966 à 1979. Est défini comme acte dramatique militant " toute forme théâtrale inscrite dans une lutte dont elle souhaite être soit l'auxiliaire, soit l'instrument, soit l'une des actions " et qui s'ordonne en regard de combats concrets et présents. C'est en fonction de son hétéronomie référentielle (théorique ou concrète) que peut s'appréhender cet acte théâtral. Il convient dès lors d'étudier celui-ci dans les enjeux politiques qu'il se donne et qui interrogent ses processus de création, ses thèmes d'inspiration et ses réceptions. Trois niveaux d'apparition et d'application militante sont successivement distingués : d'une part, la séance théâtrale pensée comme manifestation politique, d'autre part, celui des dramaturgies en fonction du type de référents qu'elles se choisissent, et enfin, la production politique et esthétique de telles formes
This study focuses on the aesthetic stakes and on the dramatic art's achievements of the militant action in the drama which took place in France from 1966 to 1979. Should be considered as a militant dramatic action " any dramatic expression which, in support of a fight, aims at being either an helper, or an instrument, or one of its specific aspects " and which is structured alongside with the concrete and prescript fightings. The dramatic performance can only be understood in accordance with the heteronomy of its references (whether theoritical or dramatical). Then it has to be addressed in the light of political stakes, the making process, the inspiring topics and its receptivity. Three different levels of militant appearance and practice are successively examined : on one hand, the dramatic play as a political demonstration, on the orther hand the various forms of dramatic art depending on the selected references and lastly, the political and aesthetic achievements of such expressions

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
MST was officially founded in 1984 and is nowadays present at 23 states and the federal district. It involves nearly 1.5 million people and about 400 thousand are at camps. Its main aims, since the foundation, are: fighting for land, fighting for land reform, and fighting for a more fraternal and fair society (MST, 2009). Having passed more than 25 years of existence, many conquered their land, but land reform and the desired social transformations, ideals that move militants, are still far from achievement. Before this context, this research has asked: how do militants experience the distance between current society and the society they fight for, which is equal and fraternal to all? How do they experience the tension between living in a capitalist society supporting socialist values and ideals? How is tension between demanding and charges from collective (MST) and the ideals (social and psychic ambits) present at militants‟ everyday life? These questions were formulated from what the MST militants themselves present as being the dilemmas they face and they constitute as object of research of this thesis. The theoretical reference adopted was psychoanalysis and research methodology psychoanalytical intervention research. It was built on Freud‟s idea (2007/1927) that some classes, groups, and subjects pay more‟ sacrifice to live in the culture and developed the hypothesis that the militant, for not accepting this more‟ of sacrifice imposed by his class, ends up paying more‟ for his militant condition, what does not simply mean exchange this more‟ sacrifice for other, as new sacrifices are paid with a social place inside MST and with the possibility of a subject narcissistic revitalization, that is, they are paid with more‟ satisfaction enabled by ideals adhesion. In order to the ideals keep moving the subjects, it is necessary that between them and the current state of the subject or society always exist some distance. Something should always be missing so that the desire keeps flowing, but what misses to the subjects not be woeful, is to be based on a future project, some hope. This is what MST does: offer to subjects a future Project, a hope. Its militants afford the desire that moves them, but always bet on it, even if it costs them a pound of flesh
O Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) foi fundado oficialmente em 1984 e atualmente está presente em 23 estados e no Distrito Federal. Envolve cerca de 1,5 milhão de pessoas, das quais aproximadamente 400 mil estão em acampamentos. Seus principais objetivos, desde sua fundação, são: lutar pela terra, lutar pela reforma agrária e lutar por uma sociedade mais justa e fraterna . (MST, 2009). Passados mais de 25 anos de existência do MST, muitos conquistaram a terra, mas a reforma agrária e as almejadas transformações sociais, ideais que movem os militantes, ainda estão longe da concretização. Diante deste contexto, nesta pesquisa indagou-se: como os militantes vivenciam a distância entre a sociedade atual e a sociedade pela qual eles lutam, uma sociedade justa e fraterna para todos? Como os militantes vivenciam a tensão existente entre viver em uma sociedade capitalista sustentando valores e ideais socialistas? Como se faz presente no cotidiano dos militantes a tensão existente entre as exigências e cobranças do coletivo (MST) e do próprio sujeito (supereu) e os ideais (sociais e instância psíquica)? Estas questões foram formuladas a partir do que os próprios militantes do MST apresentaram como sendo os dilemas que eles enfrentam em seu cotidiano e constituem o objeto de investigação dessa tese. Os referenciais teóricos adotados foram a psicanálise e a metodologia de pesquisa pesquisa-intervenção psicanalítica. Partiu-se da ideia de Freud (1927) de que algumas classes, grupos e sujeitos pagam um a mais de sacrifício para viver na cultura e desenvolveu-se a hipótese de que o militante, ao não aceitar o a mais de sacrifício imposto para sua classe, acaba pagando um a mais por sua condição de militante, o que não significa apenas trocar um a mais de sacrifício por outro, pois os novos sacrifícios são pagos com um lugar social dentro do MST e com a possibilidade de uma revitalização narcísica dos sujeitos, ou seja, são pagos com um a mais de satisfação possibilitada pela adesão a ideais. Para que os ideais continuem movendo os sujeitos, é necessário que entre eles e o estado atual − seja do sujeito seja da sociedade sempre deve existir uma distância. Algo sempre deve faltar para que o desejo siga seu curso, mas o que falta para os sujeitos não serem lançados na angústia deve-se ancorar em um projeto de futuro, em uma esperança. É isto que faz o MST: oferece aos sujeitos, um projeto de futuro, uma esperança. Seus militantes pagam o preço pelo desejo que os move, mas nem por isto deixam de apostar no desejo, mesmo que lhes custe uma libra de carne

Auguste Blanqui (1805-81) is arguably at once the most important and most overlooked revolutionary of the nineteenth century. This thesis aims to shed new light on Blanqui’s thought by examining his unpublished manuscripts and recent anthologies of his writings that have yet to receive sustained critical engagement. I contend that politics is the central category through which to read and interpret Blanqui’s entire project. To this end, I reconstruct what I take to be the fundamental elements of Blanqui’s politics, arguing that it remains rooted at every moment in his concept of ‘pensée-volonté’, or conscious volition. This groundwork provides a platform from which I advance my own readings as well as engaging with previous interpretations that, though stimulating and useful, nonetheless often remain limited because of their incomplete view of Blanqui’s overall body of work. More than previous studies, I seek to resituate Blanqui within the wider revolutionary tradition from which he has hitherto been largely excluded that begins with Jean-Jacques Rousseau and continues through Karl Marx to Che Guevara, showing the extent to which Blanqui advanced and developed the political assumptions of those who preceded him on the one hand, and anticipated the politics of those who succeeded him on the other. Unlike all previous studies, I read Blanqui with and through more recent political thought as a means to both better critically assess Blanqui and to explore in turn how he can contribute to contemporary theoretical discussions. I suggest that despite his limitations with regard to questions of popular consciousness and the contexts and conditions of political struggles, in many crucial respects Blanqui lucidly outlines some of the basic elements of collective political action in his time and our own, from the subjective requirements of political actors to the rejection of historical necessity.

Art History
M.A.
A glistening armada advances--airborne atomic assailants, the Christian soldiers of the nuclear age. Barrels fixed, scopes centered, abstracted pilots attentive and alert, James Hampton's colossal assemblage The Throne of the Third Heaven of the Nations' Millennium General Assembly (c. 1950-1964), an anticipatory altar of Christ's Second Coming, threatens viewer annihilation. Radiating foils besiege spectators in total illumination. Hampton's friend Otelia Whitehead, who viewed the work in its creator's company, recalled, "it was like the wings of Gabriel were beating in...extremely bright light." The Throne's lustrous reflection evokes its historical moment, an era entrenched in glaring fears of nuclear holocaust. Despite pervasive mid-century malaise and Hampton's direct participation in World War II, previous studies largely neglect his Cold War consciousness, focusing instead on the altar's Christian character. Radiating foil, evocations of WWII aircraft, and apocalyptic allusions to President Harry Truman, I contend, conspire to lend this evangelical altar secular urgency at the advent of the "atomic age."
Temple University--Theses

This thesis argues that a strong correlation exists between Islamic militancy and socio-economic and political conditions. Under 'normal' everyday conditions, passive elements of the Islamic community, the mutadayyin, dominate, but in times of crisis or challenge, it is the militants, the isl amiyyin, who react against the state, its institutions and its employees. The Egypt of Anwar al-S ad at (1970-1981) will be used in order to test this hypothesis. The everyday conditions in which the people live, work and survive will be examined in order to establish the constant, the invariable. These conditions include the sectarian strife between Muslims and Copts, especially in Upper Egypt; overpopulation; the lack of housing; the failure of education; the debt burden; the cost of war with Israel, and the 'brain-drain' from Egypt to the oil-rich countries. These aspects encouraged an increase in religiosity, both Muslim and Coptic. Egypt however was also faced with three periods of crisis during S ad at's presidency, namely the October War (1973), the 'open-door' economic policy of infit ah (April 1974+)/the Bread Riots (January 1977), and the peace process with Israel (November 1977+). Shortly after each period, the militants reacted against the state. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

Longtemps, on a défini l'UDF comme un " parti de notables ". Cette typologie, pourtant, ne rend qu'imparfaitement compte des spécificités de cette organisation. En croisant l'approche sociétale et l'approche organisationnelle des partis politiques, on voit que le parti centriste est bien plus complexe qu'il n'y paraît. Tant l'identité de ses adhérents, marqués par une forte culture catholique et par le refus de tout forme d'enrégimentement, que la trajectoire de ses élus, caractérisée par un passé de militant dans le champ associatif, expliquent pourquoi ses frontières sont poreuses. Aussi, sa faiblesse bureaucratique et son caractère fortement décentralisé nous éclairent sur les raisons pour lesquelles le centrisme en France est traversé par de multiples crises. La candidature de François Bayrou à l'élection présidentielle de 2002 et le départ de nombreux élus centristes vers l'UMP qui a suivi, doivent être compris dès lors comme la conséquence du caractère " ingouvernable " de cette institution partisane.

Olive Senior (née en 1941), écrivain jamai͏̈cain, a atteint la notoriété en 1987 lorsque le Prix Commonwealth Writers' Prize lui fut attribué pour son premier recueil de nouvelles Summer Lightning and Other Stories publié en 1986. Deux autres recueils lui ont fait suite : Arrival of the Snake-Woman and Other Stories (1989) et Discerner of Hearts and Other Stories (1995). Dans ces trois recueils elle questionne l'histoire de la Jamai͏̈que au regard de l'influence du colonialisme dont certains effets se font encore sentir dans le pays. Elle la questionne également au regard des responsabilités du peuple jamai͏̈cain dans la situation actuelle d'inféodation aux valeurs occidentales blanches et, plus particulièrement, américaines. Elle exploite l'attitude ludique propre à la lecture pour créer un espace de réflexion quant aux difficultés que le Jamai͏̈cain rencontre pour faire entendre sa propre voix. Elle l'invite à s'engager sur le chemin du changement et à créer son propre texte. Pour ce faire, elle s'inspire de la tradition carnavalesque afin de le doter d'une palette d'outils pour l'aider à libérer l'expression de sa subjectivité
Born in 1941, Olive Senior, a Jamaican writer, became famous in 1987 when she received the Commonwealth Writers' Prize for her first collection of short stories Summer Lightning and Other Stories published in 1987. Two other collections were to follow : Arrival of the Snake-Woman and Other Stories (1989) and Discerner of Hearts and Other Stories (1995). In each of the three collections she questions the history of Jamaica in relation to the influence of colonialism on the life of the people. She equally questions it as to its responsibility in embracing the white Western values, especially the American ones, only too readily. She uses the playful spirit inherent in the reading activity to design a didactic game in which she invites the Jamaican reader to ponder over his/her difficulties to find a different original voice. She also suggests that changing some of his/her cultural habits might prove helpful. To do so she equips him/her with a variety of ways of liberating his/her subjectivity in which she resorts to the carnaval tradition

This thesis discusses the revisions of the Egyptian Islamic Group and al-Jihād Organisation with a special focus on the theology and ideology of the two movements. The main question is: how could these groups revise their thought using Islamic theological arguments though their previous pro-violence thought was also based on Islamic theological arguments. Textual analysis, coupled with the relevant aspects of framing literature, is the main tool used to discuss the ideology of the two groups and answer the research questions. Yet, the thesis also provided extended literature review of the topic as well as historical sociopolitical and economic accounts of the two organisations in order situate the texts in their proper contexts and link thought to action. The thesis provides detailed description and analysis of the two groups’ ideologies and concludes that one of them has genuinely revised its thought while the other has not. After explaining how this change has happened in theological textual as well as in framing terms, the thesis provides an analysis on why one group could change while the other could not. The thesis shows the level of change in any Jihadist movement thought corresponds with the level of concepts it transfers from the static to the flexible sides of the Sharia, and that the nature and original objectives of each group at the time of its establishment play a great role in any revision process when violence proves counterproductive to the original objectives of that group. The thesis also proves that it is not just the ideas or ideological arguments that matter but also the process through which these ideas and arguments are framed. In addition, the fact that only one of the two groups has genuinely changed while both have undergone the same structural sociopolitical and economic conditions in the same country shows the failure of structural sociopolitical and economic approaches in explaining the reasons of violence and revisions of Islamist movements in causal terms, and illustrates the ability of the textual approach to reveal facts and secrets that other approaches could not.

Les travaux présentés pour cette thèse concernent des mouvements islamistes apparus dans les années 1980 et 1990 au Pakistan et plus particulièrement des mouvements impliqués dans les violences confessionnelles entre sunnites et chiites. Nos travaux s'efforcent de démontrer que la religion n'est qu'un prétexte et que le conflit est le reflet de tensions socio-économiques et de rivalités entre groupes sociaux en compétition pour le pouvoir au niveau local. L'approche sécuritaire souvent privilégiée et qui insiste sur l'instrumentalisation des groupes radicaux par l'Etat pakistanais néglige les dynamiques d'une société très complexe ainsi que le cadre idéologique et la continuité historique dans lesquels ils s'inscrivent. Nous avons analysé les dynamiques et les causes des violences à travers l'exemple du Sipah-e Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), mouvement extrémiste sunnite, dans le contexte de Jhang (Penjab), en appliquant le cadre de la théorie des mouvements sociaux. Cette approche a permis de construire, à partir du paradigme de Jhang, un modèle d'explication des dynamiques sociales au Pakistan. Nos travaux examinent les déclinaisons de ce paradigme dans d'autres mouvements : groupes chiites, taliban pakistanais des zones tribales, mouvements salafistes et taliban afghans
Our research deals with Islamist groups which emerged in the 1980s and the 1990s in Pakistan, and particularly groups implicated in thez Sunni-Shia sectarian conflict. We assume that religion is only a pretext and that the conflict is the result of socio-economic tensions and of the rivalry between social groups competing for power at the local level. The security approach often dominant which highlights the instrumentalization of radical groups by the Pakistani State ignores the dynamics of a very complex society as well as the ideological framework and the historical continuity into which these groups inscribe themselves. We analyzed the dynamics and the causes of the violence through a study of the Sipah-e Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), a Sunni extremist group, in the context of Jhang (Punjab) using a framework borrowed from the social movement theory. This approach enabled us to build, from the Jhang paradigm, a model applicable to social dynamics in Pakistan. This model was applied to other movements : Shia groups, Pakistani taliban in the Tribal areas, Salafi groups and Afghan taliban

Alors que la sociologie des relations professionnelles contourne les processus sociaux faisant du militant un acteur des negociations, pour ne l'apprehender qu'une fois defini institutionnellement, il faudrait egalement cerner les conditions anterieures de l'engagement syndical. La presence du mandataire sur la scene professionnelle ne va pas de soi, mais renvoie a des determinations sociales et symboliques ou entrent en compte, certes, les interets du personnel le mandatant, mais aussi les interets propres au champ militant. Ces derniers sont d'une nature telle qu'ils creent les conditions d'une adhesion ethique garantissant la reproduction du groupe syndical et des pratiques qui en sont constitutives. L'entreprise miniere ou s'est deroulee l'enquete par entretiens reunissait precisement les conditions rendant cette adhesion particulierement efficace : il s'est avere que les agents se devouent d'autant mieux a leur cause quand ces interets specifiques peuvent se realiser sous formes de gratifications symboliques (notoriete, honneur, dignite, relations sociales etc. . . ). Celles-ci constituent finalement la retribution par excellence, jamais voulue consciemment, d'actes dont le desinteressement affiche ne souffrirait par ailleurs aucune compromission materielle. A l'instar du sacrifice etudie par henri hubert et marcel mauss, ce militantisme" se presente donc sous un double aspect" car, d'une certaine facon, "le desinteressement s'y mele a l'interet"
While the sociology of industrial relationships circumvents the social process, which conseder the militant as an actor, not to be dealt with unless it has been institutionnaly defined, it is also necessary to deal with the earlier conditions of this committment. The presence of the proxy in the professionnel setting is not self-obvious but, as such, it refers to some social and symbolic determinations where are taken into account both the stuff's interest and those of the militancy. These are of such a nature that they create the conditions of an ethical adherence which, in turn, assurs the reproduction of the trade-union's group and the practices attached to it. The mining enterprise where we made our inquiry by means of interviews has gathered the conditions which make that adherence specially efficient : it has been revealed that the actors are devoted much better to their cause when these specific interest can be achieved under symbolic bonus forms (fame, honor, dignity, social relations etc. . . ) ; these actually constitute, above all, the never-consciously-wanted reward of acts whose displayed disinterestedness suffers from no material compromise. Following the example of the sacrifice studied by henri hubert and marcel mauss, this militancy is "therefore present under a double aspect" because, in a certain way, "disinterestedness is mingled with interest"

Saisir l'oeuvre de Paul Delarue, l'auteur du catalogue des contes populaires français, c'est envisager le processus qui a conduit à légitimer la tradition orale dans la composition des contes. L'itinéraire de Paul Delarue articule trois domaines: l'éducation qui passe par son métier d'instituteur engagé dans le syndicalisme enseignant et l'éducation populaire, la botanique et l'étude du conte. Nous en montrons l'interaction dans le formation du folkloriste comme dans la signification d'une oeuvre où "conte", "enfance", "école" et "éducation populaire" sont intimement liés. Travailleur infatigable, il affine sa connaissance du conte oral, de sa collecte et de sa transcription dans le patient traitement des manuscrits d'Achille Milien qui forment la base du Conte populaire français commencé en 1946 et poursuivi à ce jour. Mais, c'est au travers de l'édition de deux recueils pour enfants, L'Amour des trois oranges et Incarnat blanc et or et dans l'étude des sources orales du Petit Chaperon rouge de Charles Perrault que se dévoile la portée théorique de cette oeuvre qui constitue une rupture épistémologique dans l'étude du conte: désormais il s'agira de considérer l'ensemble des versions d'un conte, orales ou littéraires, de les comparar entre elles, d'en apprécier les variations afin de parvenir à une connaissance intime du conte plutôt que d'en rechercher de chimériques origines ou de lui infliger des interprétations fantaisistes
Comprehending Paul Delarue's work, the author of the French folktale catalogue, means considering the process that led to justify oral tradition in composition of tales. His carreer is based on three areas: education, through his work as teacher committed teacher trade unionism and public education, botany and the study of tales. His training as a folklorist comes from interaction of these three topics as well as in his work whenre "story", "childhood", "school" and "popular education" are closely linked. As tireless worker, he refined his knowledge of oral tale, from its collection to its transcription by his careful processing of Achille Milien's manuscripts. These documents forming the basis of popular French tale began in 1946 and has continued up to now. But it is while publishing two children books, L'Amour des trois oranges and Incarnat blanc et or and while studying oral sources of the Little Red Riding Hood by Charles Perrault, that the theoretical range of this work was revealed. It constitutes an epistemological break in tale study: since this publication the methodology has been consisting of considering all versions of a tale, oral or literary, to compare them and to underline changes. This allows achieving a deep knowledge of the story rather than seeking chimerical origins or imposing fanciful interpretations