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1
GORDIENKO, D. V. « MIDDLE EAST POLICY COMPONENT OF THE USA, CHINA AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION : POLICY OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA ». EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE : PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 5, no 12 (2020) : 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2020.12.05.016.
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The Middle East component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA occupies an important place in the implementation of the national interests of the USA, China and the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the Middle East component of the policies of these states on the implementation of their current economic and military policies and on ensuring their national security. An approach to comparing the influence of the Middle East component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA, which allows identifying the priorities of Russia's policy in the Middle East and other regions of the world, is proposed. Comparison of the Middle East component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. The article concludes that the Middle East component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia acquires significance in the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the countries of the Middle East region.
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Naser, Mohamed. « Kuwait's Foreign Policy towards Regional Issues in the Middle East from 2003 to 2014 ». Asian Social Science 13, no 11 (30 octobre 2017) : 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n11p95.
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Regionally, Kuwait has a unique foreign policy that is characterized by neutrality. This study investigates Kuwait’s foreign policy towards regional issues in the Middle East in the period from 2003 to 2014. The study investigates the role of two tools of foreign policy: economics and mediation. The study investigates the role and implications of both economics and economic development assistance in activating foreign policy in Kuwait. It determines social, political, cultural and economic implications of economic development assistance in implementing and activating foreign policy in Kuwait. The study discusses some mechanisms of activating the economic foreign policy in Kuwait such as interdependence, soft power and national interests. It investigates mediation as one of foreign policy activation tools. The study suggests some ways for improving the efficiency of economic development assistance in implementing and activating foreign policy.
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Chaziza, Mordechai. « China’s Economic Diplomacy Approach in the Middle East Conflicts ». China Report 55, no 1 (14 janvier 2019) : 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445518818210.
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This study analyses China’s economic diplomacy approach in the Middle East conflicts in order to explore the following question: How does China use diplomatic means to protect and pursue commercial investments, economic assets, and economic tools, and to advance its foreign policy goals in the Middle East conflict zones? This study argues that despite its adherence to the principle of non-intervention, Beijing’s economic diplomacy has a more flexible and pragmatic interpretive approach. Chinese economic diplomacy in the Middle East uses its diplomatic resources to intervene as needed to safeguard its investments and assets, and utilises economic incentives to promote its well-defined foreign policy goals in the region’s hotspots.
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Siret ; BAĞDADİ, HÜRSOY. « Turkey’s Foreign and Economic Policy Challenges in the Middle East ». Milletleraras 43 (2012) : 29–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/intrel_0000000278.
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Salman, Mohammad, et Gustaaf Geeraerts. « Strategic Hedging and China’s Economic Policy in the Middle East ». China Report 51, no 2 (23 avril 2015) : 102–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445515570440.
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Yusifova, Sudaba. « U.S. policy to improve final oil and political policy ». Scientific Bulletin 4 (2019) : 99–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/szmg7006.
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This article focuses on the policy of the US to control Middle East oil and to strengthen its political position. The US believes that the Middle East is an important region and the situation here can directly threaten America's interests and economic security. After the "democratic" experiment carried out, in recent decades, the Eastern Region has become a place in the ruins, with dozens or perhaps hundreds of extremist and terrorist groups. In other words, the result is exactly the opposite. Conspiracy theorists say that secret powers, such as giant banks and transnational companies have created conditions for the fragmentation of the region; The weakening of the nation states has prevented the spread of global capital and that entry of this capital into the markets of the Middle East has been interrupted.
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Kenderdine, Tristan, et Peiyuan Lan. « China’s Middle East investment policy ». Eurasian Geography and Economics 59, no 5-6 (2 novembre 2018) : 557–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15387216.2019.1573516.
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Nursultanova, L. N., et A. E. Erkin. « POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC COOPERATION OF KAZAKHSTAN AND THE MIDDLE EAST : HISTORICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL ASPECT ». edu.e-history.kz 31, no 3 (20 octobre 2022) : 333–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/2710-3994_2022_31_3_333-343.
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The modern history of Kazakhstan includes cardinal reforms, socio-economic changes, as well as the transformation of the political system. Kazakhstan is a subject of new geopolitical realities and an active factor in the international arena. The multi-vector course of our Republic's foreign policy allows us to pursue a balanced strategy with the international community.The First President of Kazakhstan N.Nazarbayev defined the long-term goal of forming and maintaining constructive relations with thecountries of the near and far abroad. The institutional reforms carried out allowed the European Union toassign Kazakhstan the status of a country with a market economy. The foreign policy of the Republic ofKazakhstan is aimed at implementing a competitive economy,attracting foreign investments that meetnational interests.Kazakhstan has achieved success in the regional economy and participates in global projects, joined the World Trade Organization, is building fruitful and constructive ties with the European Union, the OIC and other international organizations.Kazakhstan's cooperation with the countries of the Near and Middle East has many aspects. Within the framework of one monograph, it is impossible to explore different issues of relations between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the BSV, which have many directions. Perhaps this will be the task of further scientific research.
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Okhoshin, Oleg. « Transformation of British Policy in the Middle East ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no 18 (1 décembre 2020) : 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620204551.
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The Middle East region is of particular importance to the United Kingdom, because control over it ensures international and energy security, reduces the threat of a migration crisis and meets the country’s geopolitical objectives, which are reflected in the concept of «Global Britain». B. Johnson’s government in the Middle East policy faced the problems of peaceful settlement of ethno-confessional contradictions and the socio-economic consequences of the «Arab Spring» and the terrorist activities of ISIS. Under these conditions, British diplomacy has developed a strategy that includes maneuvering between the foreign policy interests of the US and the EU in the Middle East and adapting to the transformation of regional socio-political systems
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Park, Jong-Dae. « Political Economic Perspectives on the Development of the Middle East and North Africa ». Korea Public Choice Association 1, no 1 (31 mars 2022) : 75–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.55795/jpc.2022.1.1.075.
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The objective of this study is to examine the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region and its challenges from the perspective of development with a goal to break down and make better sense of what seems to be the complexities and 'idiosyncrasies' of this region. The primary issues and concerns for the MENA countries have largely been perceived and dealt with through the vantage point of addressing conflicts in the geopolitical and historical context. In light of this, applying developmental approach that is multidisciplinary to understand and meet the challenges of the MENA region in a fundamental way would have many benefits, opening a new window of opportunities, academically and policy wise. From such stance, this paper focuses on and explains what are considered to be the three fundamental and core 'conditions' or tasks for the countries in the region: state-building and nation-building; participatory development; and capability of state. The importance of looking at the 'big picture' of the reality in the manner of reflection and metacognition is underscored.
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Bishku, Michael B. « Turkmenistan and the Middle East ». Levantine Review 4, no 2 (5 janvier 2016) : 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v4i2.9159.
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Turkmenistan is a weak country militarily, but well-endowed with natural gas reserves. While the latter also insulates it somewhat from international criticism of its human rights abuses, unfortunately, Turkmenistan is landlocked and dependent upon the goodwill of its neighbors in order to export that commodity. Additionally, Turkmenistan is in need of technological assistance. Given its relatively homogenous population and its hydrocarbon wealth it has adopted a policy of subsidizing certain necessities—though it underfunds other—and is fairly stable internally. Nevertheless, it is ruled under an autocratic political system, suffers massive corruption, and has to contend with fears of instability on its borders. Therefore, Turkmenistan has adopted a policy of permanent neutrality and is open to cooperation with all its neighbors as well as the big powers. The countries of the Middle East as both immediate and nearby neighbors play an important part in the international relations of Turkmenistan and in providing technological assistance and economic investments. This article, which reviews and analyzes those ties, utilizes government documents, academic works and newspapers from Turkmenistan and Middle Eastern countries.
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Ringen, Stein. « Social Policy in the Middle East : Economic, Political and Gender Dynamics ». International Review of Public Administration 10, no 2 (janvier 2006) : 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12294659.2006.10805073.
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Gresh, Alain. « Russia's Return to the Middle East ». Journal of Palestine Studies 28, no 1 (1998) : 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538056.
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Since the eastward expansion of NATO dashed Moscow's early hopes of being integrated into the West, Russia has pursued an independent foreign policy focused mainly on Central Asia and the Middle East, including "rogue" states shunned by Washington. Among Russia's advantages are tens of thousands of Arabic-speaking former Soviet experts and a growing regional anti-Americanism. At the same time, Russian Muslims are becoming more assertive. Russia's dependence on the West for economic aid, however, sharply limits its margin of maneuver.
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Zia-Ur Rehman, Muhammad, Zahid Bashir et Asia Baig. « Economic Turmoil - Oil Prices and the Middle East Crisis ». Global Economics Review III, no I (30 juin 2018) : 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/ger.2018(iii-i).08.
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This study focuses on Economic turmoil due to issues of the Middle East and its relation to oil prices, hence transposing the crisis to other economies of the world. A qualitative and logical resigning technique is used during the study. The author finds that the Middle East has a lot of issues related to oil prices, oil production. Most important are wars and conflicts within the region, terrorism, radicalism, the influence of US in the region, week government, and issues of politics. This study provides information to the government in policy making, in investment decisions, in politics and in financial decision making related to oil prices and its production in the region
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Kosach, G., et E. Melkumyan. « Middle East in Russian Foreign Policy ». World Economy and International Relations, no 9 (2002) : 38–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2002-9-38-47.
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Khidhir, Zainaddin M. « US Foreign Policy Goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021 ». Foreign Policy Review 14, no 3 (2021) : 164–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.164-182.
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Since the end of World War II, the United States’ interests in the Middle East have intensified rapidly, and this presence continues today in response to a variety of economic and security concerns. Following the 2011 Arab uprisings and the Iraqi regime change, US foreign policy has pursued several transformative agendas against some of its traditional allies, apparently contradicting Washington’s longstanding defence of the regional status quo. This has caused levels of uncertainty among regional players about what to expect from the United States. The present study highlights the US foreign policy goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021, which includes upholding US military bases in the Gulf countries, supporting client-states and other friendly states, providing support and protection to Israel’s sovereignty, maintaining strategic access to oil in the Gulf countries, and battling Islamic movements and terrorist groups (such as Hamas, Al-Qaeda, and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)). In addition, the study also focuses on other crucial aspects that might affect the United States and their regional allies’ interests in the regime. To explore US foreign policy decisions and actions between the years 2011 and 2021, data was collected through structured interviews and online secondary data sources. The data was reviewed and analysed to look at the sociopolitical, historical, and economic factors at work in the Middle East. The theoretical analysis uses a descriptive approach as to how the changes in the period after 2011 have influenced American foreign policy in the Middle East. The findings illustrate that terrorism, civil wars, and instability in the Middle East have had significant influence on the United States’ economic, national security, and diplomatic interests in the region. Maintaining strong ties with allies and comprehending the nature of conflicts is critical to attaining the US foreign policy objectives in the Middle East. This research study serves as a reference guide for scholars, policy analysts, and practitioners by examining to what extent the relationship between the US and the Middle East has changed.
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Yousef, Tarik M. « Development, Growth and Policy Reform in the Middle East and North Africa since 1950 ». Journal of Economic Perspectives 18, no 3 (1 août 2004) : 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/0895330042162322.
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The September 11 terrorist attacks ignited global interest in the Middle East. Observers in the region and abroad were quick to highlight the development “deficits” in Middle Eastern countries which have been linked to everything from structural economic imbalances to deficient political systems, the curse of natural resources, and even culture and religion. This paper reviews the development history of the Middle East and North Africa region in the post-World War II era, providing a framework for understanding past outcomes, current challenges and the potential for economic and political reform.
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Danylets, Vadym. « US Middle East policy in the context of the global oil supply system in the late 1950s – 1960s. » American History & ; Politics Scientific edition, no 6 (2018) : 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.60-72.
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The article attempts to analyze the American strategy for maintaining the status quo in the global energy supply system, as well as to reveal the main causes of the destruction of this system. At this stage, there is a sharp increase in the interdependence of politics and energetics as well as their merger. Therefore, one of the main messages of the article is the thesis that oil and related issues were at the center of the US Middle East foreign policy. It was determined that the main components of the US strategy were maintaining access to oil resources in the Middle East and strengthening their positions in the region, which was stipulated by the factor of intersystem confrontation. The doctrinal foundations of the American oil strategy in the region were determined. The evolution of political processes in the Middle East, which led to the destruction of the foundations of the global energy supply system, was examined. It is shown how dynamic changes in international politics and the world economy influenced the transformation of American politics in the Middle East with elements of balancing between the countries of the region, for which oil and energetics, in general, have become the main factor in foreign policy. It was the study of political and economic processes in their dynamics that allowed the author to highlight critical moments in international politics and economics. Important place in the article is devoted to the activities of American oil companies, their economic relations with the governments of the Middle East countries, which became the subject of political confrontation between these countries and the U.S. Based on the given facts, it was established that the US policy to maintain the status quo in the Middle East had been actually stopped in the early 1970s. Instead, it was not formed the clear long term course of foreign policy, which could provide the interests of the USA and its allies in the field of economics and energetics.
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GORDIENKO, D. V. « MIDDLE EAST POLICY COMPONENT OF THE USA, CHINA AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION : POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ». EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE : PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 6, no 12 (2020) : 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2020.12.06.010.
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The paper assesses the impact of the middle East component of the policy of the United States of America, the people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on ensuring the national security of these countries. We propose an approach to comparing this influence, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in the middle East and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the middle East component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia is gaining a significant role in the implementation of the current economic and military policies of the countries of the middle East region.
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GORDIENKO, D. V. « MIDDLE EAST POLICY COMPONENT OF THE USA, CHINA AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION : POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (part 1) ». EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE : PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 4, no 12 (2020) : 126–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2020.12.04.019.
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The paper assesses the impact of the middle East component of the policy of the United States of America, the people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on ensuring the national security of these countries. We propose an approach to comparing this influence, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in the middle East and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the middle East component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia is gaining a significant role in the implementation of the current economic and military policies of the countries of the middle East region.
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Khalaf, Yousif. « From Economic to Geopolitical Policy : The Middle East on the Silk Road ». Nowa Polityka Wschodnia 28, no 1 (31 mars 2021) : 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw20212805.
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Campell, John C., et Shireen Hunter. « Political and Economic Trends in the Middle East : Implications for U.S. Policy ». Foreign Affairs 64, no 2 (1985) : 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042645.
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Ahmad Zainuddin et Julita Hasanah. « East Java Economic Model : Monetary Policy Implications in the Middle of the Covid-19 Crisis ». East Java Economic Journal 4, no 1 (30 mars 2020) : 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.53572/ejavec.v4i1.38.
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East Java is the epicenter of Covid-19 with the highest number of positive cases in Indonesia (11,508 cases as of June 28th, 2020) surpassing DKI Jakarta. The massive spread of the virus had economic consequences. Data showed that East Java's regional income in the third quarter of this year grew negatively by 5.90% (yoy). The contraction of East Java's economic growth will affect the national economy, known that East Java was the second largest contributors to national income, with a contribution of 14.61% in 2017 (Bank_Indonesia, 2018). East Java's economic problems as a result of the pandemic need to involve a comprehensive analysis in order to produce suitable policy implications. The purpose of this study is to predict the development of the Covid-19 case in East Java, to analyze the impact of Covid-19 on the East Java economy including economic growth, inflation, exchange rates, household and government consumption as well as effective macro policy simulations as a novelty of research. This research used descriptive analytical method by involving various simulations. Based onthe results of the study, it is known that (1) the increase in Covid-19 (2.5 times) without any government policy has an impact on the decrease in East Java's regional income by 1.31% or equivalent to 4655 billion Rupiah/quarter, (2) Increasing the number The spread of covid-19 by 2.5 times accompanied by the provision of consumption credit and agricultural credit of 5% will have an impact on increasing East Java's regional income by 0.57% or equivalent to Rp. 2,021 billion/quarter, (3) An increase in consumption credit by 15% means an increase in household consumption. 2.72% or equivalent to Rp. 5,985 billion/quarter, and (4) The policy to increase money supply by 15% has an impact on increasing public consumption by 0.69% or equivalent to Rp. 1,521 billion/quarter. Based on the results, it can be concluded that the most effective policy in order to reduce the economic impact of Covid-19 is the policy to increase the provision of credit to the public in the form of consumption credit or agricultural credit by 15%.
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Hafez, Abdelhafez Abdel. « Understanding Contemporary Middle East ». Global Academic Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no 3 (4 juin 2022) : 118–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/gajhss.2022.v04i03.004.
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What do we mean by the Middle East? How should we study the political ambitions of nearly half a billion people? To what extent are their destinies linked to the politics of great powers, and why? Why is the Middle East in a state of permanent conflict, foggy, and a region filled with local and international attention? This paper aims to analyse the contemporary Middle East and look at the connection between the situation in the region and its colonial legacy. Building a substantial legacy of progressive political and economic institutions in the evolution of the region were gradually rooting both the rule of law and commercial, agricultural, and industrial developments in native soil, in the shadow of colonialism. The paper discusses the weight of the Middle East in global politics (world powers) and how each of these powers defined the Middle East according to their interests. It reveals various historical stages of the creation of the artificial states in the Middle East and the role of the colonial powers in the state-building processes. The paper examines the theoretical approaches and their underlying assumptions concerning the changes in the region (borders, nation-building, patriotism, anti-western culture movement) and the role of colonialism in the emergence of different movements. The paper is based on strategic documents, clarifying the world power policy towards the area. It provides a close look at liberal tradition and its reflections on international relations.
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Yetiv, Steve A., et Chunlong Lu. « China, Global Energy, and the Middle East ». Middle East Journal 61, no 2 (1 avril 2007) : 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/61.2.11.
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China has significantly enhanced its position and interest in the Persian Gulf region over the past 25 years, making it an important newcomer in regional dynamics. Evidence clearly shows that it has expanded, in some cases dramatically, its diplomatic contacts, economic ties, and arms sales to regional states. This represents a novel development which is likely to accelerate in the future as China's dependence on Persian Gulf oil grows. China's rising position in the region has put Beijing and Washington at odds and could generate serious friction points in the future. Policy recommendations are sketched to avoid such an outcome.
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Bruckmayr, Philipp. « The Middle East and Brazil ». American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no 3 (1 juillet 2015) : 102–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i3.991.
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The title at hand is a valuable and timely edited volume that sheds light onthe economic, political, literary, social, cultural, religious, and historical connectionsbetween Brazil and the Middle East. Whereas the Middle East in thisrespect primarily means the area historically referred to as bilād al-shām (i.e.,Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, and Israel), the book also tackles the historicallinkages among Brazil, Muslim Andalusia, and West Africa. Structurally,the volume is divided into three parts, which are preceded by anintroduction by the editor.Part 1, “South-South Relations, Security Politics, Diplomatic History,”includes five papers, the first four of which are more or less straightforwardtreatments of political history/science. Paul Amar sketches the dynamic strategicchanges in policy toward the region and hegemonic American power duringthe early presidency of Dilma Rousseff (2010-13) in the face of majorchanges in the Middle East that rendered her continuation of the “handshakepolitics” that her predecessor Lula had extended toward the now-crumblingdictatorial regimes unfeasible. In the following chapter, Paulo Daniel EliasFarah discusses one of the fruits of Lula’s endeavors: the formation of theSummit of South America-Arab States in 2003. He situates this diplomaticconcord within a long history of contacts between Brazil and the Arab/Muslimworld as well as the transnational flows of forced and free migration, as epitomizedby the presence of enslaved West African Muslims and then, later on,Syro-Lebanese settlers in Brazil.Carlos Ribeiro Santana’s contribution sheds light on Brazil’s pragmatismin fostering relationships with the Middle East to secure its oil supplies againstthe background of the energy crises of the 1970s. This thread is also pickedup in the following paper by Monique Sochaczweski, which details how thesevery configurations caused Brazil to abandon its “equidistance” policy ...
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Miyagi, Y. « Japan's Middle East policy : 'still mercantile realism' ». International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 12, no 2 (5 mars 2012) : 287–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcr022.
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Kikkawa, Takuro. « The Diversity of Japan’s Overseas Development Assistance to the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan : A Case Study of the Role of Security ». Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, no 3 (19 juin 2018) : 241–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918776737.
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This article analyzes Japan’s Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) policy in Jordan, focusing primarily on the areas concerning security. After the oil shock in 1973, security concerns in the Middle East affected Japan’s economic security policy. However, Japan’s long vulnerability in energy supply was not the sole determinant of its aid policies in the Middle East. Rather, a paradigm shift in the Japanese government’s ODA policy in the 1990s, the implementation of the human security approach, had a greater impact than economic security in subsequent Japanese ODA programs in Jordan. Japan has given more assistance to areas relevant to military security in its ODA in Jordan, particularly after increasing security concerns about the Middle East since the early twenty-first century. The two phenomena—Japan’s more aggressive commitment in the Middle East, including its deployment of Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) in the region and Jordan’s greater responsibility in regional security—occurred simultaneously because of a series of crises after 2003. The unusual nature of Jordanian society today, a small society that hosts refugees from many nations, means the new Japanese ODA approach in Jordan has more diverse recipients than ever, as the country is becoming a host for a community of refugees.
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Choudhury, Srabani Roy. « Japan and the Middle East : An Overview ». Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, no 3 (19 juin 2018) : 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918776711.
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As an introduction to this special issue, this article examines the shaping of Japan’s foreign policy; looking at how Japan has risen to the demand of the international community to assume more responsibility in conflict situations, circumventing a pacifist constitution that it had been dealt with. It then explains relations between Middle East and Japan and shows how the latter has been balancing its national interest in order to conform to its alliance with the United States. With more Asian powers having stake in the Middle East, Japan has become proactive about its role in the region. However, with limited hard power options, Japan would have to concentrate on its soft power capabilities and on using its economic strength to mark its presence in the Middle East.
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Gal, Michal S. « Competition Law and Policy in the Middle East ». World Competition 30, Issue 3 (1 septembre 2007) : 534–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/woco2007050.
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Maqsood, Asia, Muhammad Mateen et Muhammad Husnain. « IRAN-CHINA DEAL : GEOSTRATEGIC-BALANCING AGAINST US ». Pakistan Journal of Social Research 05, no 01 (31 mars 2023) : 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v5i01.1012.
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The signing of a $400 billion 25-year strategic and economic deal between Iran and China in March 2021 is the latest sign of the two countries' resolve to work together more closely. As a counterbalance to the US and its allies in the Middle East (ME), this bilateral deal is expected to reduce the US influence in the ME. In this context, this paper focuses on China’s strategic objectives behind the deal and explores Iran’s procures from this deal. Further, the paper also analyses the nature of regional implications incurred by the bilateral arrangement. The study underlines that by strengthening strategic connections with Iran, China will have an unaffected and uninterrupted oil supplies from the Persian Gulf. Apart from the energy supplies, the recent deal offers China a relative strategic advantage in Middle East. Owing to the mounting influence of China through its extensive investments in the Middle East, the paper examines the region as a new front for Beijing to challenge the American supremacy—this time through Iran. Unlike the US, China has taken a development-oriented approach to the region, leveraging Iran's regional power to expand economic ties with neighboring countries through what it refers to as the developmental peace, rather than the Western concept of democratic peace. On the other hand, through this strategic and economic accord, Iran has found it more profitable to pursue an eastward policy for economic and strategic dividends. Likewise, India is cautious of Beijing's two-pronged embrace, with its shrinking cooperation with Iran, notably at the Chabahar, and its recent battle with China in the Himalayas. Given that, this paper not only examines the economic and strategic gains associated with the strategic partnership but also explores its implications over the US footprints in the Middle East and South Asian regions. Keywords: Iran- China 25-year Economic and Strategic Deal, Belt and Road Initiative, Middle East, South Asia, East ward Policy, Chabahar, Gwadar
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Pryiatelchuk, O. A., et Sara Amirabbas. « RENEWABLE ENERGY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE EAST ». Actual Problems of International Relations, no 148 (2021) : 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2021.148.1.70-80.
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Improving energy efficiency is one of the main ways to reduce energy pollution that leads to economic development, increasing energy access and better life. That can result in reducing fossil fuel use and growing clean energy supplies. The Gulf countries have as many renewable resources as hydrocarbons like sunshine, considerable wind resources, and geothermal. The economy of the Middle east deeplydepends on fossil fuel export. Declining fossil fuel supplies and rising energy prices are driving global energy supplies to renewables energies. Although the Middle East region, due to its special geographical features, has significant potential for the growth of renewable energy sources, they have not been developed yet. It overviews the energy situation and sustainability, economic potential of renewable energy, policies for energy systems over the recent decades in six resource-rich countries in the middle east. In addition, along with renewable energy technologies, possible ways to solve current environmental problems are recognized. The methodology of this work is PESTLE analysis of these countries' energy status to develop a long-term mechanism for sustainable and secure energy for the Middle East based on Political, Economic, Social, Technological, Legal, Environmental. Also, it identifies challenges that restrict the development of renewable energy technologies in the Middle East. By analyzing the status of energy in recent decades, the importance of implementation of effective energy policies to develop sustainable energy can be realized. Key words: energy source, sustainable future, renewable, effective policy, resource-rich countries.
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Lee, Itamar Y. « Chasing the Rising Red Crescent : Sino-Shi’i Relations in Post-Cold War Era China ». Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no 1-2 (20 septembre 2012) : 313–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.313.
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This article adopts a unique angle to analyze China’s Middle East policy in “Chasing the Rising Red Crescent: Sino-Shi’i Relations in the Post-Cold War Era.” With the end of the Cold War and the political renaissance of Islam, the author argues that China’s strategic approaches towards the Middle East have changed fundamentally. The rise of China on the Middle East coupled with the strategic ascendancy of Shi’i Islam in the Middle East invites a strategic window for the emerging architecture of global geopolitics and world economy. The aim of Lee’s study is to make clear the historical trajectories and evolving strategic calculations in China’s Middle East policy and its global implications by reviewing Sino-Shi’i relations in general and introducing Chinese strategic interactions with Iran, Iraq, Syria, Hezbollah, and Hamas in particular. Since the establishment of zhongguo zhongdong wenti teshi [Chinese Special Envoy for Middle Eastern Affairs] in 2002, China’s economic presence and political clout in the Middle East including the Shi’i region have been advanced obviously. Sino-Shi’i relations in the post-Cold War era, thus, should be seriously examined not only for understanding China’s strategic perceptions of the Middle East but also for explaining the pattern of Chinese foreign behaviours, as well as for expecting the impact of China’s rising in the region and its geopolitical implications for the future of China-U.S. relations
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Burrows, Mathew. « ‘Mission Civilisatrice’ : French Cultural Policy in the Middle East, 1860–1914 ». Historical Journal 29, no 1 (mars 1986) : 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018641.
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Mission civilisatnce was one of the bywords of French colonial expansion under the Third Republic. Unfortunately until now there have been few works devoted to its study. Indeed, the notion itself has not been taken very seriously by scholars. As long ago as 1960 when Henri Brunschwig published his seminal work on French colonialism, he stated quite categorically: ‘en Angleterre la justification humanitaire l'emporta’ while ‘en France le nationalisme de 1870 domina’ even if that nationalism ‘ne s'exprima presque jamais sans une mention de cette “politique indigène” qui devait remplir les devoirs du civilisé envers des populations plus arriérées.’ Since then academics both in France and outside have tended to concentrate (in what few works have been written on French colonialism) on the political and economic aspects of the French Empire to the detriment of its cultural components.
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Moghadam, Valentine M. « Gender and Social Policy : Family Law and Women’s Economic Citizenship in the Middle East ». International Review of Public Administration 10, no 1 (juillet 2005) : 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12294659.2005.10805059.
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Sapronova, M. A. « RUSSIAN-ARAB COOPERATION BEFORE AND AFTER THE "ARAB SPRING" ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 3(36) (28 juin 2014) : 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-27-36.
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The article considers the main stages of the Russian- Arab economic cooperation since the beginning of the 1990s up to the present time and changing the «Middle Eastern vector» of Russian foreign policy. Analyzes the problems faced by Russia in the development of foreign policy doctrine in the region of the Arab East, becoming the successor of the Soviet Union; difficulty in building bilateral relations with Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Russia's role as a co-sponsor of the Middle East settlement. Next is considered the foreign policy in 2000 and the return of Russia to the «Greater Middle East», analyzes the problems impeding effective Russian- Arab cooperation. Special attention is paid to the strengthening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, the implementation of joint projects in various fields and to establish a constructive dialogue with the new government of Iraq and the establishment of a sound legal framework of mutual relations. Another important direction of Russian foreign policy in the 2000s, becoming the establishment of relations with the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Simultaneously being established permanent contacts with groups «Hamas» and «Hezbollah». In the last part of the article explores the specificity of modern political, trade and economic cooperation after the events of the «Arab Spring» of 2011. Particular attention is paid to the position of Russia in relation to processes taking place in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria. The crisis in Syria has demonstrated a fundamentally different approaches to its solution by Russia and the West. Ultimately, the firm position of Russia on the Syrian issue secured her role as an important political player in the Middle East. In general, regional transformation in 2011, despite their negative consequences for the Russian-Arab economic cooperation and opened new opportunities to promote the Russian Federation for Arab markets.
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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. « THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL TRADITIONS IN ARABO-IRANIAN RELATIONS ». Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no 1 (19) (2022) : 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-1-42-49.
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In the last decades Iran became one of the powerful states in the Middle East. Today Iran plays a significant role in political, economic, social, religious and ideological issues of the region. Iran’s politics shape major developments in regional security and international relations in the Middle East, pursuing active policy towards Arab countries in the region. Iran plays an active role in military conflicts in several Arab countries (Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and Libya). However, Iran’s involvement in the inner-political life of Arab countries; their societies, security affairs, and politics strengthens tensions and hostility between Arabs and Iran. The existing strains in Arabo-Iranian relations provoke the religious strife in the Middle East that takes different forms, among which are Sunny-Shiite conflicts. The worsening of Arabo-Iranian relations encourages new conflicts; it undermines power balance and destabilizes security in the Middle East. The long history of Arabo-Iranian relations still influences Iran’s policy in the Middle East. Ethnic and sectarian differences and the historical Arab-Persian rivalry reflected the major orientation of Iran’s foreign policy in general and determine some major parameters of Arabo-Iranian relations in the Middle East, in particular. Before the Arab conquest of Iran the interactions between Arabs and Iran had had many positive dimensions. The Islamization of Iran and its partial Arabization dramatically changed Iran’s cultural, social, and political development. These processes challenged the behavioral patterns of many Iranians towards Arabs and vice versa. Since that time the ethnic identity of two peoples, their adherences to Sunnis and Shiites have acquired antagonistic overtones. In this view, research of Arabization and Islamization processes as one of the main drivers of Arabo-Iranian relations and Iranian policy in the Middle East proves to be a pressing subject of grave importance.
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Jin, Liangxiang. « China’s Role in the Middle East : Current Debates and Future Trends ». China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no 01 (janvier 2017) : 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500014.
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There are two prevailing arguments among international observers about China’s role in the Middle East. One is that China has been a “security free-rider;” the other is that China is fundamentally a business-seeker. Yet neither of the two is well-grounded. If viewed comprehensively rather than in terms of military engagement alone, China’s contribution to stability and security of the region is enormous, and its role in the Middle East can be described as a combination of a major economic partner, a low-profile mediator and a modest but important provider of security public goods. As China has proposed various new concepts and initiatives as guidelines of its foreign policy, its future policy toward the Middle East can be best understood through its increasing efforts to promote the “Belt and Road” initiative, to develop a new-type major-power relationship, and to uphold justice and pursue shared interests with all related countries. With ever more Chinese engagement in the region, China’s Middle East policy is expected to be delivered in a more comprehensive way. However, China is not likely to seek dominant presence in the region in the foreseeable future.
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HADDAD, M. « STRATEGIES OF MAIN ACTORS OF WORLD POLICY REGARDING THE MIDDLE EAST AND MODERN SYRIA(ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE USA AND THE EUROPEAN UNION) ». Political Science Issues, no 3(33) part : 9 (18 décembre 2019) : 316–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35775/psi.2019.33.3.011.
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The article is devoted to the study of foreign policy strategies of the main actors of the world politics, represented by the USA and the countries of the European Union, regarding the Middle East and the Syrian Arab Republic. The interest in this topic is explained by the particular attractiveness of the Middle East region for the above-mentioned actors, since it has significant economic and transport potential and a favorable geographical position, which opens up opportunities for establishing strong partnership trade and economic ties between the US and the EU on the one hand and Middle Eastern states on the other. At the same time, the Middle East, as a region of increased military-political and social tension, directly influences peace and security situation in the entire world, and because of that the most developed countries of the world seek to establish control over the internal politics in the Middle East and spread their influence on its territory. The author pays great attention to the study of factors that have contributed to the formation of certain US and EU foreign policy courses in respect of the entire Middle East and Syria in particular, and comes to the conclusion that all of them can conditionally be divided into several large groups that equally affect the development process strategies. Their comparison allowed us to establish that in general both the USA and the countries of the European Union have similar perspective goals and objectives, however, they use different methods and forms of implementing their strategies. This explains the difference in the results achieved: while the United States successfully implement their geopolitical aspirations and gradually strengthen their presence in the Middle East, the EU countries are faced with a number of problems that impede their participation in the current regional events. Nevertheless, despite the successes and failures, the importance of the Middle East region for both the United States and the EU is beyond doubt.
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Azad, Shirzad. « In Quest of a Second Boom ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no 1-2 (1 mars 2018) : 257–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.000015.
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In spite of her troubled presidency at home and premature, ignominious exit from power, Park Geun-hye made serious attempts to bolster the main direction of the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) foreign policy toward the Middle East. A collaborative drive for accomplishing a new momentous boom was by and large a dominant and recurring theme in the Park government’s overall approach to the region. Park enjoyed both personal motivation as well as politico-economic justifications to push for such arduous yet potentially viable objective. Although the ROK’s yearning for a second boom in the Middle East was not ultimately accomplished under the Park presidency, nonetheless, the very aspiration played a crucial role in either rekindling or initiating policy measures in South Korea’s orientation toward different parts of a greater Middle East region, extending from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Morocco.
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Ryzhov, I. V., M. Yu Borodina et T. V. Baranova. « American Strategy of "Sufficient Presence" in the Middle East ». MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no 5 (11 novembre 2020) : 236–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-5-74-236-251.
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Abstract: After D. Trump came to power it started developing a new US Middle East policy, based on the regional threat assessment, such as the unstable political situation in a number of regional countries, radical regimes, terrorism, especially ISIS. In addition, the most important task for the Trump administration was to try to regain lost US influence in the region, which resulted in the so-called "strategy of sufficient presence" and in the support of regional allies, "centers of power" such as Israel.A distinctive feature of D. Trump's policy in the region can be considered a change in rhetoric regarding the Iranian nuclear program up to the introduction of new economic sanctions. Moreover, the American approach to the settlement of the Syrian crisis is connected with the prevention of the growing influence of Iran and Russia in the region.American-Turkish relations also underwent significant changes, which were very tense until 2017. The states managed to find common ground on a number of issues of international politics. However, the situation is still significantly complicated by American support for the Kurds in their quest for autonomy.Trump's ratings at home are falling, and therefore there is a possibility that Trump will lose the upcoming presidential elections to his opponent D. Biden. However, trying to predict the prospects of the US Middle East policy in the event of D. Biden's victory, the authors came to the conclusion that it will not undergo significant changes, except for the nuclear deal with Iran. The key tasks of American foreign policy will remain the fight against terrorism, countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and the search for likeminded states in the region.
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Sudirman, Sudirman. « Potensi, Peluang, Dan Tantangan Perdagangan Antara Indonesia Dengan Negara-Negara Di Kawasan Timur Tengah ». Al-Buhuts 12, no 1 (30 juin 2016) : 60–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30603/ab.v12i1.921.
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This study aims to assess the potential, opportunities, and challenge of trade between Indonesia and countries in the middle east. It is qualitative research by using descriptive method. The data is used mainly secondary data, it drawn from relevant institutions, among others: industry and trade, chamber of commerce, the Central Bureau of Statistics, and of the documents related. This study found a variety of potentials, opportunities, and challenges of trade between Indonesia and countries in the middle east, namely: 1) the potential, among other things: the products produced in Indonesia tend to be different from the product produced in the countries middle east region countries, economic growth in the countries of the Middle east are relatively stable. Indonesia has export commodity that was diverse, the competitiveness of Indonesian products is quite high, and the growth of foreign capital in the countries of the Middle East are likely to increase. 2) opportunities, among others: change in economic policy-oriented market economy, relations bilateral diplomacy between Indonesia and countries in middle east has been good, the equation beliefs, it discourse will do the trade in free trade Indonesia between Morocco and Turkey. 3) challenges, among others: Long distance, tariffs are high, less stable political climate, limited support of the financial institutions sector, unavailability of halal certification bodies are gaining international legitimacy.
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Trebat, Nicholas Miller. « The United States, Britain and the Marshall Plan : oil and finance in the early postwar era* ». Economia e Sociedade 27, no 1 (avril 2018) : 355–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-3533.2017v27n1art12.
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Abstract This paper discusses United States foreign economic policy in the early post-World War II period, focusing on Anglo-American relations and the international oil industry. Contrary to popular opinion, these relations were not friendly, as one of the goals of US policymakers was to force the former power to relinquish key areas of strategic and commercial influence, such as the trading networks of the British Commonwealth and, more importantly, the oil regions of the Middle East. In particular, the paper analyzes US oil policy during the Marshall Plan. Though not questioning the Plan’s overall positive impact on European economic growth, the paper argues that, with regard to the oil industry, its primary objective was not to stimulate recovery but to secure a dominant role for US producers in the Middle East.
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Richter, Christian, et Sandar Win. « Economic policy and market imperfections in an unstable economic and financial environment in Europe and the Middle East ». International Economics and Economic Policy 15, no 4 (15 septembre 2018) : 705–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10368-018-0418-6.
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Adolphe Ngoran, Kouadio. « HOUPHOUET-BOIGNYS INTEGRATIONIST POLICY AND THE INTEGRATION OF LEBANESE IN COTE DIVOIRE (1960-1993) ». International Journal of Advanced Research 10, no 02 (28 février 2022) : 1042–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/14310.
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Felix Houphouet-Boigny was President of the Republic of Cote dIvoire between 1960 and 1993. During his reign, he undertook a policy of openness which encouraged a large number of foreign immigrants, including Lebanese from the Middle East. According to the 1988 Population and Housing Census, foreign communities, dominated by West Africans, represented 28% of the total population. Alongside these, there is a minority from the Middle East, the Lebanese. In fact, present in the country since the beginning of colonisation, they are rooted and have strengthened their economic and social position during the post-colonial period. Drawing on oral and printed sources, books and articles, this study analyses the actions of Felix Houphouet-Boigny on the Levantine community from 1960 to 1993. This work first presents the actions of President Felix Houphouet-Boigny and then their economic and social consequences on the Lebanese in Cote dIvoire.
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Valiakhmetova, Gulnara N., et Maria A. German. « The Pandemic Challenge for the Middle East Vector of “One Belt-One Road” : A View from Beijing ». Koinon 1, no 1-2 (2020) : 256–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/koinon.2020.01.1.2.014.
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The article analyzes the Chinese approach to risk assessment for the “One Belt, One Road” Initiative (OBOR) in the context of the 2020 global pandemic. Applying for the Middle Eastern case, the authors reveal the contradictory impact of the pandemic crisis on the OBOR international cooperation. Chinese experts consider the main risks for the OBOR Middle East projects implementation are following: increase in the total external debt of the region’s states; significant reduction of their financial resources; interest decrease of international financial institutions in investment support of the OBOR Initiative as a whole; as well as deterioration of the foreign policy atmosphere for certain regional actors. At the same time, according to Beijing, along with the forced decline of China’s economic activity in the Middle East, the pandemic challenge has created new opportunities and perspectives for Chinese regional projects, and also allowed Beijing to significantly expand the toolkit of so-called horizontal diplomacy to promote its integration initiative in this parts of the world. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the risk management mechanisms developed by Beijing for the Middle East OBOR projects. Among the most significant achievements of Chinese policy in the Middle East during the pandemic is the promotion of the Health Silk Road and Digital Silk Road projects. In general, China’s Middle East policy in the context of the 2020 pandemic crisis has confirmed the high effectiveness of the basic principles of modern China’s foreign policy — pragmatism, flexibility, multi-vector approach, and so on. The study was carried out within the framework of a systematic approach and based on official documents and analytical materials of Chinese origin.
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Khoma, Nataliya, et Yevhenija Voznyuk. « EVOLUTION FROM THE CONCEPT “ZERO PROBLEMS WITH NEIGHBORS” TO THE PRACTICE “ZERO NEIGHBORS WITHOUT PROBLEMS” : THE ROLE OF NEO-OTTOMANISM ». Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no 2 (8) (26 novembre 2020) : 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2020-02-46-56.
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The peculiarities of Turkey’s foreign policy in the Middle East in 2002-2020 are studied. Turkey’s intentions to establish itself as an influential Eurasian state, which claims leadership in the Middle East, as well as in the Balkans, the Caucasus and Central Asia, were noted. The authors indicate the concept and foreign policy doctrine of “Zero Problems with Neighbors” as the ideological basis for Turkey’s transition from a peripheral to a central role in international politics. It is emphasized that the doctrine of “Zero problems with neighbors” has become a revision of traditional Kemalist values in Turkey’s foreign policy. The authors of the article evaluate the practical implementation of the doctrine as an unsuccessful attempt to become a regional leader in the Middle East. It was emphasized that at the beginning of the implementation of the concept of “Zero problems with neighbors” the only goal of the Turkish government was really to establish good neighborly relations, but after the beginning of the “Arab Spring” foreign policy strategy was revised. It was noted that in the last decade the Turkish government has reoriented to a more pragmatic foreign policy direction; it is determined by the main purpose of protecting its national interests; the result was partial Turkey isolation. The article expresses author’s vision that Turkey in its foreign policy has obviously moved from the concept of “Zero problems with neighbors” to the practice of “zero friends”. It is proved that: 1) Turkey’s relations with the Middle East (except Qatar) are quite tense; 2) although there is a partnership with many countries in the Middle East, it is often based on pragmatic mutual interest of countries, and cooperation often does not go beyond trade and economic relations.
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Pavlov, Nikolay, et Karina Khderi. « German Foreign Policy in Middle East in XXI Century ». Contemporary Europe, no 5 (1 octobre 2018) : 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope520183748.
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Benli Altunışık, Meliha. « Worldviews and Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East ». New Perspectives on Turkey 40 (2009) : 169–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005264.
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AbstractTurkish foreign policy in the Middle East has become highly contested in the last two decades. The changes in the international and domestic environment have led to the emergence of competing ideas as to the elements of Turkish foreign policy in this region. This article argues that these ideas ultimately represent worldviews as they start with different assumptions about what Turkey is, what the basis of Turkey's interest and involvement should be in this region, to what extent Turkey should engage the Middle East, and what the threats and/or opportunities emanating from the region are. Each of these worldviews has been institutionalized to some extent. I conclude that these worldviews continue to co-exist and compete with each other in Turkish foreign policy today.
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Marques, Luís Miguel, José Alberto Fuinhas et António Cardoso Marques. « Are There Spillovers from China on the Global Energy-Growth Nexus ? Evidence from Four World Regions ». Economies 7, no 2 (18 juin 2019) : 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies7020059.
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This paper analyses China’s energy consumption and economic growth spillover effects on four world regions: (i) America (North and South); (ii) Europe and Central Asia; (iii) Asia Pacific; and (iv) Africa and the Middle East. An annual aggregated time series by world region, from 1970 to 2016, and an autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) approach were used. The results are consistent with the feedback hypothesis in the short run. With regard to the long run, feedback is present in America and the Asia Pacific. In Europe and Central Asia and in Africa and the Middle East, the results are consistent with the conservation hypothesis. Additionally, China’s spillover effects on the world energy-growth nexus are essentially a long-run phenomenon, with impacts on Europe and Central Asia, Asia Pacific, and Africa and the Middle East. Accordingly, policy-makers should be aware that China’s policies may have impact around the world, which indirectly may cause a restriction in economic growth.