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1
Askren, Jillian. « United States-middle-east relations : the role of economics in foreign policy ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1347.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
2
De, Monts de Savasse Alix M. A. H. (Alix Marie A. H. ). « Power shifts : a techno-economic analysis of multinational electricity market development in the Middle East ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/117916.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis: S.M. in Technology and Policy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, School of Engineering, Institute for Data, Systems, and Society, 2018.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 103-107).
Electricity demand has been rising rapidly in the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates). As a result, the diversification and sustainable transition of their electricity sectors has been a priority. As part of these efforts, the GCC countries interconnected their electricity grids in 2011, with the aim of sharing reserve capacity, thus enhancing system reliability. The GCC has sought to further utilize this interconnection by developing a regional market in order to exchange power real-time across borders and reap the economic efficiencies of regional trade. However, the utilization rate of the interconnector remains low (around 8%) due to fuel subsidies, different stages of national electricity market development, and the lack of clear trading rules. This thesis analyzed how the interconnector could be better utilized. A network constrained multi-period economic dispatch with optimal DC power flow and uniform loss representation model was developed in order to assess the economic benefits of cross-border trade within the GCC. It covered fifteen years of planned capacity expansions, from 2016 to 2030, resulting in a model that incorporates 428 power plants across the six GCC countries and a high-level network representation with 26 nodes and 68 high-voltage transmission lines. Analysis specifically focused on how operational costs (fuel and variable operation & maintenance costs) and electricity prices could be reduced by trading power across borders on current and planned GCC infrastructure. Based on the data available, our model revealed that about USD $1 Billion could be saved in annual operational costs (about 2% when using international fuel prices) from this regional electricity trade. The model also revealed the overwhelming impact of fuel subsidies, calculating that the GCC would spend more on fuel subsidies for electricity production annually (around USD $60 Billion) than the complete yearly operational costs of the six countries combined without. Removal of subsidies would significantly affect the volume and direction of exports across the network, flipping some countries from net importers to exporters, as well as impacting the utilization rate of transmission lines.
by Alix M.A.H. de Monts de Savasse.
S.M. in Technology and Policy
3
Mason, Robert. « Economic factors in Middle East foreign policies : the case of oil and gas exporters with special reference to Saudi Arabia and Iran ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3838.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis identifies the relationship between economic factors and non-economic factors, and the relative weight of each, in the conduct of Middle East foreign policies but with special reference to Saudi Arabia and Iran between 2001 and 2012. In the Saudi case, economic factors are contextualized within its traditional themes of maintaining security and stability through international alliances and promoting stable and long term energy export markets. In the case of Iran, economic factors such as the role of sanctions in facilitating closer ties with a range of anti-western states are put into perspective by other factors such as national security issues and emerging splits in the decision making elite. The research draws on a conceptual hybrid of constructivism and omni-balancing and by doing so pays particular attention to the perceptions of foreign policy decision makers in their assessments of the domestic, regional and international environments. The conceptual framework therefore accounts for historical events such as the Islamic revolution and perceived hostility to it, and enduring Saudi-Iranian tensions based on sectarian and ideological struggles for dominance across the Middle East. Oil policy, including oil production, pricing and security of supply and demand, is found to be the paramount economic factor in the foreign policies of Saudi Arabia and Iran, but weighted in favour of the former. As swing producer in OPEC, Saudi Arabia needs to maintain sustainable oil supplies to its allies in the West, and increasingly East, whilst leveraging its oil reserves against adversaries such as Iran. In contrast, Iran has the incentive, but a dwindling capability, to maximise its oil revenues to fund the national budget amid tightening U.S.-led sanctions designed to curb its nuclear programme. The thesis also finds that economic factors such as ‘riyal politik’ as well as non-oil trade and investment deals are less effective in Saudi and Iranian foreign policy. This is because they tend to be offered or utilised as short-term leveraging mechanisms in new or unstable bilateral relationships with a variety of state or nonstate actors which do not always share their ideological perspective or interests. To overcome significant geo-strategic and ideological incompatibilities, reciprocal confidence building measures and active engagement on a broad set of contentious issues is prescribed.
4
Davidson, Michael Raphael. « Institutional structures for equitable and sustainable water resource management in the Middle East ». CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3063.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Water management is a challenge in the Middle East today because of increasing population, decreasing water quality, political instability and security concerns. Israel and the Palestinian Authority share the three major freshwater sources in an inequitable and unsustainable manner. This study details the hydro-geological, political, cultural and legal challenges to equitable and sustainable water resource management in the region.
5
Alshoaibi, Hamood. « TOWARDS IMPROVING THE EDUCATION FUNDING POLICY IN OMAN : LESSONS LEARNED FROM OTHER OIL DEPENDENT NATIONS ». OpenSIUC, 2018. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1584.
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The education system in Oman underwent tremendous development during the past four decades, however, the national economy dependency on oil threatens the sustainability of its education funding. This study aims to explore the relationship between education funding and oil price fluctuations in Qatar, U.A.E., and Oman from 1975 to 2015. Moreover, it aims to suggest new economic alternatives to diversify the education funding sources in Oman. This quantitative study, under the framework of Human Capital Theory, utilized descriptive and associational approaches to study the association between oil prices and education expenditures in the three countries. Multiple regression analyses showed that oil prices significantly predicted the government expenditure on education in Oman and Qatar with (β = -0.40, p = 0.013) and (β = 2.47, p = 0.02) respectively, while it was not significant in predicting the government expenditure on education (β = 0.36, p = 0.40) in the U.A.E. This study highlighted how Qatar and U.A.E were successful in moving away from oil dependency. The researcher recommended that the Omani government must encourage the inflow of direct foreign investment into its education field, like establishment of new education hubs, educational cities, and opening new branches for some of the leading educational institutions from around the world. The researcher plans to conduct future qualitative research to enrich knowledge in this area.
6
Zvan, Elliott Katja. « Women's rights and reform in provincial Morocco : from disenfranchisement to lack of empowerment ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d016ef02-51b6-4745-927a-e286608c8a28.
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Morocco is oftentimes praised by academics, development workers, and women’s rights activists as a trailblazer for the empowerment of women in the Middle East and North African region. Its reforms in the realm of family legislation and progress made in human development place the country at the helm of liberalising Arab Muslim-majority societies, even more so after the Arab Spring and Morocco’s peaceful transition to a ‘new’ constitutional order. However, a closer look at women’s rights discourses, legal reforms, its texts and implementation, and the public attitudes towards the enhancement of women’s rights reveals a less empowering situation. The purported goals of the Family Code, as the extolled document showcasing Morocco’s attempt at ameliorating (married) women’s rights, of ‘doing justice to women’ while ‘preserving men’s dignity’ mask the reformed law’s reconsolidation of patriarchal family relations. Many legal grey areas within this particular law, as well as clashing principles emanating from other laws such as the Penal Code, allow judges and the ʿaduls (religious notaries) to exercise discretion and apply the law as they see fit and, to a large extent, as it conforms to their and the community’s vision of the ideal moral order. Moreover, because ‘doing justice to women’ affects men’s and family’s honour, the project of the enhancement of women’s rights has had as a result retraditionalisation of family relations and hierarchical gender structures. Nowhere is this more poignant than in the status of educated single adult girls from provincial areas. They may be poster girls for the development community, but they are pitied by their own communities because they fail to become complete women––married (non-employed) mothers. The story of Morocco’s professed progress is a story of empowering its citizens, but one which does so on paper only. It is also a story which hides the salient details of poorly written reformed laws, obstructed access to justice, continuing widespread misogyny, material poverty and social marginalisation, and cohesive socio-economic programmes, which are rarely followed through.
7
Maxwell, R. M. Tompson A. F. B. Richardson J. H. El-Naser H. Rihani J. F. F. Subah A. El Sha'r W. A. Al-Hadidi Khair Al-Awamleh M. Al-Foqaha M. Abu-Eid O. Hayyaneh R. A. « Experiential Education in Groundwater Hydrology Bridging the Technical-Policy-Populace Gap Final Report ». Washington, D.C : Oak Ridge, Tenn. : United States. Dept. of Energy ; distributed by the Office of Scientific and Technical Information, U.S. Dept. of Energy, 2003. http://www.osti.gov/servlets/purl/15006124-edMhAR/native/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis; Thesis information not provided; 17 Jul 2003.Published through the Information Bridge: DOE Scientific and Technical Information. "UCRL-LR-154423" Maxwell, R M; Tompson, A F B; Richardson, J H; El-Naser, H; Rihani, J. F F; Subah, A.; El Sha'r, W A; Al-Hadidi, Khair; Al-Awamleh, M; Al-Foqaha, M; Abu-Eid, O; Hayyaneh, R A. 07/17/2003. Report is also available in paper and microfiche from NTIS.
8
Good, Jennifer E. « Fossil Fuel Subsidies : Impacts and Reform Strategies ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/687.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis uses cross-country panel regressions to identify the effects of fossil-fuel subsidies for both oil importers and oil exporters on GDP growth, industry growth, crowding out of government expenditures in education, health, and infrastructure, government debt, carbon dioxide emissions, inequality and poverty. Fossil-fuel subsidies are found to be associated with lower levels of growth and industry growth, less government expenditure on health and education, poorer infrastructure quality, more government debt, and higher rates of carbon dioxide emissions. No relationship is found between fossil fuel subsidies and poverty and inequality. These results confirm the arguments of those that argue that fossil-fuel subsidies should be rationalized.
However, removing subsidies is politically challenging. In order to identify strategies for fossil fuel reform, the successful reform efforts of Indonesia and Turkey are examined. These cases are then used to draw lessons for governments undertaking subsidy reform. The key strategies used were to exempt some regions, groups, or fuels from reform, use funds from subsidy removal for social safety nets and other poverty alleviation programs, time the reforms strategically, and communicate clearly to the public the reason for reform and how the funds will be used. These lessons are applied to countries in the developing Middle East and North Africa, including Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco.
9
Neulet, Agathe. « Turkey, a return toward the Middle-East ? » Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-194544.
Texte intégral
10
Schonmann, Noa. « The Phantom Pact : Israel's periphery policy in the Middle East ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522796.
Texte intégral
11
Schieck, George Foster. « Chinese-Middle East relations and their implications for U.S. policy ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/23830.
Texte intégral
12
Gunay, Defne. « The Europeanisation of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3781/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an exploration of the Europeanisation of Turkish Foreign Policy towards the Middle East. The mainstream conceptualisation of Europeanisation in the foreign policy domain is based on a frequently used tripartite framework of uploading, downloading and socialisation. This framework is based on uploading preferences or templates by member states to the 'EU level', downloading policies from the `EU level` and socialisation of national foreign policy actors at the 'EU level'. When the research direction turns towards EU candidates, the conceptualisation of the 'EU level' becomes problematic due to the candidates being unable to upload their preferences to the EU. I argue in this thesis that these are issues that can benefit from a closer reflection on the conceptualisation of the so-called 'EU level' and how it interacts with domestic agency. Therefore, this thesis starts by conceptualising 'EU candidacy' as an institutional context to address the shortcomings of the mainstream Europeanisation model in its application to candidate states. This conceptualisation is based on the strategic-relational approach and a critical realist methodology for embedding this research into a new institutionalist agenda. It is analysed in this thesis how the usages of Turkey's EU candidate role prescriptions by Turkish actors have shaped Turkey's foreign policy towards the Middle East between 1999 and 2010. In this vein, this thesis analyses how the institutionalisation of Turkey's EU candidate role has enabled Turkey's foreign policy towards the Middle East since the 1999 Helsinki decision of the EU to declare Turkey as a candidate country. The main argument is that the institutionalisation of EU candidate role regarding compliance with the Copenhagen criteria and the foreign policy acquis of the EU through the usages by domestic actors has had enabled Turkey's foreign policy towards the Middle East.
13
Ladpli, Pimpen. « Economic policy and development in south-east Asian economies ». Thesis, University of Southampton, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390602.
Texte intégral
14
LeBlue, James Brodie. « Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East ? » ScholarWorks@UNO, 2013. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/50.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) of Turkey has reoriented its country's historical Westward-looking foreign policy towards the Middle East because of a freeze in European Union accession, trans-national security issues resulting from the Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK), and the expansion of its economic interests into the region. The United States should take careful note of these changes in an effort to mitigate any opposition to the AKP’s policies, as well as to better utilize Turkey’s growing clout in the region.
15
Henson, Aaron. « Middle East Policy and Nixon : The Tragedy of the October War ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1032.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Arts and Humanities
History
16
Bordin, Greta <1997>. « Russian foreign policy in the Middle East. A classical realist perspective ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/20930.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La tesi di ricerca analizza la politica estera russa in Medio Oriente con particolare enfasi nell'ultimo decennio attraverso la lente del realismo classico e l’utilizzo di un sistema analitico fondato sulla natura dell’uomo, la natura dello stato e il sistema internazionale. La tesi, cercando di rispondere a specifiche domande di natura politica, persegue il fine di dimostrare la validità del realismo classico come approccio teorico e analitico nello studio della politica estera russa nel quadrante medio orientale, talvolta enfatizzandone le limitazioni. I principali quesiti a cui la tesi di ricerca tenterà di trovare risposta sono i seguenti: quali sono stati i fattori che hanno spinto la Russia ad un rinnovato interesse in Medio Oriente a metà degli anni 2010 dopo la quasi totale scomparsa dalla regione conseguentemente la fine della Guerra Fredda? Quali sono le principali ambizioni del leader russo? Come le problematiche derivanti dalla crisi pandemica di Covid-19 possano influenzare il ruolo della Russia nella regione? La crescente presenza cinese in Medio Oriente si tradurrà in una competizione geopolitica? Infine, il ritrovato parziale interesse della nuova amministrazione americana sarà di beneficio od ostacolo agli obiettivi russi nell’area? Per provare a dare risposta a tali quesiti, la tesi, nella prima parte, ripercorre il cambiamento politico della politica estera russa dopo la caduta dell’Unione Sovietica alla fine del XX secolo. L’analisi è stata ritenuta essenziale per comprendere il contesto internazionale e domestico nel quale la delineazione di nuovi obiettivi primari nell’area medio orientale ha avuto luogo. Successivamente, avvenimenti funzionali all’economia della ricerca verranno analizzati, con particolare attenzione alle cosiddette Primavere Arabe, la guerra civile in Siria, le crisi regionali e l’emergere di nuove potenze mediorientali, così come accordi commerciali legati all’esportazione di risorse energetiche e militari, il terrorismo transnazionale e il sorgere di nuovi rivali internazionali. La struttura della tesi segue e richiama la natura individuale, statale, ed internazionale del realismo classico, concentrandosi su come possano influenzare e anche mettere a repentaglio la politica estera russa in Medio Oriente. La natura dell’uomo si focalizzerà sulla personalità e le ambizioni del leader russo, Vladimir Putin. La natura dello stato, invece, si concentrerà sul possibile impatto del Covid-19 sulla capacità statale di proiezione di potere in merito al sistema economico, al mercato del petrolio, al commercio delle armi e alla minaccia terroristica. Infine, il sistema internazionale, esaminerà i rapporti con la Cina, la quale sta affermandosi sempre più come rivale della Russia nella regione. Inoltre, un excursus sull’agenda della nuova amministrazione americana Biden sarà di interesse per comprendere possibili ripercussioni o vantaggi futuri sulla politica estera russa in Medio Oriente.
17
Ohinata, Shin. « Issues in economic growth and trade policy in East Asia ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4205/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis consists of three studies. The topics discussed are in the area of international trade and economic growth with a reference to the policy issues in East Asia. The study in Chapter 2 presents a model of North-South trade which can explain the observed cross-country variations in factor prices. Intuition and evidence suggest that knowledge is largely non-excludable and hence all countries should have access to broadly similar technology. However, this public-good assumption for technology leads to implausible predictions of factor prices in standard models. The model in this study does not assume any differences in technology but its predictions are consistent with observations. In Chapter 3, the implications of the two vintage models for growth accounting are examined. Growth accounting studies have shown that total factor productivity growth in East Asian economies has been slower than expected. Analysis of the vintages models suggests that this puzzling finding could be due to mismeasurements of capital arising from the particular characteristic of East Asian growth experience. In Chapter 4, it is shown that when asymmetric economies adopt an open regionalism policy, some of them may gain at the expense of others. This result is very different from the commonly held view in the literature. In certain situations, some economies in the bloc achieves a higher welfare level than under global free trade. A policy of open regionalism could therefore turn out to be an obstacle to the process of multilateral trade liberalization.
18
Yildirim, Abdulkadir. « Muslim Democratic Parties : Economic Liberalization and Islamist Moderation in the Middle East ». The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1280199427.
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19
Swed, Nannette. « Essays on socio-economic consequences of violent conflict in the Middle East ». Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16927.
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Diese Dissertation besteht aus drei Aufsätzen, welche die sozio-ökonomische Konsequenzen der Verwicklung in Konflikte untersuchen. Der erste Artikel untersucht den Einfluss der “Operation Iraqi Freedom” und des folgenden Bürgerkrieges auf die Beschulung von irakischen Kindern im schulpflichtigen Alter. Einen Schwerpunkt der Studie bildet die Überwindung eines Endogenitätsproblems, welches sich durch nicht-zufällige Verwicklung in Gewalt ergibt. Die Ergebnisse der Studie zeigen, dass in Abhängigkeit von der Intensität des Konfliktes die Schuleinschreibung von Mädchen durch eine Verwicklung in Konflikte zwischen sechs bis zwölf Prozent reduziert wird. Der bei Jungen gemessene Effekt beläuft sich auf eine Reduzierung um ein bis neun Prozent. Im zweiten Artikel werden Lohnzuschläge von hochqualifizierten palästinensischen Arbeitskräften in Zusammenhang mit alternierender Intensität im Nahostkonflikt gestellt. Mit dem Ausbruch der Zweiten Intifada im Jahr 2000 führen erhöhte Grenzkontrollen zu eingeschränkte Mobilität. Dadurch gewinnt Der Dienstleistungssektor in den Besetzten Gebieten an relativer Bedeutung. Dieser beschäftigt anteilig mehr hochqualifizierte Arbeitskräfte als andere Sektoren, was den Anstieg ihrer relativen Löhne erklärt. Im dritten Artikel wird die Entwicklung des Geschlechterlohndifferentials in den Palästinensischen Gebieten untersucht. Während der Lohnunterschied zwischen Mann und Frau bis 1999 ansteigt, lässt sich mit dem Ausbruch der Zweiten Intifada die Umkehrung dieses Trends verzeichnen. Die Verlagerung der palästinensischen Beschäftigung aus Israel in den lokalen Arbeitsmarkt erklärt dabei 57,8 Prozent der schrumpfenden Lohnlücke. Die dadurch veränderte Industriestruktur macht weitere 26,5 Prozent der Lohnkonvergenz aus. Die veränderte Beschäftigung zugunsten der Agrar- und Dienstleistungssektoren, welche sich beide durch einen hohen Anteil an Arbeiterinnen auszeichnen, führt zu einem Anstieg ihrer relativen Löhne.This thesis consists of three essays that analyze the socio-economic consequences of conflict involvement. The first essay studies the effect of the Operation Iraqi Freedom and the following civil war on schooling outcomes of Iraqi children in mandatory schooling age. Several conflict measures which vary over geographic regions are proposed to capture different traits of conflict involvement. A special focus is laid on overcoming the potential endogeneity arising from non-random involvement into conflicts. I find decreased school enrollment of six-year-old boys and girls. Depending on the intensity of the conflict enrollment of girls is reduced by six to twelve percent. The detrimental effect measured for boys ranges between one and nine percent. The second essay examines wage differentials of high-skilled workers in relation to relaxing and tightening conflict intensity in the Israeli-Palestinian case. After the outbreak of the Second Intifada in 2000 the relative wage of skilled workers experiences a substantial increase. Regional employment shifts coming along with a change in the sector composition are responsible for a higher skill-intensive labor employment which translates into higher relative wages for skilled workers. The third essay explores the evolution of the gender wage gap in the Palestinian Territories. While the male-female wage differential increases till 1999, this trend is reversed with the outbreak of the Second Intifada. The catch-up of the female wages is mainly driven by relative employment shifts across workplaces and sectors. The shift of employment in Israel to the local labor market explains 57.8 percent of the closing wage gap between men and women. The related change in the industry structure explains another 26.5 percent of the wage convergence. I find relative gains of the service and agricultural sectors located in the Palestinian Territories, both of which rely on high shares of female labor input.
20
Ergen, Gaye. « Eu Energy Security And The Middle East Oil ». Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609089/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to analyze oil as a security challenge for the European Union. The energy security policy is getting more and more important with the decrease of energy sources, which holds and shapes the balance of power in the world. Especially in the future, energy sources will be the key to political strategies. The European nations have created energy security policies in order to protect their benefits. The central argument of this thesis is that although the EU has attempted to create a common EU energy policy throughout its history, it could not escape from the impact of the national energy policy of the member states. The main focus is on the oil policy of the community. Thus, the aim of the thesis is to explore the policies created for oil security, especially in the Middle East, and why the EU could not implement these policies it created.
21
Ozhan, Taha. « The transformation of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East since 2002 ». Thesis, Keele University, 2016. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/2348/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Turkish foreign policy has experienced a significant transformation since the AK Party came to power in 2002. The pro-status quo, passive and reactive foreign policy with a limited regional perspective transformed into an active foreign policy that aims to change international relations in the region as a whole. This change was analyzed in many different studies in recent years, and scholars from different fields of political science have tried to make sense of this major shift and understand its causes and outcomes. In this study, this foreign policy change will be explained as a gradual development that came as a result of the transformation of Turkey’s state identity. The process of change was started with the Neighboring Countries of Iraq Conference in 2003. The Conference was the first of such an attempt to engage the countries of the region in order to resolve problems in a neighboring nation. This study attempts to challenge this dominant discourse by providing a new narrative of Turkish politics and evolving foreign policy of Turkey. The study argues that the change in Turkish foreign policy was gradual and based on different dynamics that took place in the country over the last ten years. Although it is difficult to explain this change to the academic world, this challenge is due in part to the failure of classical theories of international relations, such as realism and liberalism, to explain the reasons for shifts in nations’ foreign policy. The structural explanation sometimes fails to explain transformations that took place in a more complicated mixed impact of domestic and external dynamics. However, another major approach in international relations, 2 constructivism, provides solutions for both of these challenges. It has an important strength in explaining foreign policy changes in countries, especially in Turkish foreign policy, which has important ramifications in regards to the impact of the shift on the state’s identity. The three cases under study demonstrate the changing identity of Turkish foreign policy, from a pro-Western, status quo-oriented and passive foreign policy towards a more independent, pro-active foreign policy.
22
Charountaki, Marianna. « The Kurds and US foreign policy in the Middle East since 1945 ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.532021.
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23
Musu, Costanza. « European Union foreign policy and the Middle East peace process, 1991-2002 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1717/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyses European Union foreign policy towards the Middle East peace process in the years between 1991-2002: it examines in which measure disagreement has characterised relations among Member States in the context of the formulation of a European Middle East policy, and if it's possible to detect a trend towards the attainment of a broadly speaking "European perception" of the Arab-Israeli problem and of the policy Europe should adopt. The question at the heart of the thesis is: why has the EU spent so much time on Middle East policy, to so little effect. A set of possible answers has been tested: o due to the failure in reaching a sufficiently convergent approach among EU members o the EU lacks the relevant levers and instruments to affect the Middle East peace process o strategic US interests in the Middle East and the dynamics of EU-US relations have relegated the EU to a secondary role in the Middle East peace process The thesis argues that Member States' policy differences are being watered down through the practice of discussions aimed at the elaboration of a common European foreign policy, but that at the same time the Member States have only occasionally been able to identify common interests in a number sufficient to encourage the implementation of a collective European policy, which could supposedly be more effective than 15 separate and distinct policies, and that their policy could be described as a policy of "converging parallels", i.e. a policy that can at times converge and be harmonised with that of the other Member States but remains essentially a national foreign policy, clearly distinct from, and only occasionally similar to, that of the other Member States. Furthermore, the thesis argues that the transatlantic dimension is crucial to understand European Middle East policy. It has become evident to all EU Member States that effective and autonomous policy towards the Middle East unavoidably carries with it disagreement with the USA - quite possibly involving active disapproval from the Americans. For all except France, this has been a strong disincentive to attempt to develop more than declaratory policy.
24
Chehabi, Hikmat. « Russian Foreign Policy in the Middle East : A Case Study of Syria ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/876.
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Nizameddin, Talal. « Towards a national foreign policy : Russia and the Middle East, 1991-1996 ». Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1997. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317655/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The basic aim of this thesis is to analyse the transformation of Russia's foreign policy from 1991 to 1996, using the Middle East as a case example of the changing perceptions and strategy of Moscow. Chapter one serves as an introduction while the final chapter, nine, is the conclusion. Chapters two and three are concerned with Soviet foreign policy from 1945 to 1991. Their main purpose is to provide a background to the relations between Russia and the Middle Eastern countries chosen for the thesis, but as importantly, to serve as a comparison with the post- Soviet period. Consequent chapters look at relations between Russia and the key countries of the region: ch. 5, Russia and Israel; ch. 6, Russia's relations with Israel's neighbours (excluding Egypt); ch. 7, Russia's relations with Iraq and Saudi Arabia; ch. 8 Russia's relations with Turkey and Iran. Chapter four provides a broad look at the transformation and debates regarding foreign policy under Yeltsin from 1991 to 1996. This chapter highlights the various phases in Russia's foreign policy outlook, which began as ideologically pro-Western in 1991 and settled into a pragmatic, national policy by 1996. I hope to show that this centrist position was not ideologically opposed to the West, but it sought much greater emphasis upon national interest. This, I argue, is a stable and rational policy for a world power to adopt. The Middle East is an area of high priority for Russia in which interests often do not coincide with those of the United States. By looking at the examples of the various countries, I hope to show how Moscow has sought to reconcile the relations established as a result of Gorbachev's New Thinking with upholding its traditional interests and geo-strategic concerns.
26
Fildes, Harriet Ann. « Turkey's 'new' foreign policy in the Middle East : the civil society factor ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31449.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to address a key and understudied element of Turkish foreign-policy under the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP): the civil-society factor. It answers the question: How has foreign-policy and diplomacy changed in this era due to the domestic dynamics, exploring how Turkey's image and global standing is dependent on the legitimacy and activism of non-state actors. The central aim being to understand how the interests, identity and practices of civil-society organizations (CSOs) have changed modes and channels of engagement with the Middle East: with Turkey increasingly deploying economic, humanitarian and cultural diplomacy in their relations with the region. The theoretical focus provides an alternative perspective on foreign-policy from a societal and ideational perspective. The empirical focus examines the development of civil-society in Turkey alongside the trajectory of changing foreign relations with the Middle East. This thesis highlights the variation in CSOs in terms of their relationship with the government: the type of interaction based on a number of variables such as autonomy from the government, the democratization process, the security environment and openings in the political space. By analysing the patterns of interaction and influence of CSOs, this dissertation contributes to the literature on civil-society influence and literature on Turkish foreign-policy (TFP). This thesis aims to contribute to growing research on civil-society's role in Turkey, however within the specific and understudied context of Middle East relations. It choses civil-society as the main unit of analysis in what is acknowledged to be a complex and multifaceted policy environment. However, as will be discussed throughout this thesis in relation to strong elements of continuity in TFP, the emergence of normative discourses, social, economic and political ties at the level of civil-society is one of the most distinct changes of the AKP era. Turkey's engagement with the Middle East has been shaped, and channelled through these actors, legitimized to the public and the international community. This renders the behaviour of Turkish CSOs even more significant to international relations, with Turkey's pre-2013 image as a regional mediator, humanitarian diplomat and soft-power contingent on these actors.
27
Collins, Marshall. « Exclusion vs. Inclusion : American and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/39.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Why do countries engage in democracy promotion around the world? Why is the principle component of U.S. foreign policy abroad assistance with democratization? One answer is the Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) (also known as “Liberal Peace”). Accordingly, DPT states, as its basic tenant, democracies behave differently with one another than they do non-democracies, especially in relation to military altercations.
Why are some countries more successful than others in promoting democratic ideals around the world? In order to partly explain this question, I examine American and Turkish foreign policy initiatives in the Middle East from a comparative perspective. The United States of America and the Republic of Turkey both reflect the basic tenant of the Democratic Peace Theory in their foreign policies. Each maintains policies that promote the establishment of democracies and the perpetuation of democratic ideals in the Middle East region. Differences in policies are observable when consideration is placed on the principles of inclusion and exclusion in negotiating, nation building, and the promotion of national interests in foreign affairs. The United States maintains bureaucratic rigidity while Turkey exemplifies an open policy when negotiating with interested parties. An analysis of nuclear proliferation in Iran, the two invasions of Iraq since 1990, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals an increase and advancement of Turkey’s influence in the spread of democracy in the Middle East and a corresponding decline in that of the U.S. This approach might have strengthened Turkish strategic leverage in the region with comparatively greater (than the United States) ability to promote democratic ideals in the Middle East region through the continued building of partnerships and a dedication to stability of the region, the balancing of internal political ideologies, and the stability of Turkish international relations above all else.
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Aoun, Madonna. « Political Structures and Political Violence in the Middle East ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1195647167.
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Paramonava, Darya <1995>. « “Flying in Middle East Oil” : The Role of Middle Eastern Oil in Eisenhower’s ‘Containment’ Policy, 1953-60 ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/17578.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The present thesis investigates the role of the Middle Eastern oil in the Eisenhower policy of containment, the overall evolution of the presence of oil in the international economy and its eventual significance for the elaboration of the United States foreign policy in the 1950s and early 1960s. Modern research seems to overlook the factor of Middle Eastern oil in the study of the Eisenhower presidency, while the present research endeavors to illustrate that such an omission could be detrimental to the thorough understanding of Eisenhower’s policy of containment. The study starts with the investigation of the meaning of “policy of containment” and its development throughout the Truman and Eisenhower administrations, as well as the crucial changes the New Look introduced in the American-Soviet relations. It proceeds with the outline of the factual importance oil was gaining throughout the first half of the 20th century before Eisenhower entered the office, in conjunction with the concessionary system in the Middle East and the work of the major oil companies until the foundation of OPEC. The thesis is concluded with the elaborate description and analysis of the events that had to do with the Middle Eastern oil during the Eisenhower presidency, including but not being limited to the Iranian coup d'état in 1953, the Suez Crisis in 1956, and the proclamation of the Eisenhower Doctrine in 1957.
30
Hayajneh, Adnan Mohammad Hussin. « American foreign policy : Arms transfers to the Middle East, 1960-1990 : Testing competing theories ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187196.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study investigated American arms transfer policy in the Middle East from 1960 to 1990. Five independent hypotheses have been formulated using explanations for arms transfers drawn from the academic theoretical literature on international relations as well as policy and popular interpretations. The dissertation tested all five hypotheses for their respective explanatory power in understanding United States arms transfers to the Middle East during a key thirty-year period, using a mix of techniques including a comprehensive overview of each factor, historical and objective grounding for each factor and a systematic inquiry using both qualitative and quantitative methods. The five individual hypotheses focus on Soviet arms transfers to the region, the regional balance of power, the "Israeli factor," the Arab-Israeli peace process and the "Oil factor". Data was collected to test each of these hypotheses. The results include the following: a modest action-reaction pattern in superpower arms transfer to the region does exist, with more support for a US reactionary policy to the Soviet Union than the opposite; US transferred arms to the hegemon's challengers to maintain a balance of power system in the Middle East; US arms transfers to Arab states were not strongly related as leads to US arms transfers to Israel; it was found that US peace attempts are moderately correlated with US arms transfers to the involved states; and, finally US arms transfers were strongly correlated with the oil factor. The dissertation concluded that political considerations and economic factors are equally salient depending on the type of cases studied. The results provided insights on the multiple explanations for understanding United States arms transfer policies to the Middle East and produced findings that will have policy implications for policy toward a volatile region of the world in the post-Cold War era, as well as for our understanding of a key component of United States foreign policy in general.
31
Dowling, Kevin Scott. « American Middle East policy : increasing the threat to US Forces in Saudi Arabia ? » Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA401343.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 2001."December 2001." Thesis Advisor(s): Robinson, Glenn. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-59). Also Available online.
32
Saito, Henry Toshihiko. « China's expansion into the Middle East and its effects on U.S. foreign policy ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/07Mar%5FSaito.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): James A. Russell, Christopher P. Twomey. "March 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-106). Also available in print.
33
Ward, Brandon M. « The shift in United States foreign policy in the Middle East since 1989 ». [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2006. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001698.
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Sasley, Brent E. « Individuals and the significance of affect : foreign policy variation in the Middle East ». Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102843.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation seeks to expand our understanding of variation in foreign policy. Although we have a series of large, extant literatures dealing with the sources of foreign policy, there has been less attention paid over the last decade to understanding why states change their behavior. At the same time, the thesis argues that foreign policy change is best understood as a result of the role of individual decision-makers and the role that emotion plays in their foreign policy calculations.Foreign policy depends on the decisions made by individual leaders. The type of individual thus determines the specific policy. Here individuals are categorized as ideological or adaptable. Ideological individuals are more rigid in their belief structures, are more likely to select policies that fit with their extant understandings of the world and the position of their state in it, and more likely to rely on the emotional or affective appeal an object or issue holds for them. Adaptable leaders are more flexible, not tied to specific ideologies or reliant on emotion to guide their thinking, and thus more likely to choose or learn ideas that best respond to changing environmental conditions. At the same time, how a state's decision-making institutions are structured tells us how likely it is that an individual's own predilections matter. In polities where decision-making is centralized (e.g., in the office of the prime minister), individuals have greater leeway to put their ideas (whether based on their ideological outlooks or shifting environmental circumstances) into practice, while in de-centralized polities other actors constrain the leader from autonomous decision-making. In such cases, it is likely that an individual's ideas will conform to those of the constraining actors. Finally, the role of ideas is taken into consideration, as the dominant national ideas about foreign policy regarding a specific issue-area help us better understand the context in which individuals make (or change) foreign policy.
This model is tested against alternate explanations---systemic imperatives, Constructivism, public opinion, poliheuristic theory, and prospect theory---in two case studies: the Israeli decision to pursue and sign the 1993 Oslo Accords, and the 2002 decision by the Islamist government in Turkey to actively lobby for membership in the European Union. Both foreign policies represent significant variation, and both provide important theoretical and empirical puzzles for scholars.
35
Jones, Stewart Robert. « British policy in the Middle East, 1966-1974, with special reference to Israel ». Thesis, University of Ulster, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260468.
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Styan, David. « France & ; Iraq : oil, arms, and French policy making in the Middle East / ». Londres : I. B. Tauris, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41080804v.
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37
Agalewatte, Tikiri Bandara. « Competitive industry policy for economic development in Sri Lanka lessons from East Asia / ». Access electronically, 2004. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20050111.134706/index.html.
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Leung, Kar-foo Leeds. « Shenzhen : the showcase of China's open policy / ». Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17982352.
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Ali, Mobarak. « Eastern Europe foreign policy convergence with Western Europe on the Middle East, 1990-1992 ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390195.
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Kareem, Mohammad Sabah. « The shaping of the Middle East : British policy and the Kurdish question, 1914-1923 ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/34158.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The period between 1914 and 1923 was one of the most important phases in Middle Eastern history; and it was one that shaped the political map and boundaries of the area to exclude any Kurdish political entity. The thesis argues that the British Empire played a most important role in shaping the future of the region. The central argument of the study is that British diverging views and strategies formed a decisive factor in thwarting the emergence of any Kurdish state in the post-Ottoman era and furthermore, the on- the- ground colonial officials were key in directing the British perceptions with regard to the future of Kurdistan. Mark Sykes, in the period between1915 and 1919, and Gertrude Bell, between 1919 and 1923, were the most important colonial officials that determined the future of Kurdistan. British policy concerning Kurdistan was heavily affected by Britain’s relations with other Great Powers including France, America and Russia. The conflicting interests of these powers in the region had a critical effect on the political future of Kurdistan. In relation to this Imperial Game, the study confirms that the oil issue has complicated the settlement of Kurdistan, and in particular it was an important factor behind the British policy decisions with regard to Southern Kurdistan and its integration into the Iraqi State. In addition, the regional Turkish, Armenian and Arab nationalist movements significantly complicated the settlement of the Kurdish Question, in Britain’s perspective. This study demonstrates how policy decisions regarding Kurdistan were closely linked to the way information was conveyed to the British policy-makers. It argues that biased reports created an unfavourable perception regarding the Kurdish Question. On the ground, the only sources of information available to the Government were British officials, agents, missionary groups, and the press, and their bias towards the interests of others, such as the Armenians and Arabs, created a negative image of the Kurds which affected the Kurdish cause as far as the foreign policies of the Great Powers were concerned.
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Minchuk, Alexandra Andreevna, et Олександра Андріївна Мінчук. « The kurdish factor in the policy of the Russian federation in the middle east ». Thesis, National Aviation University, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/51654.
Texte intégralRésumé :
1.Article “Adventures of the Kurds with Russia.” [Electronic resource]. -
Access mode: https://magazine.nv.ua/journal/3426-journal-no-
44/prikljuchenijakurdov-s-rossiej.html
2.Article “People without a state: who are the Kurds?” . » [Electronic resource]. -
Access mode: https://www.dw.com/uk/narod-bez-derzhavy-hto-taki-kurdy/a-
42294803
3.Statistics “Ethnoatlas of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. Kurds. “ [Electronic resource]. - Access mode: http://www.krskstate.ru/about/narod/etnoatlas/0/eid/135
4.NY Times. An article «Trump to Arm Syrian Kurds, Even as Turkey
Strongly Objects.» [Electronic resource]. - Access mode:
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/09/ us/politics/trump-kurds-syria-army.html
5.Consular information portal of the Russian Federation. Opening of the General Consulate of the Russian Federation in Erbil. [Electronic resource]. - Access mode: https://www.kdmid.ru/cd.aspx?lst=cd_wiki&it/Эрбиль.aspx#:
6.Article “Kurds: the vector of Russian influence in the Middle East.”
[Electronic resource]. - Access mode:
https://www.ifri.org/sites/default/files/atoms/files/ ifri_rnv_85_ruigor_delanoe_kurdy_vektor_rossiyskogo_vliyaniya_na_blizhnem_ vostoke_iyun_2015.pdfAnnotation - an article devoted to the study of political and economic interests of Russian Federation in the context of the Kurdish issue. According to the analysis of available materials, Russian-Kurdish relations actually began in the 1920s with the recognition of Kurdish nationality by the USSR. At the same time, it was legally a “nation without a state” - the total area inhabited by Kurds exceeds 500,000 square meters in northern Iraq, eastern Turkey, western Iran and northeastern Syria. Indeed, Moscow has recognized the national identity of the Iraqi Kurds since 1970, after which the general ideology and support of the national liberation movement became structural elements of the Kremlin-Kurdish relationship, as well as vectors of Soviet (later Russian) influence in the Middle East. It is important to note that Kurds have a long time formed a positive impression of Russia. Russian-Kurdish relations have a long history, in the Russian Empire according to the general census of 1897 - Kurds (Muslims and Yazidis) lived 100 thousand people. At the same time, the Kurds served in the Russian Imperial Army, participated on its side in the RussoTurkish wars.
Анотація - стаття, присвячена вивченню політичних та економічних інтересів Російської Федерації в контексті курдського питання. Згідно з аналізом наявних матеріалів, російсько-курдські відносини фактично розпочалися в 1920-х роках з визнанням курдської національності СРСР. У той же час юридично це була "нація без держави" - загальна площа населених курдами перевищує 500 000 квадратних метрів у північному Іраці, на сході Туреччини, у західному Ірані та на північному сході Сирії. Дійсно, Москва визнала національну ідентичність іракських курдів з 1970 року, після чого загальна ідеологія та підтримка національно-визвольного руху стали структурними елементами кремлівсько-курдських відносин, а також векторами радянських (пізніше російських) вплив на Близькому Сході. Важливо зазначити, що курди давно складали позитивне враження про Росію. Російсько-курдські відносини мають давню історію, в Російській імперії за загальним переписом 1897 р. - курди (мусульмани та язиди) проживали 100 тис. Чоловік. Одночасно курди служили в російській імператорській армії, брали участь на її боці в російсько-турецьких війнах.
42
Gordon, Mark Alexander. « U.S. in the Unipolar Moment : Analysis of George W. Bush Middle East Foreign Policy ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/47948.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Using a comparative trend analysis for fifteen states in the Middle East during President George W. Bush's eight year administration, this paper provides one method for answering the research question, "What was the priority/focus of U.S. Middle East policy during the W. Bush Administration?" Within the context of international relations theories neorealism, neoliberalism, and neoconservatism, U.S. policy is broken down into three policy priorities: stability, security, and democracy promotion and measured for each state for each year of the administration. Line graphs illustrate the changes from year to year and linear trend lines indicate the direction of change as positive, negative, or neutral. The results are used to validate the three working hypotheses: 1) if the U.S. views stability as paramount, then its foreign policy will be to support the status quo regimes, 2) if the U.S. wants to maintain security, then its foreign policy will be to demonstrate power projection via its military, and 3) if the U.S. aims at democracy promotion, the its foreign policy will be to implement economic aid and assistance programs to reform non-democratic governments and strengthen existing democratic institutions. Eleven states confirmed the stability hypothesis, nine states confirmed the security hypothesis, and twelve states confirmed the democracy promotion hypothesis. There was no discernable pattern between the trends across states indicating that the U.S. consistently pursued one policy priority over the others. There were only two complete cases in which a state had only one positive trending policy priority.Master of Arts
43
Todd, Paul. « A regional power : United States' policy in the Indian Ocean and the definition of national security 1970-1980 ». Thesis, Middlesex University, 1994. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/6424/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study explores the content, context and contradictions in the making of United States' policy for the Indian Ocean region during the decade of the 1970's. In approaching this undertaking, the study will focus on the strategic dimension to policy from both an historical and an analytic perspective. The work explores three major themes: first, that the need to reverse a perceived decline in U. S. power constituted a common ground for U. S. administrations' during the 1970's; secondly, that the approach to this objective found a critical geopolitical focus in the Middle East and Northern Indian Ocean region; and thirdly, that the modalities of regional engagement redefined, in turn, the nature of regional multipolarity . The principal dilemma to be explored for U. S. policy concems the reconciliation of the rising importance of the region to the United States with diminishing U. S. leverage, in an era of diffusion of power and emergent strategic bipolarity. In methodological terms, the research design adapts the controlled comparison case study model developed by Alexander George amongst others. In this context, the class of events under scrutiny is policy - broadly defined - for the Indian Ocean region under differing strategic concepts, with a focus on bureaucratic interaction, organizational process, and military posture. The parallel analysis of macroscopic processes in world economics, inter-state relations and the central balance provides a conjunctural setting for a structured, focused, comparison of source material drawn from Congressional Hearings, policy documentation, reports, interviews and internal departmental and intelligence memoranda. For the source material itself, the research programme has accessed much material recently declassified under FOI legislation and on record in the National Archives, the National Security Archives and the Nixon Presidential library. The ordering of the work is as follows: for the six major chapters, chapter one locates the origins of United States' strategic interest in the Indian Ocean within a critical account of U. S. relations with the existing British power. Chapter's two and three commence the main historical part of the work in considering the Indian Ocean policy of the Nixon administration, in terms of the local application of the 'Nixon Doctrine'. Here, the objectives and restraints for U. S. policy are assessed with reference to two major themes of this study, great power strategic parity and regional multipolarity. These themes are referenced to signal historical developments in the region - the withdrawal of British forces, the changes in the world oil market and the 1971 India-Pakistan and 1973 Middle East wars. The emerging strategic focus on the Indian Ocean for the Ford administration is taken up in chapter four within the parallel perspectives of U. S. military posture and the evolving distribution of power in the region itself. This context leads into the Indian Ocean policies of the Carter administration. Chapter five provides an overview of the U. S. -Soviet naval arms limitation talks (NALT) of 1977-8, while chapter six undertakes a three part exposition of the 'Carter Doctrine'. In this, the emergence of the South West Asia/Indian Ocean region as the focus of great power competition is located within analysis of the Iranian revolution, the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq war. Although aspects of U. S. regional policy have been subject to a substantial literature, the stance taken here combines an historical analysis with a parallel essay at synthesis -a perspective that locates the region within the overall cast of U. S. national security policy. The study posits a strategic determination for the Indian Ocean policy framework, one whose unifying process accentuated - pari passu - the differentiation of means - In these terms, it concludes that a differentiation of ends, and notably, those involving effective disengagement from the Indian Ocean, was displaced as a possible option.
44
Shaoul, Raquel. « Japanese foreign policy formulation and implementation toward the Middle East 1973 to 1999 : developments in the non-commitment policy ». Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272083.
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Traylor, John Christopher 1960. « American business and United States foreign economic policy in East Asia, 1953-1960 ». Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276538.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)
46
Onsan, Ekin. « A Study On Migration In The Middle East And North Africa ». Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613697/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to investigate both the causes and effects of migration in the Middle East and North Africa with a view to identifying the patterns and trends that characterize migration phenomena in the region. It is argued that migration is a significant variable to understand the economic, social and political dynamics of the development that the MENA countries have experienced since imperial and/or colonial times. In its different variants, migration has been conditioned primarily by economic vicissitudes. With the exception of the Gulf states, all of the MENA countries have experienced significant levels of immigration as well as emigration especially since the 1980s when the structural effects of the oil crisis (1973) surfaced. The Iraq-Iran War of the 1980s and the Gulf War of the 1990s enhanced the existing trends of migration. In the absence of political reform and economic restructuring, the economies of the region have rejuvenated the conditions of migration. Having drawn upon sociological theories, political histories and economic analyses to identify and discuss the patterns and trends of migration, the present study argues in complete contrast to a policy-oriented Western scholarship that migration is far from being a stimulus for economic growth across the MENA countries.
47
Henry, Clarence C. « The Iraq-Kuwait crisis : a critique of United States policy 1990-91 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324893.
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Pavlik, Kimberly Anne. « A Global Perception on Contemporary Slavery in the Middle East North Africa Region ». Thesis, Walden University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10790470.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Although human trafficking continues to be a growing problem around the world, there are scarce quantitative methodologies for evidence-based research because it is hard to gather reliable and comparable data on human trafficking. It is also difficult to track patterns in human trafficking on a regional or global scale because the victims are a vulnerable population. Using Datta and Bales conceptualization of modern slavery as the theoretical foundation, the primary purpose of this study was to establish a baseline measurement of trafficking predictors in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) as well as understand the statistical relationship between measurements of corruption, democracy, state of peace, and terrorism on the prevalence of contemporary slavery in the MENA region. Data were collected from the 2016 Global Terrorism Index, 2016 Democracy Index, 2016 Corruption Perception Index, 2016 Global Slavery Index, and the 2016 Global Peace Index and analyzed using multiple linear regression. The results of the study showed that corruption (p=.017) and state of peace (p=.039) were significant predictors for contemporary slavery in the MENA region. Whereas, terrorism and democracy were not significant predictors. The positive social change implications of this study include recommendations to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) to create a central repository for the archival of human trafficking data. The creation of this archive will promote a more accurate accounting of a vulnerable population such as victims of trafficking, thereby increasing awareness of contemporary slavery among law enforcement, policy makers, and scholars.
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De, Vergnes Matthieu (Matthieu Arthur). « Impact of Middle East emerging carriers on US and EU legacy airlines ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/111244.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis: S.M. in Technology and Policy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, School of Engineering, Institute for Data, Systems, and Society, Technology and Policy Program, 2017.This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 129-130).
Airlines in the Middle East have captured significant attention from governments, media and consumers over the past decade. By building large networks that facilitate international connections at their hubs, Middle East carriers are able to compete in a wide range of origin destination markets around the globe. Three of these carriers stand out with their recent expansion to European, US and Asian destinations: Emirates, Etihad Airways and Qatar Airways, also known as the ME3 carriers. From a capacity perspective, ME3 airlines have grown very rapidly on routes where they compete with US and European airlines. Over the 2010-2015 period, from Europe to the ME, ME3 airlines increased their seat capacity by 97% against a 1% reduction by European legacy carriers. At the same time, ME3 carriers increased the number of seats from the US by 181% while, as of 2017, US carriers have cut all flights to the Middle East, with the exception of Israel. In addition, ME3 capacity to Asia, and in particular to India, grew significantly. From a traffic perspective, ME3 carriers have had a significant impact in markets beyond the Middle East. Passenger traffic in the EU-India and US-India markets grew by 14% and 26% respectively since 2010. Most of the growth was driven by ME3 carriers, allowing them to reach 26% and 37% market share in these markets in 2015. The ME3 capacity growth likely stimulated the overall demand in markets to India but has also caused some diversion of traffic away from nonME3 carriers. In a two-way fixed effect econometric model, we estimated that the presence of ME3 carriers in average EU-India and US-India markets diverted, respectively, 20% and 32% of nonME3 traffic to ME3 carriers. The growing influence of ME3 carriers has led to significant controversy over claims of subsidies and unfair competition from both US and ME3 airlines. Based on a brief review of the various claims, we found that both sides have received government backing. It is difficult to determine whether either of the parties have violated established competition rules while benefiting from this support. Nonetheless, the dispute is likely to continue, if not for legal purposes at least for public relations and political purposes.
by Matthieu de Vergnes.
S.M. in Technology and Policy
50
Salim, Ihmoud Ali Abu. « The U.S. policy towards the Middle East : the case of the 1990-1991 Gulf War ». DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1998. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1685.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study has unfolded the U.S. policy toward the Middle East in general and the U.S. response to the 1990- 1991 Gulf crisis in particular. It has uncovered the fact that throughout different phases of history the U.S. policy in the Middle East was shaped by its national interests. U.S. interests in the Middle East, as elsewhere, are determined on the basis of strategic considerations and access to resources and markets. At a more specific level, however, U.S. policy objectives in the Middle East over the past several decades, until the 1990-1991 U.S.-led war in the Persian Gulf, were to: contain Soviet expansionism and influence in the region, ensuring a steady flow of the region's oil and petro-dollars to the west and Japan; defend the security of Israel; secure a permanent U.S. military base in the region; and as a result of the collapse of the Cold War order in 1990, establish the U.S. as world leader. The United States has significantly achieved these goals. In fact, by defeating Iraq, the United States has further secured its national interests in the Middle East. The Gulf War was carried out to this end.