Thèses sur le sujet « Médias et nationalisme »
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Deleuze, Magali. « Les médias au Québec et la guerre d'Algérie, 1954-1964 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0015/NQ43709.pdf.
Texte intégralErdoğan, Bariş. « Médias, pouvoirs et violence : gestion des oppositions kurde et islamiste en Turquie ». Paris, EHESS, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006EHES0051.
Texte intégralDuring the last two decades of the 20th century, internal and external dynamics supported the rise to power of new ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious actors in Turkish public and politic space. Their greater visibility became increasingly threatening for the official ideology of the secular and national Republic, as well as for the privileged positions of "the establishement". Faced with this transformation, "the establishement", wich suports Turkey's integration into European and world institutions, tried to derail the rise of the new actors (who were rooted in political Islam and Kurdish nationalism), while respecting the institutional framework of Turkey's democracy. In order to marginalize all attempts to cultivate minority identities, " the establishement " manipulated the media - and by extension the general public. The purpose of this thesis is to show how the dominant official speeches and messages were produced and woven into the daily pratice of Turkish reporters and editors in the years 1980-1990. The thesis is based and analysis of newspapers from the period, discussions with journalists and the economic situation of the Turkish press. The analytical framework is intended to highlight the close and unequal interaction between authorities, media organizations and journalists. This thesis suggests that journalistic language, wich is unfavorable to Kurdish nationalist actors and political Islam, is related not only to various pressures exerted on journalists by military, political and economic forces, but is also related to journalistic habits, particularly of the elites who come almost exclusively from privileged social categories
He, Shuang. « Le pouvoir d’influence et le rayonnement de la Chine en Asie-Pacifique à travers les médias chinois (2007-2016) ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080029.
Texte intégralThe geopolitical center of the world is gradually shifting towards the Asia-Pacificregion in recent years, and this change is marked in particular by the growinginfluence of China and its role in this region. At the same time, the massiveinfluence of the media as key players in the geopolitical mutation is pushing theChinese government to strengthen its soft power and to promote the influence ofthe country through its media. This brings us to examine the role of the Chinesemedia in China's power of influence in Asia-Pacific from 2007 to 2016.Based on the analysis of Chinese media, our study on China's influence onAsia-Pacific region shows that the Chinese media focus more on China's militarypower, economic and political influence, while the soft cultural power of thecountry is not highlighted. Our research then shows that the Chinese media havebecome key players in Asia-Pacific geopolitical conflicts, helping to shape aChinese respectability image and promoting its worldviews. However, theinfluence of the Chinese media on Asia-Pacific is limited, as they remain a tool ofpropaganda to nourish nationalism, and defend its current regime
He, Shuang. « Le pouvoir d’influence et le rayonnement de la Chine en Asie-Pacifique à travers les médias chinois (2007-2016) ». Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080029.
Texte intégralThe geopolitical center of the world is gradually shifting towards the Asia-Pacificregion in recent years, and this change is marked in particular by the growinginfluence of China and its role in this region. At the same time, the massiveinfluence of the media as key players in the geopolitical mutation is pushing theChinese government to strengthen its soft power and to promote the influence ofthe country through its media. This brings us to examine the role of the Chinesemedia in China's power of influence in Asia-Pacific from 2007 to 2016.Based on the analysis of Chinese media, our study on China's influence onAsia-Pacific region shows that the Chinese media focus more on China's militarypower, economic and political influence, while the soft cultural power of thecountry is not highlighted. Our research then shows that the Chinese media havebecome key players in Asia-Pacific geopolitical conflicts, helping to shape aChinese respectability image and promoting its worldviews. However, theinfluence of the Chinese media on Asia-Pacific is limited, as they remain a tool ofpropaganda to nourish nationalism, and defend its current regime
Hadjsalem, M. « Le paysage télévisuel au Moyen-Orient entre mondialisation et affirmation identitaire : étude des cas de la Turquie et des pays arabophones ». Paris, INALCO, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009INAL0010.
Texte intégralThis study is about the recently witnessed Middle Eastern mass media development highligted by the local television boom in this late postmodernist era. This two-case studies tackles the issue of the latest television developments which have been achieved in Turkey and the rest of the Arab world including the classical media pioneers such as Egypt or Lebanon, as well as, the newly emerging media hubs in Dubai and Qatar. In fact, this brand-new media boom experienced in both Turkey and the Arab countries dates back to the beginnings of the 1990's. As a matter of fact, the media industry in the region remained quite neglected for a long while except for Egypt where the television scene and the motion picture business were thriving and successfully hitting the rest of the Arab world. The real Arab mass media awakening started in the 1990's though, as this emerging industry came to light when it took a more global approach, defining itself as panarab rather than local. Undoubtedly, this major media development was basically shaped and planned-out as global thanks to the new satellite broadcasting devices which were adopted right from the outset by the leading television networks. In fact, satellite broadcasters were not only considered as a global device but also a widely and readily available electronic medium whose cost was progressively diminishing through the years making it within the reach of most Arab households. As a result, this rather swift television change is now, more than ever, redefining the concept of media expression as a whole in the region, thus, turning the landscape into unprecedented local media pluralism. Consequently, whether it is stated-owned or commercial, via broadcast, cable or satellite, television in the Middle East has become an accomplished fact stretching out on a larger scale from the Middle Eastern area reaching out to the rest of the Maghreb countries. This research is getting away from any political or ideological speech trying to demonstrate that this very media globalization is being used as a vector of intercultural mediation, establishing a vast multicultural dialogue between the East and the West
Azizi, Asmaa. « Les pratiques politiques médiatisées des migrants marocains : entre écriture de soi et écriture du pays d'origine ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040151.
Texte intégralThis research examines the mediatized political practices of Moroccan migrants. By mobilizing a double diachronic and synchronic approaches, this paper shows firstly that these practices are not new but concomitant with the first Moroccan migration waves. Through the analysis of an “activist press” corpus, this research shows how memberships, the different strategies of representation of collective, and political identities of these migrants during the colonial period and during the process of democratization in Morocco, are manifested. Secondly, this paper studied political practices, which circulate in different online spaces, to understand how they contribute to the construction and rewriting of the “Moroccaness”. For a better understanding, it is essential to take into account the socio-Political context in which these mediatized political practices are developed, in addition to issues of social stratification. Beyond the question of technology, it is the symbolic action of writing the policy that gathers all migrant actors who have been engaged in such practices since the 1930s until today. The act of writing as a performative action, which holds the promise of achieving existence and visibility, is always accompanied by the hope of regaining a voice, which has been cloaked by the dominant political power. Through the mediation of writing, these practices are the expression of the action of some migrant groups, who are deterritorialized and not invested with any authority, but who want to take the floor to articulate about what is happening in their homeland
Saber, Dima. « De Nasser à Nasrallah : l’identité arabe à l’épreuve de ses récits médiatiques. Une analyse sémio-pragmatique de l’émergence de deux symboles de la nation. Nationalismes et propagandes, 1948-2006 ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020055.
Texte intégralOur story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?
Bergeault, Yann. « L’éclipse de l’altérité : théorie de la reconnaissance et expériences morales dominantes. Analyse sociologique du rapport à l’altérité : l’exemple du débat sur l’identité nationale ». Thesis, Rennes 2, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022REN20005.
Texte intégralThis research is presented as a practical application of the characteristic elements of the theory of the recognition of A. Honneth, on "dominant morals". By borrowing some of the tools proposed by the sociocritical approach, the main objective is to carry out an analysis of articles published in newspapers of the French written press. These articles are then understood as mediations in which the social world has come to settle, and in which breaches and fractures within the social order can emerge. We then consider that these media discourses can express negative experiences, carrying normative expectations, that provide information on the social representations of the actors of the dominant public space, and can be accountable of a reflection built from the categories of recognition. To question these "dominant morals" and the negative experiences they can carry, we have chosen to focus on the debate on national identity in 2009. Then, it is a question of apprehending the paradoxes of the relationship between dominant morals and "otherness", through the difficulties they encounter in situating themselves alongside those who suffer, not only because of the "coldness" with which they approach the experiences of the dominated, but also of the forms of "compensation" that accompany their representations of the social world. And on the other hand, to account for the ambiguities of the dominant normative expectations and the forms of contempt they can carry
Di, Costanzo Thierry. « L'idée séparatiste dans la presse anglo-musulmane du Bengale : le cas du Star of India, 1937-1947 ». Rennes 2, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005REN20011.
Texte intégralThe Star of India was an important English daily of late colonial India. Its rather limited readership belonged to the Anglo-Muslim élite of the Eastern Indian region. Between 1937 – the year of the last Westminster-style constitution for colonial India – and the August Partition of 1947, this quality paper supported the radical concept of religious and territorial separatism (the Pakistan Demand). However, many of its Western Bengal journalists defended the idea of an India-Pakistan confederation. Therefore, Indo-Muslim nationalism would appear to be rather fragile when independence was declared
Tarbouni, Younasse. « THE ARAB CENTURY opposing trajectories of Arab activism in MENA What has changed ? the case of the Moroccan movement of February 20, 2011 ». Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH014.
Texte intégralWith the MF20 as the major Case Study , I argue against the claims of the newness, uniqueness, success and failure or finality of these Arab movements. I revisit the first decade of the 21st century and the declaration of War on Terrorism (2003) as one trigger of sociopolitical conflicts that were already entrenched in the MENA region. What we witnessed in the second decade of this century is that the Arab uprisings only exposed transgressions in human rights and atrocities in the Middle East to the world. These uprisings were hurriedly reduced to seasonal uprisings. The third decade unfortunately looks to be in the hands of right-wing ideologues standing against multiculturalism and stressing the fear of religious extremism to change the focus from social issues and force the narrative of us-against-them on the forefront. For these reasons, I claim, there is no finality to the Arab uprisings, they have just begun and they are not in a state of thaw as Davis (2013) depicts them, but they are in slumbering phase recouping for a stronger come back. The close analysis in the project of the saga of struggles of these Arab movements with the Arab autocratic regimes who engineered nothing but preemptive reforms, requires our close attention for the remaining decades in this 21st century. Even the so-called successful cases, Tunisia and Morocco, indicate that what is celebrated is a state of temporary stability with major and alarming short comings in social change and social justice; two of the main reasons of the so called Arab Spring. Thomas Friedman suggests great historical details, in his great piece for the New York Times, calling for the expression “Arab Spring” be retired and be replaced by Anthony Cordesman’s the “Arab Decade” or “Arab Quarter Century” . I claim we are beyond that, and that we are witnessing an Arab Century in movement.If the recent political changes around the world are any indication, social change in the Arab world will be overlooked for at least another decade. The rise of the extreme right to power in the US and in Europe has already shifted the focus from the social injustices in the Arab world to the everlasting issue of Islam and extremism in the West. This is proving to be a big break for Arab autocratic regimes, who are using this rise of Islamophobia in the West as a unifying argument that distracts from the social injustices within their republics and kingdoms. Thus, the struggle of Arab citizens within the Arab states for social dignity will be overlooked until the revived narrative of the clash of Islam and the West dies down
Tousignant, Nathalie. « Les manifestations publiques du lien colonial entre la Belgique et le Congo belge (1897-1988) ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1995. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq25260.pdf.
Texte intégralSaber, Dima. « De Nasser à Nasrallah : l’identité arabe à l’épreuve de ses récits médiatiques. Une analyse sémio-pragmatique de l’émergence de deux symboles de la nation. Nationalismes et propagandes, 1948-2006 ». Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020055/document.
Texte intégralOur story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?
Ólafsdóttir, Margrét. « Les arts plastiques et les technologies numériques en Islande : histoire et "glocalisation" ». Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010540/document.
Texte intégralA lack of media art in Iceland at the turn of last century, whether electronic or digital, initiated this research. The deficiency encouraged the author to undertake analysis of the history of art in Iceland, at a time when it was becoming independent from Denmark. This period is characterized by the nation's quest of identity, where the definition of cultural particularity dominated the discourse on art. By placing the art of the past in the context of the colony, and modern art in that of the struggle for independence, it is possible to show that the lack of media arts can be explained by the postcolonial situation after the war. Finally, it shows how the isolation of artists was broken in this context. To conclude it examines how the political and cultural institutions have reacted to the globalization of electronic and digital technology that has contributed to change the artistic creation and practices
Matuszak, Céline. « Stratégies cybermédiatiques des mouvements anarchistes et nationalistes révolutionnaires : parcours sémiotique dans l'internet de mouvements transgressifs ». Lille 3, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006LIL3A003.
Texte intégralBenyahia, Driss. « Médina et ville nouvelle : Tétouan et sa région, le devenir d'une ville du nord-ouest marocain au temps du protectorat (1912-1956) ». Paris 7, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA070078.
Texte intégralThis work highlights the history of Tétouan Medina which covers two periods from 19th century up to the first half of the 20th century. The first half deals with : i) the various relationships which bound Tetouan with the central government; ii) social structure ; iii) the inflection time for the Tétouan city after his first forced contact with Europe. The latter have triggered a process of social change leading to the integration of Tétouan in the capitalist world in the early 20th century and were crowned by the protectorate treaty. The second period covers the process of space Hispanicization which resulted in significant historical changes concerning i) the architectural and urban spaces, the population mobility and its impact on demographic increase. Ii) redefining the role of the Téttaounie bourgeois nationalist intelligentsia adopting an "Hispanophile" discourse as reaction to the "Maurophile" spanish policy. From 1930 , political parties, modern educational institutions and an Arabic press reflected the ideological positions of bourgeois nationalism. They were an important sign of intellectual and political adaptation of Téttaounie bourgeoisie against the colonialism. Besides, this work focuses first on the importance and function of old and new social spaces of the Tétouan Medina as representative places of social, intellectual (fountains , prints , book fairs, press. . . ) , artistic ( cinema and fine art. . . ) and leisure sociability ( cafés , bars , private clubs, sports , etc. . . )
Forcier, Mathieu. « La construction des frontières nationales à l’ère numérique : analyse critique des discours en ligne sur l’immigration et les minorités racialisées au Québec ». Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/22700.
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