Thèses sur le sujet « Mass media – Political aspects – Poland »
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Latham, Oliver Martin. « The political economy of mass media and intelligence ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648202.
Texte intégralWithers, Edward John. « The political impact of the mass media : theory and research in media sociology ». Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=75992.
Texte intégralMathurine, Jude. « Towards a critical understanding of media assistance for "new media" development ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002914.
Texte intégralHarris, Suzanne Temwa. « Synthesising media, politics and foreign intervention : an examination into Malawi's media system transformation ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/435.
Texte intégralCurry, Kevin Everett. « Politics in the Social Media Era : the Relationship Between Social Media Use and Political Participation During the 2016 United States Presidential Election ». PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4506.
Texte intégralLago, Rita Mafalda Torrao. « Political communication and news coverage : the case of Sinn Fein ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/913.
Texte intégralConroy, David P. (David Patrick) 1965. « Re-examining the public sphere : democracy and the role of the media ». Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82847.
Texte intégralWang, Yuanxin. « Surveying the relationship between the media use and the political interest in China ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1505.
Texte intégralHuang, Yingjie. « Explicating political sophistication and its relationship with selective exposure : effects and mechanisms ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/535.
Texte intégralChen, Cong. « China's influence on media in southeast Asia : a case study of the Philippines, Thailand and Cambodia ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/752.
Texte intégralJones, Esyllt Wynne. « Ethnic nationalism in Quebec and Wales : the case of public broadcasting conflict ». Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61858.
Texte intégral張榮顯. « 公眾的想像 : 媒介使用與中國人的國家主義建構 = Public imagination : media use and the construction of the Chinese nationalism ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2005. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/652.
Texte intégralLou, Lai Chu. « Alternative political discussion in Macau's online forums ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2008. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1874131.
Texte intégralJenkins, Richard William. « Campaigns, the media and the insurgent success, the Reform Party and the 1993 Canadian election ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0015/NQ46362.pdf.
Texte intégralWang, Yue. « Cultural nation versus political state : media construction of national identity : the case of China Daily ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2006. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/785.
Texte intégralBeattie-Burnett, Debra. « Manufacturing dissent : a documentary-based analysis of the role of the media in the political strategy of former Queensland Premier Sir Johannes Bjelke-Petersen ». Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1997.
Trouver le texte intégralStoner, Andrew E. « Marginalization in middle America : a case study examining Indiana coverage of the 1993 gay, lesbian and bi-sexual march on Washington ». Virtual Press, 1995. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/941724.
Texte intégralDepartment of Journalism
Stupart, Richard. « Hungry but silent : a content analysis of media reporting on the 2011-2012 famine in Somalia ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006054.
Texte intégralZhou, Yining. « Disappointment as an effect of curiosity and political apathy : modernation of self-efficacy and mediation of media selection ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2015. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/172.
Texte intégralChong, Sandra Pow. « Political communication : a case study of the Democratic Alliance and its use of digital media in the 2014 South African General Elections ». Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/11416.
Texte intégralShen, Fei. « Communication, community and participation : exploring the O₁-S-O₂-R model ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2005. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/697.
Texte intégralSoroka, Stuart Neil. « Agenda-setting dynamics in Canada ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/11201.
Texte intégralOkoro, Iheanyi Emmanuel. « The Role of the U.S. Mass Media in the Political Socialization of Nigerian Immigrants in the United States ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279111/.
Texte intégralLi, Wen Fei. « Comparison of media frame in Mainland China, Hong Kong and U.S. on two shoe-hurling issues ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2150384.
Texte intégralAndersen, Robert C. A. « Polls, the media, and the 1997 Canadian federal election ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/NQ42719.pdf.
Texte intégralPahlavi, Pierre Cyril Cyrus Teymour. « Mass diplomacy : foreign policy in the global information age ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85196.
Texte intégralMunier, Véronique. « Représentation discursive de l'enthousiasme : Révolutions de Paris ». Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26746.
Texte intégralMalan, Martha S. « The scientific politics of HIV/AIDS : a media perspective ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53684.
Texte intégralENGLISH ABSTRACT: When South Africa's President, Thabo Mbeki, began doubting that HfV was the cause of AIDS in the late nineties, the debate he introduced in his country was not new; it had raged in the United States as far back as a decade ago. But, even prior to that, there had been numerous controversies pertaining to the discovery of the Ill-virus. This thesis argues that those contentions created such a heated atmosphere that the causal debates that were to follow, however incredible they were, were largely unavoidable. In its coverage of the epidemic, the media were immersed in its own politics. During the early eighties, the gay newspapers in the US felt a personal responsibility to find the cause of a disease that was rapidly killing many of its readers. But, in the process, the often promoted unscientific and dangerous approaches. By the time the AIDS dissident debate had unraveled in the US, the gay media was so suspicious of the anti-gay Reagan government that they frequently advanced dissident arguments. The mainstream and scientific media, on the other hand, were perceived as rigidly supporting government institutions, excluding critical voices. When the dissident debate reached South Africa ten years later, the South African media was completely unprepared. Most journalists had never heard of AIDS dissidents; some had not even heard of HfV or the anti-AIDS drug AZT, that the President had labeled toxic. Begin a new democracy, with a history of white oppression, the black and white media differed immensely on how to cover 'the President's debate'. Criticism of the newly elected ANC government's arguments were often branded racist and unpatriotic, with journalists suffering regular intimidation at the hands of state officials and governmentaligned editors. This thesis examines the development of the politics surrounding the science of AIDS, from the discovery of'HfV up until Thabo Mbeki's controversial contentions. To an equal extent, it looks at the news media's coverage of the process, focusing on the approaches to the debate of various media outlets and individual journalists. It also raises ethical issues, particularly in South Africa, that emerged during one of the most widely reported debates in the country's history. It in no way attempts to provide a quantitative analysis of media coverage and, in the case of the US media, draws heavily on analytical studies conducted at the time. NOTE: In the analysis of the South African media's coverage of the AIDS dissident debate in Part Three: B, issues pertaining to the country's public broadcaster, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), were not discussed The reason was that the author was the Corporation's Health Correspondent at the time, and therefore too closely involved in the institution in order to provide an objective perspective.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Toe Suid-Afrika se president, Thabo Mbeki, in die laat jare negentig begin het om die oorsaak van VIGS in twyfel te trek, was die debat wat hy in sy land ingelei het, nie nuut nie; dit reeds 'n dekade tevore in die VSA gewoed. Maar, selfs voor daardie debat, was daar 'n hewige omstredenheid wat met die ontdekking van die MI-virus verband gehou het. Hierdie tesis argumenteer dat daardie omstredenheid so 'n driftige atmosfeer geskep het, dat die debat oor die oorsaak van VIGS wat sou volg, hoe ongeloofwaardig ook al, grootliks onvermydelik was. Met die dekking van die epidemie was die media in hul eie politiek gedompel. Tydens die vroeë jare tagtig het gay-koerante in die VSA 'n persoonlike verantwoordelikheid gevoel om die oorsaak te vind van 'n siekte wat baie van hulle lesers vinnig laat sterfhet. Maar, in die proses het hulle dikwels onwetenskaplike en gevaarlike benaderings bevorder. Teen die tyd dat die 'oorsaak-debat' in die VSA begin posvat het, was gay-koerante so agterdogtig oor die anti-gay Reagan-regering dat hulle dikwels 'afvallige' argumente aangemoedig het. Die hoofstroommedia en wetenskaplike joernale is aan die ander kant weer gesien as rigiede ondersteuners van regeringsorganisasies, wat kritiese stemme wou stilmaak. Toe die 'oorsaak-debat' Suid-Afrika tien jaar later bereik het, het dit die plaaslike media geheel en alonkant betrap. Die meeste joernaliste het toe nog nooit van 'VIGS-afvalliges' gehoor nie; party nie eens van MIV of die teenvigsmiddel AZT, wat die president as giftig geëtiketteer het nie. Daarby was die land 'n jong demokrasie met 'n geskiedenis van wit onderdrukking, wat meegebring het dat wit en swart media-instansies grotendeels verskil het oor hoe die 'president se debat' gedek moes word. Kritiek teen die nuut verkose ANC-regering se argumente is dikwels as rassisties of onpatrioties afgemaak, en regeringsamptenare of regeringsgesinde redakteurs het gereeld probeer om joernaliste te intimideer. Hierdie proefskrif ondersoek die ontwikkeling van die politiek rondom die wetenskap van VIGS, van die ontdekking van MIV tot en met Thabo Mbeki se omstrede argumente. Dit kyk ook na die nuusdekking van die proses, deur op die benaderings van verskeie media-instansies asook individuele joernalistse te fokus. Dit bespreek ook etiese kwessies wat tydens nuusdekking na vore gekom het, veral in Suid-Afrika, waar hierdie debat van die wydste nuusdekking óóit in die geskiedenis van die land geniet het. Dit poog geensins om 'n kwantitatiewe analise van mediadekking te verskaf nie, en waar die Amerikaanse media beskou word, word daar sterk gesteun op analitiese studies wat tydens die duur van die debat uitgevoer is. NOTA: In die analise van die Suid-Afrikaanse media se dekking van die 'oorsaak-debat' in Deel 3:B word kwessies wat met die nuusdekking van die land se openbare uitsaaier, die Suid-Afrikaanse Uitsaaikorporasie (SA UK), verband hou, nie bespreek nie. Die rede is dat die outeur die korporasie se gesondheidskorrespondent was, en was daarom te nou verbind aan die korporasie om 'n objektiewe perspektiefte verseker.
Muller, Denis Joseph Andrew. « Media accountability in a liberal democracy : an examination of the harlot's prerogative / ». Connect to thesis, 2005. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/1552.
Texte intégralNaidoo, Trusha A. « The implications of the personalisation of the media www.ubuntu.co.za for democracy ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52537.
Texte intégralENGLISH ABSTRACT: This body of work is a post modern analysis of how the shift from mass to me media influences the role and structure of the media. Was McLuhan right, is the medium increasingly the message? Or is the post-modern media a totally different animal, a manifestation of popular culture and marketing rather than the socially responsible institution responsible for safeguarding democracy that it was envisioned to be by the American founding fathers? The underlying theme is the convergence of media and marketing and the resulting conglomeration and technological dependency forced on the reader and the writer. Who are the new mediators and how do they manage the media? In the mediatrix, the readers become media managers and the writers become surfers. The analysis begins with an examination of the contrast between real and virtual communities and how the media bridges this information gap. How does reporting in virtuality reflect reality? The body of the study has three parts, the shift from mass to me media, the alternative media spheres it has engendered and the controlling forces behind this transition. Throughout the study, mass media and me media are contrasted. The study ends with a look at the impact of technology .andpopular culture on the South African media and how the media will click through the future. Will the deeply entrenched communal values of ubuntu stave off the individualisation cocooning brings? That is, will the I before we focus of personalised media nurture the South African democracy or will itfoster mediocracy?
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die volgende tesis is n omskrywing van hoe die beweging van die massa-media na die ek-media die rol en die struktuur van die media beinvloed. Was McLuhan korrek, is die medium dikwels doe boodskap? Of is die post-moderne media n totale ander gedierte? n Manifestasie van die populere kultuur en bemarking, eerder as die sosiale verantwoordelike instituut verantwoordelik vir die behoud van demokrasie soos dit gevisualiseer is deur die Amerikaanse voorvaders? Die onderliggende tema is die bymekaarvoeging van media en bemarking en die konglomerasie en tegnologiese verantwoordelikheid geplaas op die leser en skrywer. Wie is die nuwe tussengangers en hoe bestuur hulle die media? In die "mediatrix" word die leser die media bestuurder en die skrywer word die net-sweefer. Die analise begin met die ondersoek na die kontras ussen egte en virtuele gemeenskappe en hoe die media hierdie informasie gaping oorbrug. Hoe word realiteit beinvloed deur rapportering in virtualiteit? Die liggam van die studie bestaan uit drie dele - die skuifvan massa-media na ek-media, die alternatiewe media sfere wat dit vorm, en, die beheerende invloede agter die transformasie. Reg deur die studie word die massa -media en die ek-media gekontrasteer. Die studie eindig met n opsomming van die impak wat tegnologie en populere kultuur op die SA mark het en hoe die media sal saamstem in die toekoms. Sal die diepere gelee gemeenskapswaardes van ubuntu die individualisme wat "cocooning" meebring afskiet. Sal die ek voor die ons van verpersoonlikte media die SA demokrasie aanhelp of medioker maak.
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Maweu, Jacinta Mwende. « An investigation into how journalists experience economic and political pressures on their ethical decisions at the Nation Media Group in Kenya ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007583.
Texte intégralHo, Bonnie Hoi Ting. « Transplanting korean wave into china's reality television under the statist nationalism ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/506.
Texte intégralMayiga, John Bosco. « A study of professionalism and the professionalisation of journalists in Uganda from 1995 to 2008 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002916.
Texte intégralNanabawa, Sumaiya. « A discourse analysis of print media constructions of 'Muslim' people in British newspapers ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006767.
Texte intégralGandari, Jonathan. « An examination of how organisational policy and news professionalism are negotiated in a newsroom : a case study of Zimbabwe's Financial gazette ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002884.
Texte intégralTickle, Sharon. « Assessing the "real story" behind political events in Indonesia : email discussion list Indonesia-L's coverage of the 27 July 1996 Jakarta riots ». Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1997. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/35887/1/35887_Tickle_1997.pdf.
Texte intégralNaidoo, Kameshnee. « Exploring new terrain--tackling a tri-media approach to the 1999 election : an analysis of online coverage of elections by media organisations in their respective countries and recommendations for multi-platform publishing within the South African Broadcasting Corporation to cover the national election ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1999. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/2311/1/NAIDOO-MJourn-TR99-61.pdf.
Texte intégralDjokotoe-Gliguie, Edem K. « Media and parliament in the Third Republic : a study of newspaper coverage of parliament by the Times of Zambia and the Post from January to November 2001 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007796.
Texte intégralJere, Caesar. « An investigation of the relative importance of the media in influencing the voting behaviour of Evelyn Hone College students in Lusaka during the December, 2001 presidential elections in Zambia ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007803.
Texte intégralMalherbe, Daniel. « The political use of ‘new’ media in the 2014 South African national election ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96741.
Texte intégralAFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nuwe media het ’n duidelike impak op die manier waarop moderne politieke partye en partyleiers hulle verkiesingsveldtogte bestuur. Hierdie studie fokus daarom op die vraag: Hoe is nuwe media tydens die 2014 Suid- Afrikaanse nasionale verkiesing gebruik? Dit word gedoen deur konteks te gee aan wat nuwe media behels, hoe dit in die moderne politiek gebruik word, en wat die impak is wat nuwe media op verkiesings en verkiesingsveldtogte het. Drie gevallestudies, die Obama-veldtog, asook die 2014 verkiesings in Indië en Brasilië, word gebruik om spesifieke elemente oor die impak wat nuwe media op verkiesings het, uit te wys. Die ontleding word dan gebruik om ’n kriteria-raamwerk te skep waarteen spesifieke Suid-Afrikaanse politieke partye se gebruik van sosiale media in die 2014 verkiesing gemeet word, om hulle sukses al dan nie daarmee te bepaal. Die sukseskriteria maak dit moontlik om politieke partye in ’n rangorde te plaas en punte aan hulle toe te ken. Die punte-telling, uit ’n totaal van 50, word dan gebruik om te bepaal waarom die partye sukses behaal het, of nie. Nog 50 punte word toegeken op die basis van ’n subjektiewe oordeel oor taalgebruiken aanslag asook geteikende kieserskommunikasie op nuwe media platforms, meer spesifiek Twitter. Dit word gedoen deur insigte uit ’n studie van relevante literatuur oor die verkiesingveldtog, Suid-Afrika se demografiese en geografiese verskille asook om te oordeel of die partye wat in die studie bestudeer word kommunikasie strategieë benut het om die verskillende groeperings van kiesers te teiken. Die studie bevind dat die spesifieke partye, gemeet teen die raamwerk vir kriteria vir sukses, sowel as die subjektiewe opinie oor taalgebruik en aanslag in kommunikasie, hulle sleg van hul taak gekwyt het in die 2014 nasionale verkiesing in Suid-Afrika. Hulle het in meeste gevalle, met die DA as ’n uitsondering, nie geslaag om die nodige digitale-platforms te vestig en om suksesvol deur die nuwe media platforms te kommunikeer nie. Hulle het ook nie geslaag om die apatie van die Suid-Afrikaanse jeug aan te spreek nie en daar was ’n gebrek aan geteikende en relevante kommunikasie met spesifieke sosiale groepe. Die partye het ook nie daarin geslaag om die kiesers wat partyloos is, of van party wil verander, ’n beter opsie te bied nie.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: New media is seen as having a big impact on the way modern political parties run their campaigns during election periods. This paper focuses on answering the question: How was new media used in the 2014 South African national election? It does this by creating a context regarding the understanding of what new media is, how it is used in politics, and what impact it has on electioneering and political campaign strategies. Three case studies, the Obama campaign and the 2014 Indian and Brazilian elections, are used to highlight how new media has impacted on elections. This analysis is then framed into a set of criteria for success that is used to measure the chosen South African political parties against, to determine whether or not they used new media well in the 2014 South African national election. A set of criteria for success thus makes it possible to rank and assign points to each party and from those points determine whether that party used new media well or poorly. Each party is given a score out of 50. The other 50 points were awarded based on a subjective view regarding the actual use of language and focused voter communication on new media platforms, specifically Twitter. This was done by looking at the insights garnered from the literature regarding electoral campaigning, South Africa’s demographic and geographic differences and seeing if the parties analysed in this study employed communication strategies to target these voter differences. This study found that the parties identified, when measured against the set of criteria for success that was created and the subjective views of the way in which the parties communicated, did not use new media well in the 2014 South African national election. They failed in most cases, with the DA being the exception, to build the necessary online platforms or to communicate effectively through new media platforms. There was also too little focus on addressing voter apathy in the youth and there was a lack of targeted communication to specific social groups. Parties also failed to present themselves as a viable alternative to voters who did not already identify with a party or those who were looking for an alternative party.
Marquard, Andrew Keith. « The political significance of the liberal media coverage of District Six from 1949 to 1970 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003012.
Texte intégralMushwana, Tinyiko. « A critical discourse analysis of representations of the Niger Delta conflict in four prominent Western anglophone newspapers ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007745.
Texte intégralKensicki, Linda Jean. « Media construction of an elitist environmental movement new frontiers for second level agenda setting and political activism / ». Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3034551.
Texte intégralMaheshwari, Swati. « Indian journalism and the ruling elite : a case of contingent heteronomy ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2019. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/675.
Texte intégralMwale, Edna. « An investigation into the impact of the gender policy on journalistic practices at the Times of Zambia newspaper ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008303.
Texte intégralKMBT_363
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Matsilele, Trust. « The political role of the diaspora media in the mediation of the Zimbabwean crisis : a case study of The Zimbabwean - 2008 to 2010 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85723.
Texte intégralENGLISH ABSTRACT: After a decade long multi-faceted political crisis, political parties in Zimbabwe signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008 following the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) mediated talks culminating in the formation of an inclusive government. This study sought to investigate the political role, if any, played by the diasporic media in mediating the Zimbabwean crisis. This research focused on diasporic media using as a case study The Zimbabwean newspaper considering that during the research period it was circulating both in the country and diaspora communities in Western Europe, the USA and SADC countries. Diasporic media in Zimbabwe is a phenomenon associated with the rise of robust political opposition to the former ruling ZANU PF regime. Accordingly, such media operated outside the purview of the contemporary legislative and legal regime although the newspaper circulated in Zimbabwe. A number of anti establishment news media sprouted to challenge and offer resistance in the cyberspace and on shortwave and in print media. The Social Responsibility Theory was employed with the aim of establishing whether or not The Zimbabwean observed the journalistic ethics of reporting with truthfulness, accuracy, balance and objectivity. The Social Responsibility Theory’s thrust is on de-sensationalising reportage, promotion of media ethics and self regulation. This study employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The research established that The Zimbabwean newspaper played, to a larger extent, an active role in challenging the ZANU PF-led government and gave a platform to the oppositional Movement for Democratic Change. The conclusion arrived at in this study was that just like the state media, which promoted the government’s propaganda, The Zimbabwean did the same for the opposition parties in Zimbabwe.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke partye in Zimbabwe het ná ’n lang politieke krisis met vele fasette die Global Political Agreement (GPA) van 2008 geteken. Dit het gevolg op die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) se mediëring wat gelei het tot die vorm van ’n inklusiewe regering. Hierdie studie het probeer om die politieke rol, indien enigsins, van die diaspora-media in die mediëring van die Zimbabwiese krisis te ondersoek. Die navorsing het op diaspora-media gefokus deur ’n gevallestudie van die koerant The Zimbabwean te doen. Dié blad is gedurende die navorsingstyd in die land sowel as onder die Zimbabwiese diaspora in Europa, die VSA en SAOG-lande versprei. Diaspora-media in Zimbabwe is ’n fenomeen wat geassosieer word met die opkoms van ’n robuuste politieke opposisie teen die ZANU (PF)-regime. Dié media opereer dus buite die grense van die juridiese en wetgewende gesag van die land. ’n Verskeidenheid antiestablishment media het in die kuberruim, kortgolfradio en drukmedia ontwikkel wat beide uitgedaag en weerstand gebied het. Die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie is gebruik om vas te stel of The Zimbabwean joernalistieke etiek nagekom het deur waarheidsgetrou en akkuraat, sowel as met balans en objektiwiteit, te rapporteer. Die teorie fokus om reportage te desensasionaliseer en om media-etiek en selfregulering te bevorder. Die studie het kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik. Die navorsing het vasgestel dat The Zimbabwean tot ’n groot mate ’n aktiewe rol gespeel het om die ZANU (PF)-regering uit te daag en ’n platform te bied aan die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-groepering. Die slotsom is dat, net soos die staatsmedia regering-propaganda bevorder het, The Zimbabwean dit vir die opposisiepartye in Zimbabwe gedoen het.
Mulonya, Rodrick K. A. R. « The political economy of development aid : an investigation of three donor-funded HIV/AIDS programmes broadcast by Malawi television from 2004 to 2007 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002926.
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