Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Mass media – Political aspects – Poland »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Mass media – Political aspects – Poland"
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Gawroński, Sławomir, Dariusz Tworzydło, Kinga Bajorek et Łukasz Bis. « A Relic of Communism, an Architectural Nightmare or a Determinant of the City’s Brand ? Media, Political and Architectural Dispute over the Monument to the Revolutionary Act in Rzeszów (Poland) ». Arts 10, no 1 (26 janvier 2021) : 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts10010008.
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This article deals with the issues of architectural elements of public space, treated as components of art and visual communication, and at the same time determinants of the emotional aspects of political conflicts, social disputes, and media discourse. The aim of the considerations is to show, with the usage of the principles of critical analysis of media discourse, the impact of social events, political communication, and the activity of mass communicators on the perception of the monument of historical memory and the changes that take place within its public evaluation. The authors chose the method of critical analysis of the media discourse due to its compliance with the planned purpose of the analyses, thus, providing the opportunity to perform qualitative research, enabling the creation of possibly up-to-date conclusions regarding both the studied thread, and allowing the extrapolation of certain conclusions to other examples. The media material relating to the controversial Monument to the Revolutionary Act, located in the city of Rzeszów (Poland), was selected for the analysis. On this example, an attempt was made to evaluate the mutual relations between politically engaged architecture and art, and the contemporary consequences of this involvement in the social and political dimension.
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Adamczyk, Anna. « The Way of Presenting Political Events in Mass Media : Interpretation of the Events at the Poland-Belarus Border Determined by the Owner of the Medium ». Political Preferences, no 29 (2 janvier 2022) : 24–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2021.29.24-46.
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The article analyzes the media broadcasts in the evening editions of the news broadcasts on TVP and TVN (with different ownership forms) concerning the events at the Poland-Belarus border. Examined were the content, its form, visual and auditory messages. The analyzed aspects are enumerated to distinguish the broadcaster of the TV message, showing possible similarities and differences in that message. In this way, the author wanted to answer, if there is a difference in the presentation of the same political event by depending on who is the owner of the medium. As a background for the conducted research, the author presents theoretical issues concerning the mediatization of the political sphere and the agenda-setting theory.
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Bujalski, Michał, Matilda Hellman, Jacek Moskalewicz, Franca Beccaria et Sara Rolando. « Depoliticising addiction ». Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs 35, no 1 (31 janvier 2018) : 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1455072517753558.
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Aims: The article presents an analysis of sources of information employed in mainstream print media reporting on addiction problems in Finland, Italy and Poland in the 1990s and 2000s. Method: A quantitative content analysis of frequency of different sources employed in articles in daily newspapers from Finland ( N = 258), Italy ( N = 296), and Poland ( N = 212) from the years 1991, 1998 and 2011. Semantic units were coded in Atlas.ti. The societal spheres represented were identified using a common coding scheme broadly inspired by Boltanski and Thévenot’s typology of polities of worth. Transformations were identified in line with van Leeuwen’s framework for trends in discourse salience over time. Results: The study highlights different patterns of coverage of addictions in the three countries. Over time, increased salience is given to the individuals affected by addictions and experts who represent biomedical sciences. This process occurred with varying intensity and expressiveness in all countries under study. Conclusions: Social and political sources were employed to less extent over time. The media focus seemed to shift to the affected individuals and scientific expertise. This confirms results from previous studies on a general move towards individualisation and an increased focus on more personal and technical aspects of addiction problems in the mass media.
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Shatilina, Anastasia. « Your body is not only your business : commentary on Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal Judgment of 22 October 2020 no.K1/20 ». Sravnitel noe konstitucionnoe obozrenie 30, no 3 (2021) : 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21128/1812-7126-2021-3-141-157.
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For about 30 years, the topic of abortion has remained a “bone of contention” between conservative and liberal members of Polish society. In October 2020, these discussions moved from the political and religious planes to the legal field: the Constitutional Tribunal of the Republic of Poland considered the issue of women’s right to “eugenic abortion”. The Constitutional Tribunal scrutinized the provisions of a specialized law, allowing the termination of pregnancy in case of a high probability of a severe and irreversible fetal malformation or an incurable disease threatening its life. As a result, in the Judgment of 22 October 2020 no. K1/20 the Constitutional Tribunal upheld the position of the applicants, a group of deputies of the Sejm, and declared the contested legal norms unconstitutional. This process was the center of attention of mass media and the reason of mass protests throughout Poland. This article is the commentary on the decision, that attempts to comprehend the premises of the decision, its substantive and procedural aspects, as well as the consequences. The author concludes that the main purpose of the decision is to constitutionalize the traditionalist state policy in the field of reproductive rights. This decision is difficult to analyze in isolation from political and religious factors. The article notes that the value of the “eugenic abortion” case is not limited to legal aspects. The Constitutional Tribunal tried not only to change approaches to the correlation of competing rights (the right of an unborn child to life and woman’s rights in the context of freedom of reproductive choice), but also to increase “chilling effect”. It is expressed in the phasing out of abortion on pain of criminal prosecution.
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BALCZYŃSKA-KOSMAN, Alina. « Udział kobiet w mediach a problematyka stereotypów płci ». Przegląd Politologiczny, no 2 (2 novembre 2018) : 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.2.11.
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The role women play in the media can be analyzed in terms of their activity – women as creators of messages, or passivity – women as the recipients of mass messages. The latter aspect causes most controversy and frequently leads to the creation of sexual stereotypes. The range of male and female images in the mass media is highly diversified and not necessarily objective. While women tend to be increasingly present in the media, and the number of programs they prepare increases, men continue to prevail in the media sector. They hold a definite majority of managerial posts and more frequently act as experts and commentators on social and political events. The Communication of the European Commission for 2006–2010 stresses the role of the media and information campaigns in the elimination of sexual stereo- types. In 2010, the Commission adopted a new five-year strategy to facilitate better use of female potential. It should be the superior objective of a policy of gender equality in the media to broadcast balanced messages free from stereotypes. It is also significant to ensure women a greater participation in decision-making with respect to the mass media, increasing their opportunities to utilize the media to voice their opinions and facilitating women’s professional promotion in media institutions. These objectives were already embraced in the National Program in Aid of Women’s Rights that was implemented in Poland from 2003 through 2005. In 2010, the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights and the „Feminoteka” Foundation stressed the issue of women’s discrimination in the Polish mass media. Monitoring of programs demonstrated that the principle of gender equality was not observed. The so-called female press is a significant element of the media market. The issues discussed in this sector usually concentrate on stereotypical female roles in society. Recently, however, a clear diversification of topics handled by the press can be noted and the efforts some periodicals are making in order to break gender stereotypes. Such attempts have been made by two new periodicals addressed mainly at women: „Bluszcz” and „Zadra”. An analysis of the content of „Bluszcz” did not evidence the abandonment of the traditional image of women though. A perusal of „Zadra” led to completely different conclusions. This is a feminist periodical that mainly discusses the issues of the social and political activity of women. The paper also emphasizes the increasing participation of women in the internet and in the social media.
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Bosak, Edgar. « NATIONAL SELF-PRESERVATION OF UKRAINIANS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE MODERN FESTIVAL MOVEMENT IN POLAND ». Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series : History, no 1 (44) (27 juin 2021) : 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(44).2021.232461.
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The article is dedicated to the consideration of the Ukrainian festival movement in Poland in the third decade of Ukraine 's independence in the context of national self-preservation. The paper substantiates the social and political reasons for the relevance of preserving the national self-identification of Ukrainians in Poland. Attention is paid to the legal basis of this aspect of Ukrainian-Polish relations and to the current statistics on the number of Ukrainians in Poland. The author proposes a conditional division of the Ukrainian festival movement in Poland according to its direction into «festivals of national preservation» and «festivals of cultural exchange» depending on the goals, participants and program of events. The characteristics of the most important public organizations that provide the cultural needs of the Ukrainian national minority are presented: the Association of Ukrainians in Poland, the Union of Ukrainians of Podlasie, the Lemko Association, etc. Attention is drawn to the role of the mass media as an important factor in popularizing information about festivals and consolidating the Ukrainian people scattered throughout Poland. The newspaper «Nashe Slovo» («Our word») is considered to be the most influential information resource and at the same time a source of research on the issue. The article analyzes the problems of sources of funding for the Ukrainian festival movement, focuses on significant financial assistance from the Polish government, administrations of gmins, powiats and Voivodeships, as well as private foundations. The author describes the development and features of the most famous Ukrainian-Polish festivals in Poland till 2021. The features of these events and some changes in their activities caused by recent events are shown: Russia's military aggression against Ukraine in 2014, the coming to power in Poland party «Law and Justice» and the COVID-19 pandemic. The latest editions of Ukrainian festivals in Poland are presented, the most famous bands and artists that took part in them are listed. Among the current problems of these cultural events are the aging of the organizers and the departure of socially active youth to large cities or abroad. Based on quantitative and qualitative indicators, the author making tha accent on the growing influence of the Ukrainian festival movement in Poland in 2014 − 2021 compared to the previous decade.
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Tkachenko, Olha. « Reinventing Ukraine : Ukrainian National and Supra-National Identity in Contemporary Polish Opinion-Making Press ». Colloquia Humanistica, no 5 (17 décembre 2016) : 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2016.010.
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Reinventing Ukraine: Ukrainian National and Supra-National Identity in Contemporary Polish Opinion-Making PressUkraine in XXI century has been experiencing new social and political changes which resulted into shifts of the national identity. It has left resonance not only within Ukrainian society but abroad as well. Historical events such as Orange revolution or Euromaidan provided new directions for reconsidering Ukrainian identity by the external actors. The image of Ukraine has been created abroad with the help of mass media, which enable the wide audience to receive information about particular events and make own conclusions. Information, presented in the opinion-making press worth better for deliberating the issue of identity. Thus, this paper seeks to investigate how Polish intellectuals present Ukraine in contemporary Polish opinion-making press. This research on the one hand provides understanding of Ukrainian identity problems, and gives possibility to examine positive and negative aspects of the way identity has been expressed. On the other hand, it demonstrates the way public opinion-makers in Poland perceive, construct and reconstruct identity of Ukraine, Ukrainian nation and present them to their society. The article seeks to investigate what attributes of Ukrainian identity were crucial for Polish media. What factors, historical events, cultural and political features, myth and symbols were important for deliberating Ukraine in Polish opinion-making press. Ponowne odkrycie Ukrainy: Ukraińska narodowa i ponadnarodowa tożsamość we współczesnej polskiej prasie opiniotwórczejW XXI wieku Ukraina przeżywa nowe zmiany społeczne i polityczne, które prowadzą do zmian tożsamości narodowej. To spowodowało rezonans nie tylko w społeczeństwie ukraińskim, ale również za granicą. Najnowsze wydarzenia historyczne, takie jak Pomarańczowa Rewolucja czy Euromajdan, na nowo ożywiły wśród podmiotów zewnętrznych dyskusję o ukraińskiej tożsamości. Zewnętrzny wizerunek Ukrainy kształtują środki masowego przekazu, które dostarczają szerokiej publiczności informacji o wydarzeniach historycznych. Informacje prezentowane w prasie opiniotwórczej są istotnym źródłem dla rozważań nad kwestiami tożsamości w ogóle. Artykuł ma na celu zbadanie, jak polscy intelektualiści przedstawiają Ukrainę we współczesnej polskiej prasie. Badanie umożliwi zrozumienie problemów ukraińskiej tożsamości, będzie także prezentacją pozytywnych i negatywnych jej aspektów. Zarazem jednak unaoczni, w jaki sposób polskie środowiska opiniotwórcze postrzegają, konstruują i rekonstruują tożsamość Ukrainy i narodu ukraińskiego i jak przedstawiają te kwestie społeczeństwu. Staram się jednocześnie wyjaśnić, jakie atrybuty ukraińskiej tożsamości – wydarzenia historyczne, cechy kulturowe i polityczne, mity i symbole – były istotne dla rozważań nad Ukrainą w polskiej prasie opiniotwórczej.
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Czernicka, Marzena. « The Image of Poland in Bulgarian Mass Media in 1990–1998 in the Light of Documents from the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland ». Historia i Polityka, no 38 (45) (14 décembre 2021) : 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.040.
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In this article, the image of Poland in the Bulgarian mass media was analyzed. This image was presented on the basis of reports that were made by employees of the Polish Embassy in Sofia and sent to the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Polish Embassy in Sofia had the biggest impact in promotion of the Polish themes in the Bulgarian mass media. Polish issues have been present in the Bulgarian mass media from the beginning of political transformation, although the media presented information from Poland with varying frequency. The popularity of Polish issues in the Bulgarian media grew significantly when important political and economic events took place in Poland, or when there were meetings on the highest level between representatives of both states. During this period, the mass media created a positive image of Poland, mainly regarding economic issues. Poland was recognised as the leader in the process of political and economic transformations among Central and Eastern Europe countries.
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Węglińska, Agnieszka. « The Image of Germany in Social Media : Political and Social Aspects of Public Service Media in Poland ». Central European Journal of Communication 13, no 1 (21 juillet 2020) : 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.13.1(25).4.
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The goal is this paper is to analyze the image of Germany and Germans in social media platforms of Polish Television (Telewizja Polska — TVP). Through a web content analysis the study aims at presenting main societal and political aspects in the daily functioning of public service media. The outcome is therefore presented in a broad social and historical context, including relations between Germany and Poland. The main factors shaping bilateral relations such as stereotypes, trans-border cooperation and the presence of the German minority in Poland are presented. The empirical part of the paper comprises content and discourse analysis of TVP’ s social media related to the image of Germans and Germany over a period of three months in 2018.
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Szumski, Jerzy. « Fear of Crime, Social Rigorism and Mass Media in Poland ». International Review of Victimology 2, no 3 (janvier 1993) : 209–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975809300200303.
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The article presents the results of the few victimisation surveys carried out in Poland. They reveal relatively low levels of crime in Poland, but which are not correlated with the official criminal statistics. The article criticises the method for compiling criminal statistics adopted by the Polish police, a method which enables enforcement agencies to manipulate the statistics on the dynamics of crime. Despite the low fear of being victimised, the results of socio-logical and legal empirical studies show that Polish society is rigorous as far as controlling crime is concerned. The article argues that the main cause of this stems from a mass media information policy which is not based on objective facts nor on scientific findings, and which did not change following the destruction of so-called ‘real socialism’.
Thèses sur le sujet "Mass media – Political aspects – Poland"
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Latham, Oliver Martin. « The political economy of mass media and intelligence ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648202.
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Withers, Edward John. « The political impact of the mass media : theory and research in media sociology ». Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=75992.
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In the area of mass communications and media sociology, connections between theoretical claims and empirical evidence have often been tenuous. Using American national Election Study data gathered by the Center for Political Studies, this dissertation tests a series of hypotheses about the political impact of the mass media. The work profiles the news audience, and examines the public's reliance upon television and newspapers as sources of political information. Next, evidence is brought to bear upon the set of pessimistic assumptions that television news personnel hold about the tastes and capacities of the news audience. Finally, a crucial test is developed in order to evaluate five competing and contradictory hypotheses, all attempting to explain the relationships between the consumption of political materials through the mass media, political interest, and political participation. Of the previously untested claims assessed in the thesis, few were supported by the evidence gathered in research.
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Mathurine, Jude. « Towards a critical understanding of media assistance for "new media" development ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002914.
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The field of media assistance has grown ever more complex with the inclusion of ‘new media’ networks, channels, tools and practices (such as the Internet, satellite television, mobile devices, social media and citizen journalism) to the media development mix. Adding to the ferment is the increasing convergence between the formerly discrete terrains of ICT for development, media for development and (mass) media development. Much of the discussion regarding the utility and objectives of media development in general and ‘new media’ in particular has been viewed through a modernist and techno-determinist prism which offers a limited ideological view of media development and its objects and consequently, a limited set of communication approaches and strategies. This study contextualises the assumptions of media development historically and critically, with particular focus on new media’s roles and relationships with the media environment, and its objectives democratisation and development. Through the application of literature, theory and various research studies, this thesis establishes a broader view of new media’s role and diverse consequences for media development, democracy and development. The study recommends greater collaboration, contextual research and theorisation of media development and new media as part of mixed media systems and cognisant of the multi-dimensional natures of its objects of democracy and development. One implication is the need for professionalisation of the media development and media assistance sector. In relation to the influences of new media on media use and the media as an institution, it motivates the need to address digital divides and emphasise the sustainability of the practice of journalism.
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Harris, Suzanne Temwa. « Synthesising media, politics and foreign intervention : an examination into Malawi's media system transformation ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/435.
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The conventional method for studying media systems has been to analyse the relationship between media and politics, based on Hallin and Mancini's (2004) seminal research Comparing Media Systems: Three Models of Media and Politics. Their approach automatically places the nation-state as the key unit of analysis to understand why media systems are the way they are and why they change. Research that has advanced this endogenous method of analysis in countries outside of the Western, democratically advanced context, has brought to light the importance of including external factors in studying media systems. Building off this analytical direction, this thesis introduces three new external factors; foreign aid, the conditionalities attached to foreign aid, and the role of externally created Pan-African media policy agreements Using a case study of Malawi, a small aid-dependent country in Southeast Africa, this research interrogates these three factors to reveal that foreign aid is a coercive foreign policy tool that has been used for manipulating change and shaping the type of media Malawi has. Based on the country's recent transformation from its authoritarian populist past towards the dominant liberal media model in 2012, this research also reassesses Hallin and Mancini's convergence thesis, which claimed that most countries are 'naturally' heading towards the dominant liberal media model. Therefore, the general conclusions drawn from this thesis indicate that media systems analysis is best accomplished through detailed empirical case studies, which not only rely on historical insights, but synthesise the role that media, politics and foreign intervention play collectively, especially in the era of neoliberal capitalism. By moving beyond the parameters of the nation-state in this way, and examining what external forces that are extraterritorial to the nation-state, it is hoped that media systems researchers will engage more critically with factors that are opaque, and view variables such as foreign intervention as instrumental in future media system research.
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Curry, Kevin Everett. « Politics in the Social Media Era : the Relationship Between Social Media Use and Political Participation During the 2016 United States Presidential Election ». PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4506.
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The growth of social media use raises significant questions related to political information and its effect on political knowledge and participation. One issue is whether social media delivers news and political information in a similar manner as traditional news media sources, like newspapers, TV, and radio, by contributing to political knowledge, which is linked to voter turnout. This dissertation examines the relationship between an individual's social media use, their use of traditional news media sources, and whether they turn out to vote. It utilizes American National Election Survey data from the 2016 U.S. Presidential election to complete three studies. First, the dissertation compares people who prefer social media and those who prefer traditional news media sources across as series of political habits and attitudes. Second, it looks at the expansion of the media environment and examines whether a person's social media use and preference for news or entertainment is related to political knowledge and voter participation. Finally, this dissertations examines at whether social media use increases the odds an individual will turn out to vote, thus acting in a similar manner as traditional news media.
The results identify differences between people who prefer social media and people who prefer traditional news media sources. In particular, people who prefer social media tend to be younger, have less political knowledge, and have a lower voter turnout rate. However, unlike traditional news media use, the use of social media did not increase the odds an individual turned out to vote in 2016. Further, the use of social media and an individual's content preference of entertainment versus news was not related to political knowledge nor voter turnout. While social media does not appear to have a positive relationship with turnout, it does not appear to discourage a person from voting either. The results suggest that more work needs to be done, including examining the relationship between age, social media use and turnout, as well as how content length may be related to political participation. Finally, further examination is needed of the possible indirect ways social media may be related to voter attitudes and participation.
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Lago, Rita Mafalda Torrao. « Political communication and news coverage : the case of Sinn Fein ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/913.
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This thesis examines the development of Sinn Féin's communication strategies and considers how news coverage of the party has evolved in recent years, and in particular with the advent of the Irish peace process from the mid-1990s onwards. The aim of the research presented here is to establish the relationship between the development of the party's professional communication apparatus and the evolution of its news coverage and to determine the extent to which the emergence of a sophisticated approach to communication has impacted upon media coverage. The thesis argues that the development and implementation of the party's professional communication apparatus has been the result of a much wider process of republican reappraisal that took place during the 1980s. This culminated in the 1990s with the transformation of the republican movement into a more constitutional and negotiation-oriented party, while progressively moving away from the armed struggle as a means to achieve Irish re-unification. Moreover, in emphasising that there has been a considerable improvement in the reporting of Sinn Féin; namely that the news media have become progressively more interested in republican predicaments, less biased and more critical of unionism, it also suggests that the improved media coverage must be seen as a result of the political re-alignment of the movement itself. Ultimately, the main argument of this thesis is that we are now witnessing a new phase of the republican movement and, by proxy, of Northern Irish politics and its coverage in the media. This has meant that Sinn Féin has become more wiling to reach a political compromise and to find a peaceful solution to the conflct, and has attempted to affirm itself as a party with political and social interests, other than Irish re-unification. This has also forced the British government to reappraise its own view of the conflict and of Sinn Féin, recognising above all that the party and Northern Irish politics have evolved from a situation of war to one where it is dominated by careful and sensitive diplomacy. The result is that most of the common assumptions held about Sinn Féin including those of some academics, its political communication and its news coverage, must now be reconsidered in light of the radical transformations that have taken place.
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Conroy, David P. (David Patrick) 1965. « Re-examining the public sphere : democracy and the role of the media ». Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82847.
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Situated between the state and civil society, the role of the public sphere is seen to be one of mediating between the two through the circulation of information, ideas, and the subsequent formation and propagation of public opinion. However, there is an ambivalence within conceptions of the public sphere in terms of how it is to best effect this mediation. This sense of ambiguity in the understandings of the public sphere is a reflection of a deeply rooted and unresolved tension about whether democracy should mean some kind of popular power or an aid to decision-making. This dissertation argues that defining democracy as a political method provides a means by which to navigate the ambiguity imbued within current understandings of the function of the public sphere. Understanding democracy as a public, instrumental process underscores the extent to which the character of the public sphere should be seen as being derived from and shaped by the institutions and practices that make up the state. Of all the institutions within the public sphere, it is within perceptions of the media that the conceptual tensions underlying the public sphere and democratic theory are best reflected. While the media are a major forum for political communication, the nature of this forum remains theoretically underdeveloped and conceptually misconceived in the literature. It is the contention of this dissertation that the political role of the media should not be understood in relation to some abstract idea of democracy and public opinion, but rather in contrast with and connection to the concrete political institutions and practices of democracy.
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Wang, Yuanxin. « Surveying the relationship between the media use and the political interest in China ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1505.
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Huang, Yingjie. « Explicating political sophistication and its relationship with selective exposure : effects and mechanisms ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/535.
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This thesis seeks to add to the existing knowledge about the effects of the political sophistication of citizens on selective exposure in terms of the preference for like-minded media over attitudinal incongruent media. The traditional selective exposure majorly account for this phenomenon from a motivational perspective. Differing from previous studies, this thesis employs a cognitive approach to examine the level of political sophistication and selective exposure based on dual-process framework which grows out of heuristic and cognitive bias literature. This thesis first explicates the concept of political sophistication by proposing three dimensions, namely factual political knowledge, conceptual political knowledge, and the conceptual complexity of political thinking to indicate the construct of political sophistication. The cognitive nature of the three dimensions as well as their relationships with the extent of selective exposure, which is perceived as a form of confirmation bias, are discussed based on a tripartite model of dual-process theory. Two mediators, namely attitude extremity and perspective taking ability, are proposed and examined to see whether either or both of them play a role to mediate the influence of each dimension of political sophistication on the extent of selective exposure. The underlying mechanisms for the hypothesized model are expounded. The results suggest that the effect of the three dimensions on the extent of selective exposure are fully mediated by the two mediators, respectively. Different dimensions of political sophistication have different effects on attitude extremity and perspective taking ability, and these effects play a key role in the selection of like-minded media outlets. Both the conceptual complexity of political thinking and conceptual knowledge are positively correlated with the perspective taking ability; the same is not true for factual political knowledge. Moreover, both factual political knowledge and conceptual political knowledge are positively correlated with attitude extremity, while no significant correlation is observed between conceptual complexity and attitude extremity in the study sample. The effects of factual political knowledge and conceptual political knowledge on the extent of selective exposure are mediated by attitude extremity. The mediation effect of perspective taking ability on the relationship between conceptual complexity of political thinking and selective exposure, which can lessen the extent of selective exposure, is observed to be significant but weak when attitude extremity is included in the model. The implications of the different roles played by the three dimensions in the cognitive process, as well as contributions, practical significance and limitations are discussed on the basis of the abovementioned findings in conclusion part.
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Chen, Cong. « China's influence on media in southeast Asia : a case study of the Philippines, Thailand and Cambodia ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/752.
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This thesis interrogates how China influences one of its neighboring regions, Southeast Asia, in the aspect of media. Issues of how China's growing influence extends to media coverage and framing of news involving China and China's engagement in Southeast Asia have been brought up but has not been examined with empirical evidence. The research questions of this thesis concern how China is presented in local reporting in Southeast Asian media and why it is framed as it is portrayed in news media in the region. This research considers whether China's political and financial interests through media ownership, funding, soft power, and other factors are exerting influence on media coverage in Southeast Asia. Drawing on theoretical contributions from the theory of the political economy of media, comparative media systems theory and the theory of public diplomacy, the thesis assesses the situations based on a case study of the Philippines, Thailand and Cambodia by collecting and analyzing empirical data from these three Southeast Asian countries. The mix-method approach has been adopted in this study, which includes a quantitative content analysis on the news content of the selected Southeast Asian newspapers, and a qualitative analysis depending on semi-structured interviews with local media practitioners who share their understanding of journalistic routines and personal experiences in reporting China-related news in the field study. Some noteworthy findings have been drawn from the analysis. China has observable impacts on the media content in the Philippines, Thailand and Cambodia, limited to certain aspects in relation to China's growing regional power. Philippine newspapers adopt considerably more negative frames than newspapers of Thailand and Cambodia. There are unwritten guidelines in their news outlets and certain principles that media practitioners in Southeast Asia need to follow when covering China-related issues.
Livres sur le sujet "Mass media – Political aspects – Poland"
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John, Downing. Internationalizing media theory : Transition, power, culture : reflections on media in Russia, Poland and Hungary, 1980-95. London : Sage Publications, 1996.
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Curry, Jane Leftwich. Poland's journalists : Professionalism and politics. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1990.
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Bil, Monika. Komisja Rywina : Próba spojrzenia politologicznego. Wrocław : ATUT, 2005.
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Bil, Monika. Komisja Rywina : Proba spojrzenia politologicznego. Wroclaw : Oficyna Wydawnicza "Atut" - Wroclawskie Wydawnictwo Oswiatowe, 2005.
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P, Hinchman Lewis, dir. Media democracy : How the media colonize politics. Cambridge, UK : Polity Press ; Malden, MA, 2002.
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James, Curran, et Gurevitch Michael, dir. Mass media and society. 2e éd. London : Arnold, 1996.
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James, Curran, et Gurevitch Michael, dir. Mass media and society. 4e éd. London : Arnold, 2005.
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James, Curran, et Gurevitch Michael, dir. Mass media and society. London : E. Arnold, 1991.
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James, Curran, et Gurevitch Michael, dir. Mass media and society. 3e éd. London : Arnold, 2000.
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James, Curran, et Gurevitch Michael, dir. Mass media and society. London : E. Arnold, 1991.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Mass media – Political aspects – Poland"
1
Ross, David Brian, Richard Louis et Melissa T. Sasso. « The Increase of How Mass Media Coverage Manipulates Our Minds ». Dans Research Anthology on Fake News, Political Warfare, and Combatting the Spread of Misinformation, 176–98. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7291-7.ch011.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter explores the insight of how the mind is negatively impacted by the news media. The purpose of this chapter is to introduce readers to how the human brain processes good and adverse effects of the news. The chapter begins with the overview that delves into the various aspects such as our brain and how it processes emotions, the theoretical frameworks of mass society, Marxism, functionalism, social constructionism, the historical context of the media in various countries, journalists and pundits, how the media divides communities, and how the media reports world events causing individuals to suffer from adverse psychological effects. This chapter then ends with a conclusion that consists of suggested future research.
2
Chilton, Adam S., et Mila Versteeg. « Civil and Political Rights ». Dans How Constitutional Rights Matter, 125–66. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190871451.003.0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter analyzes three civil and political rights that are practiced on an individual basis: (1) free speech, (2) the prohibition of torture, and (3) the freedom of movement. The chapter first describes the doctrinal aspects of these rights, as well as how these relate to organizations’ ability to secure their enforcement. It then presents results from a global statistical analysis, which reveal that constitutionalizing these rights is not associated with better rights practices. In addition to presenting global data, this chapter present the results from a case study on free speech in Poland, which documents how the newly elected right-wing Law and Justice Party was able to take control of the country’s public media, even though both free speech and the independence of public media were guaranteed in the constitution.
3
Synchak, B. A. « RUSSIAN MILITARY CRIMES AGAINST MASS MEDIA IN UKRAINE FOR 21 DAYS OF THE 2022 WAR ». Dans THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR (2014–2022) : HISTORICAL, POLITICAL, CULTURAL-EDUCATIONAL, RELIGIOUS, ECONOMIC, AND LEGAL ASPECTS, 1042–48. Izdevnieciba “Baltija Publishing”, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-223-4-130.
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4
Oleshko, V. F., et E. V. Oleshko. « Social and Legal Aspects of Constructing the Identity of Russians in the Media Discourse ». Dans Mass media as a mediator of communicative and cultural memory, 159–246. Ural University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/b978-5-7996-3074-4.3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Reflection on the scientific level of new media practices and systematization of a positive experience is impossible without identifying and describing the problem components and contradictions that characterize the modern information space in Russia or its particular regions. First of all, it determines the fact that the first decades of the 21st century marked the beginning of a new stage in the study of rapidly transforming media systems. Secondly, when studying the impact of these processes on the representatives of modern Russian society as a whole and its groups, the digital revolution assumes that not only the mobilization resources of social theories and actual practices are defined, but also predetermines the formation of a legal framework for the mass media, which must meet the requirements of time and the demands of society. The third part of the monograph “Mass Media as a Mediator of Communicative-Cultural Memory” is devoted to this problem. The legal field of journalism of the digital age and the legal aspect of the identity of Russians are considered in the context of their mutual influence. The axiological context of ethical and philosophical dominance in modern media texts and the analysis of the role of the media in maintaining positive ethnic identity has allowed the authors to consider several problematic nodes of actual practice at various levels of social dynamics. In particular, it has been proved that since it is through culture, as well as through media culture as a special type of culture, that the individual is socialized and society thus largely regulates the behaviour of individuals and groups, the consideration of culture as an Universum opens wide prospects for research into the functioning of journalism as a social institution under the new conditions. The results of the sociological research carried out by the authors testified that professional activity for the overwhelming number of respondents in conditions of active influence of the global network and possibilities of new information technologies became inseparable with personal intentions. They are reflected in their public discourse, the product of a more or less argumentative discussion of a fact, a problem situation, which is based on an openly broadcast text. It has been proved that modern practice allows the public discourse of a journalist, which influences the formation of primarily communicative memory of media audience representatives, to be differentiated into three levels: communicative-event, communicative-containing and communicative-predictive. Today, mass media should be not only an information resource but also a platform (channel, tool) for presenting the whole range of opinions and developing various initiatives of active representatives of this or that societies. Information activities of non-professionals in the media sphere, most often referred to as civic journalism, should in practice become an important factor in the development of conventional (contractual) and communication (dialogue) strategies. At the same time, the mythologization of reality, even via ethnic stereotypes broadcast by some media and bloggers, is a complex and controversial formation that manifests itself specifically at different levels of mass consciousness. It can contribute both to the emergence of new images, different views of reality, and the accumulation of incorrect opinions, false ideas, manifestations of aggression. The result is social, cultural, religious and political myths, sometimes even leading to various antisocial actions. Therefore, it is concluded that professional media activity requires from communicators, along with ethical and legal enlightenment and active life position manifestation, the skills of creative (non-traditional, non-stereotypical) information expression in media texts.
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Oleshko, V. F., et E. V. Oleshko. « Model Approach to the Digital Transformation of Media ». Dans Mass media as a mediator of communicative and cultural memory, 343–434. Ural University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/b978-5-7996-3074-4.5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the crisis periods of modern times, it was seen that the changes in the vectors of practical activity are not only related to the economic sphere of Russia and many other countries but the trends that form the communications market in general and the mass media, in particular, are transformed to the greatest extent. This was especially evident in the first half of 2020 when the world was overwhelmed by the coronavirus pandemic, and digital technologies defined the essence and prospects of not only professional or interpersonal relations but also the sphere of politics, economics and culture. Therefore, it is logical that in the fifth and final part of the monograph “Mass Media as a Mediator of Communicative-Cultural Memory”, the authors described and systematized the ways of transformation of communicative-cultural memory, characteristic for “analogue” and “digital” generations of the mass audience, as well as highlighted the actual problems of forming the priorities of personal awareness of their socio-cultural identity. It is shown that the model of effective transmission of communicative-cultural memory to the “digital” generation, developed based on theoretical analysis and empirical data obtained during a decade, differs from other social models primarily by such essential elements as creative and technological and dialogic components of everyday work of subjects of information activity. It is they who determine the effectiveness of generational mutual influence through the media, acting as a mediator. At the same time, the hypothesis that mass media consumers are considered to be of different generation groups is confirmed. It is proved that the rapid and irreversible process of the global Network expansion has transformed many executive intents of the power structures of society in the majority of vital spheres not only socio-political, economic, professional, educational, etc. of individuals’ activity, but, first of all, in the socio-cultural sphere formed by the resources of the communicative memory of the nation. On the example of the mass media of the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug and the Russian-speaking press of the United States, it is also proved that one of the features of the modern development of multicultural countries and regions, as well as individual societies included in them, is the use of a strategy of ethnocultural neo-traditionalism, which is most often reflected in the actualization of historical memory and potential of the past, in focusing on artefacts characterizing certain aspects of communicative-cultural memory, in ethnocultural consolidation, in reproduction, “invention” and “promotion” of traditions, etc. The study concludes that the effective functioning of the media as a mediator of communicative-cultural memory, especially in the context of its transmission to the “digital” generation, involves the use of modelling principles not only to plan but also to predict the effectiveness of this activity. Since the social and managerial approach to the problem of generational mutual influence under conditions of permanent technological transformations is the least studied in media theory, the authors have fixed the basic elements of the model of development of regional journalism of the digital age in the context of professional culture. These include self-organization of the media community, mobilization and activation of public authorities’ resources, public control through the media and citizen journalists over the effectiveness of criticism of the region’s power structures, changes in the system of journalism training and media education, and some others.
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Shema, Claude R. « Peacebuilding, Media, and Terrorism in 21st Century and Beyond ». Dans Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 224–42. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-3032-9.ch016.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 21st century faced challenges that undermine peace and harmony among humankind on the planet earth. Apart from scary man made environmental related calamities, the 21st century emerged with the mass media era, where the internet, digital and social media based threats and terrorizing propaganda has catapulted to unspeakable and unprecedented extreme radicalization from all over the globe. The propaganda messages are spread at the lightning speed, from one end of the globe to another instantly, and impacts of the outcomes shake the core of humanity from psychological, political, and socioeconomic aspects as well. Through available literature, this chapter examines the impacts of digital media to peace and conflict resolution, and investigates the psychosocial aspects and modules or hypotheses of media and paths to terrorism behavior as well. Hypotheses suggest a strong link leading to association between digital media and pathways to terrorism and associated psychological impacts.
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Shema, Claude R. « Peacebuilding, Media, and Terrorism in 21st Century and Beyond ». Dans Censorship, Surveillance, and Privacy, 2114–32. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7113-1.ch105.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 21st century faced challenges that undermine peace and harmony among humankind on the planet earth. Apart from scary man made environmental related calamities, the 21st century emerged with the mass media era, where the internet, digital and social media based threats and terrorizing propaganda has catapulted to unspeakable and unprecedented extreme radicalization from all over the globe. The propaganda messages are spread at the lightning speed, from one end of the globe to another instantly, and impacts of the outcomes shake the core of humanity from psychological, political, and socioeconomic aspects as well. Through available literature, this chapter examines the impacts of digital media to peace and conflict resolution, and investigates the psychosocial aspects and modules or hypotheses of media and paths to terrorism behavior as well. Hypotheses suggest a strong link leading to association between digital media and pathways to terrorism and associated psychological impacts.
8
Díaz-Zambrana, Rosana. « Gothic Memory and Ghostly Aesthetics : Post Mortem as a Horror Film ». Dans ReFocus : The Films of Pablo Larraín, 113–30. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474448284.003.0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the last decade, the expansion and popularity of horror film productions worldwide have simultaneously soared in countries like Chile where the horror genre was formerly either unprecedented or a rarity. This symptomatic shift responds to the new demands of the global market and the mass-media consumer. Although recent examples of Chilean horror cinema follow the standard traits, devices, and motifs of global horror, at the same time, those film productions adapt their narratives to a national specificity by incorporating cultural practices, economic tensions, and political debates enrooted in the country’s social reality and historical past. Even though productions that depict graphic cruelty and psychological and physical torment within a political context such as La noche los lápices or Garaje Olimpo are usually considered “political dramas,” this chapter argues that Post mortem by Pablo Larraín could be understood under the rubric of horror film despite being classified a drama. In many aspects, Post mortem utilizes the haunting phenomenon as a filmic narrative but also exploits spatial, symbolic, and visual effects associated with the horror genre film tradition to denounce the nation’s traumatic past.
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Rupnik, Jacques. « The East–West Divide Revisited 30 Years On ». Dans Europe's Transformations, 85–100. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192895820.003.0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thirty years after the end of the Cold War and the division of the continent, are we witnessing a renewed east–west divide in Europe? Fifteen years following the enlargement of the European Union to countries of central and eastern Europe, are we witnessing mere political differences or is there an emerging divergence between the ‘old’ and ‘new’ EU member states on issues as fundamental as democracy and the rule of law? The triggering of Article 7 of the Lisbon Treaty against Poland and Hungary suggests the latter. This is the interpretation favoured in the media or in declarations of political figures on both sides of a newly restored dividing line. In the west, it tends to be perceived as a challenge to the European project and sometimes even as a justification for reservations regarding the very idea of the EU’s eastward expansion. In the Visegrád Group, there are claims of being treated as second-class members of the EU and resentment of alleged double standards and interference from Brussels, sometimes compared to pre-1989 control from Moscow. How can this triple divide on democracy, migration, and societal issues—three aspects of European liberalism—be accounted for after a quarter-century of unprecedented economic, political, and institutional convergence? One place to start is the misunderstandings concerning the process and meaning given to the post-1989 EU integration process (‘enlargement to the east’ or ‘European unification’). Different security concerns and threat perceptions (east versus south) also remain an obstacle in shaping a Common Foreign and Security Policy. There are deeper historical and cultural differences, the understanding of which is important to avoid recent divisions becoming fault lines. Finally these trends should be understood not as irreconcilable differences, but as a specific and acute version of a transeuropean crisis of democracy.
10
Wang, Y. Yvon. « The Implied Masturbator Speaks ». Dans Reinventing Licentiousness, 89–122. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501752971.003.0004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter builds on the material and technological transformations described in the previous chapter to discuss changing ideas about sexual representations. The chapter begins to directly talk about the desires of the implied masturbator. From the late Qing into the early twentieth century, mass media conquered the Chinese cultural world. Ambitious intellectuals at the turn of the twentieth century increasingly put their ideas onto a print market that was more open than ever before. The chapter analyses how literary professionalization remained a deviation from the orthodox path of officialdom. It also elaborates the five aspects of ideological change around sex and sexual representations at the turn of the twentieth century. Many of these ideological transformations were led by political and cultural reformers, including proponents of a “New Culture.” These self-declared iconoclasts argued for revising the boundaries of legitimacy around desire itself. Ultimately, the chapter introduces the downfall of Zhang Jingsheng, a leading member of the New Culture group. The chapter addresses how Zhang's open discussion of his personal desires made him vulnerable to becoming seen as no better than an implied masturbator.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Mass media – Political aspects – Poland"
1
Pérez Valecillos, Tomás. « La conjunción de actores antagónicos en la gestión comunitaria : asentamientos urbanos precarios ». Dans International Conference Virtual City and Territory. Concepción : Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.7389.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In a more urbanized world, the urban development will depend in great measure on the
administrative capacity of the cities, and on the active participation of their citizens. Therefore,
the participation of the citizens and their human rights are critical aspects on an
adequate city governability since it concentrates its attention in those that are actually excluded,
and on those that do not have access to the social, economic, and political resources
of the city. Because of it, the urban gorvernability aspire the cities to become more
efficient, equivalent, secure and sustainable through participatory decisions, in which
not only Estate and local Governments are involved, but also, the Civil Society (economic
and social actors, communitarian institutions, mass media and technical aid).
2
Ion, Georgeta. « EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH IMPACT : IMPLICATIONS FOR UNIVERSITY MANAGEMENT ». Dans eLSE 2012. Editura Universitara, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-12-159.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nowadays, the Bologna Process emphasizes qualitative rather than quantitative aspects in scientific research as well as the need to focus on practical challenges. It might be said that the academic world entered the Era of Quality due to a change of paradigm spearheaded by Bologna. This change entails other changes at all levels, from research scientists` and academics` outlook to the ways in which scientific products are evaluated. Given the inter-relationship between education and research, an excellent system of education presupposes high level research production. Well-prepared researchers and well-defined criteria are needed to evaluate scientific research. In this context, we propose a research project funded by the Executive Agency for Higher Education, Research, Development and Innovation Funding. The aim is to establish ways for the institutions that conduct research to enhance the visibility and impact of the results of research in educational sciences, in society in general, and policies and practices in particular. The study proposes an analysis of the actual models of research impact and assesses the current strategies and mechanisms used by research institutions to promote and make research products more visible to the social community and the educational actors. We use a mixed methodology based on documentary analyses, questionnaires, in-depth interviews and focus group surveys. In this paper we focus on the first phase of the research project which consists in the design of the main indicators of research impact in education sciences. We based our proposal on the literature study and the key contributions on impact analysis at international level. Our model consists of the interaction between three levels of the research impact: the context of the research production (researchers, university staff, research groups, etc), the context of the research use (policy makers, practitioners, etc) and the level of society as a whole (mass media, research transfer and dissemination). The model would help us to identify commonalities of interpretations and practice of all the actors involved in the research impact. Finally we consider that for the future of the research in Education Sciences it is of paramount importance that all actors involved in education impact participate and take an informed and proactive stance that responds to the fast-changing political, institutional and technological environment.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Mass media – Political aspects – Poland"
1
Hrytsenko, Olena. Sociocultural and informational and communication transformations of a new type of society (problems of preserving national identity and national media space). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11406.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The problems of the correlation of cosmopolitan and national identities are too complex to be unambiguous assessment, let alone alternative values (related to the ecological paradigm and the spiritual traditions of other cultures). However, it is obvious that without preserving the national identity, the integrity and independence of the national state becomes problematic. On the other hand, without taking into account the consequences of information wars and aggressive cosmopolitan tendencies of global media culture, there is a threat of losing the national information space and displacing it to the periphery of socio-political and economic life in Ukraine and in the modern world. In the process of working on research issues, the author of the article came out on the principles of objectivity, systematic and determinism, which in combination of their observance made it possible to determine the influence of the post-industrial information society on the formation of a new type of mass consciousness. As a result of the influence of globalization processes, there was a filling of the domestic information space with a supernational mass culture of entertainment, which in most cases leads to the spread of a primitive world outlook based on the ideology of consumption society, without leaving places to preserve sociocultural traditions and national identity. Therefore, given the problems of preserving national identity, it is necessary should be mentioned the information security of the state, which occupies one of the most important places, among various aspects of information security, since the unresolved problem of protection of the national information space significantly complicates the processes of formation of national identity.