Articles de revues sur le sujet « Marseille (France) – History »

With this essay on decolonizing ways of knowing, I seek to understand the phantom histories of my father’s French family. Filling in silences in written family accounts with scholarship on Marseille’s maritime commerce, African history, African Diaspora studies, and my own archival research, I seek to reconnect European, African, and Caribbean threads of my family story. Travelling from New Orleans to Marseille, Zanzibar, Ouidah, Porto-Novo, Martinique and Guadeloupe, this research at the intersections of personal and collective heritage links critical genealogies to colonial processes that structured the Atlantic world. Through an exploration of family documents, literature, and art, I travel the trade routes of la Maison Régis.

Anchored in the port of Marseille, this article studies encounters between international solidarity, American humanitarianism, and Vichy France’s nationalism in times of war and exile. Being the main free harbour in France after the country’s defeat against Germany in the spring of 1940, Marseille saw hundreds of thousands of refugees seeking refuge and exile on its shores. This massive flux gave rise to a local internationalism of humanitarian and solidarity networks bonded by an anti-fascist ideology. American humanitarians, diplomats, and radical leftist militants shaped this eclectic internationalism by providing crucial support for European refugees escaping the Nazi-backed state repression in France. Using the local archives of the department of Bouches-du-Rhône, this paper analyses how these actors and their ideologies met in Marseille and interacted with or against Vichy France’s nationalism. In the end, the extended historiography on refugees, American humanitarianism, solidarity networks, and French nationalism will be used to analyse global ideologies in a local context during the Second World War.

- When one looks at the presence of the foreigner in the city, the question of the peculiarity of the city and its local history is inevitably taken into account. In that regard, Marseille has always represented a unique laboratory in France. In the first part, the paper elaborates on the conditions of the emergence of the "second-generation" category in France in order to underline and criticize better in the second part the Urban Ecology and Marxist theories most often referenced when analyzing this topic. How do these theories translate into practice within the context of Marseille? Unlike the working-class world from Northern France, it appears that business activities in the broad sense - activities provided to the person in transit - , are a challenging and lucrative path providing social enhancement and promotion to the second-generation youth. It shows a transfer from father to son rather than an intergenerational clash. Such a clash is more noticeable between former migrants and new entrants in France.Keywords Marseille; immigration; second-generation; business activities.

The Corniche Kennedy is an emblematic road of the city of Marseilles in France. Located on the seafront, it was built in the 19th century and widened in the 1960s to create a corbelled pedestrian promenade. Its widening structure, made of slabs resting on corbels anchored in a retaining wall or on crossing structures, has been subjected for more than 60 years to a very aggressive marine environment and presents many damages. After having carried out the diagnosis of the structure, the Infrastructure Department of the Metropole of Aix-Marseille-Provence selected the engineers of the Setec Group to carry out the complete project management for the rehabilitation of the Corniche Kennedy. Between 2018 and 2022, the Corniche Kennedy underwent major rehabilitation work, using modern techniques to prevent and treat the main pathology of the structure, the corrosion. This article presents all the steps of the rehabilitation of the Corniche Kennedy from diagnosis to maintenance of the structure after renovation.

Abstract This paper argues that unsettled people, far from being “marginal” individuals, played a key role in shaping early modern cities. It does so by going beyond the traditional binary between rooted and unstable people. Specifically, the paper takes the temporary places of residence of this “unsettled” population – notably inns (garnis in France, osterie in Italy) – as a vantage point to observe social change in early modern cities. The case studies are two cities which shared a growing and highly mobile population in the early modern period: Rome and Marseille. In the first section, the paper focuses on two semi-rural neighborhoods. This is to assess the impact of mobility in shaping demographic, urbanistic, and economic patterns in these areas. Moving from the neighborhood as a whole to the individual buildings which composed it, the second section outlines the biographies of two inns: Rome’s osteria d’Acquataccio and Marseille’s hôtel des Deux mondes. In turn, this is to evaluate changes and continuities over a longer period of time.

In 2016, the Musée des Civilisations de l’Europe et de la Méditerranée in Marseille hosted the ‘Made in Algeria: Généalogie d’un territoire’ exhibition which gathered cartographic depictions of Algeria from the earliest European encounters to modern images of an independent culture still bearing colonial remnants. The contemporary pieces, notably by Franco-Algerian artists Zineb Sedira and Katia Kameli, expose multiple layers of the past as they reformulate what had been erased by colonisation and what had been silenced by the subsequent ruptures of independence. Their images, like the artists who have migrated back and forth between Algeria and France across time, show accumulated layers of colonial memory enmeshed in contemporary images of the Algerian people and landscape. By assessing the marks still visibly mapped onto Algeria in the exhibition, this article explores how what is ‘Made in Algeria’ remains heavily marked by France.

(English): In the bande dessinée Alger–Marseille: allers-retours, Algerian artist Nawel Louerrad and her French counterpart Benoît Guillaume recount their respective trips to Marseille and Algiers. Commissioned by Musée des civilisations de l'Europe et de la Méditerranée(MuCEM), their artistic project functions as a renewed museography aiming to foster a decentred gaze and improve Franco-Algerian relations. In this context, this article questions the nature of the exchanges generated by such a postcolonial museum project. Even if the two graphic contributions offer geo-poetic and artistic visions irreconcilable at first, I find that the album promotes an ethic of horizontality; it transforms itself into a space of cohabitation, of sharing even. The artists’ residencies across the Mediterranean, and the ensuing graphic production, promote a new artistic and cultural dynamic between Algeria and France.

Documentary and archaeological evidence concurs in placing the foundation of Marseille by colonists from Phocaea in around 600 B.C. The site can only have been chosen with an eye to its maritime commercial potential. Surrounded on the landward side by a chain of hills, the city's immediate hinterland was tiny, and only moderately fertile. Geographically, in the words of Camille Jullian, ‘Marseille … semble tourner le dos à la Provence’. But thanks to its magnificent, sheltered, deep-water harbour, now known as the Vieux-Port, the city has been a focal point for Mediterranean trade throughout its long history, and its immediate landward isolation has not affected its ability to exploit the Rhône corridor and establish commercial relations with the interior of France. Its location makes it a classic gateway community.

When marine natural sciences began to be the concern of most European scientists, in the middle of the 19th century, Marseille, in southern France, was no exception. The creation, ca. 150 years ago, of the first Zoology Laboratory of the Faculty of Sciences of Marseille took place in 1868. Under the leadership of Antoine-Fortuné Marion, it soon led to the creation of the Station Marine d’Endoume (SME) in 1889. Marion’s pioneering work survived both world wars and was then taken to another dimension by Jean-Marie Pérès, head of the marine station from 1948 to 1983. This institution is still alive to date. We here inventoried all the taxa described by SME scientists (1870 to 2021) and arranged them in a public database. Three main periods of activity at the SME are described, as well as the focus made through time to different groups of taxa, selected ecosystems, or biogeographic areas. Through many examples, it was possible to document how these naturalistic, taxonomic descriptions contributed to a broader scientific knowledge within this period. Finally, we discussed trends in taxonomic and naturalistic research, based on the SME experience.

This article traces the history of specialized social housing for North African families living in shantytowns in Marseille from the early 1950s to the mid-1970s. During the Algerian War, social housing assistance formed part of a welfare network that exclusively sought to “integrate” Algerian migrants into French society. Through shantytown clearance and rehousing initiatives, government officials and social service providers encouraged shantytown-dwelling Algerian families to adopt the customs of France’s majority White population. Following the Algerian War, France moved away from delivering Algerian-focused welfare and instead developed an expanded immigrant welfare network. Despite this shift, some officials and social service providers remained fixated on the presence and ethno-racial differences of Algerians and other North Africans in Marseille’s shantytowns. Into the mid-1970s, this fixation shaped local social assistance and produced discord between the promise and implementation of specialized social housing that hindered shantytown-dwelling North African families’ incorporation into French society.

Abstract In recent years, historians have paid increasing attention to social welfare initiatives undertaken in post-Second World War France to integrate Muslim Algerian migrants into French society and the legacies of these initiatives after decolonization. This article engages with this field of research by focusing on a topic it has largely ignored—the so-called ‘problem' of the integration of Muslim youth. The central point of focus is the Centre d'Accueil Nord-Africain (CANA), a private welfare association founded in Marseille in 1950 that well into the mid-1970s considered the integration of male Muslim North African youth its central objective. In exploring the origins and operations of the CANA over a roughly twenty-five-year period, this article offers new insights into issues of continuity and change related to the target, approach and objectives of integrationist social welfare for Muslim North Africans in France before and after decolonization.

Nicholas Hewitt, Montmartre: A Cultural History (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2017).David Spector, La Gauche, la droite, et le marché: Histoire d’une idée controversée (XIXe–XXIe siècle) (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2017)Graham M. Jones, Magic’s Reason: An Anthropology of Analogy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017).Minayo Nasiali, Native to the Republic: Empire, Social Citizenship, and Everyday Life in Marseille since 1945 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2016).Joseph Bohling, The Sober Revolution: Appellation Wine and the Transformation of France (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2018).Venus Bivar, Organic Resistance: The Struggle over Industrial Farming in Postwar France (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018).Todd Shepard, Sex, France, and Arab Men, 1962–1979 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017).Donald Reid, Opening the Gates: The Lip Affair, 1968–1981 (London: Verso, 2018).Bruno Perreau, Queer Theory: The French Response (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2016).Oana Sabo, The Migrant Canon in Twenty-First-Century France (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2018).

AbstractThis paper introduces an innovative method applied to global (economic) history using the tools of digital humanities through the design and development of the GECEM Project Database (www.gecem.eu; www.gecemdatabase.eu). This novel database goes beyond the static Excel files frequently used by conventional scholarship in early modern history studies to mine new historical data through a bottom-up process and analyse the global circulation of goods, consumer behaviour, and trade networks in early modern China and Europe. Macau and Marseille, as strategic entrepôts for the redistribution of goods, serve as the main case study. This research is framed within a polycentric approach to analyse the connectivity of south Chinese and European markets with trade zones of Spain, France, South America, and the Pacific.

Using ArcGIS, this article maps the narrative locations of French cinema's box office successes and César du meilleur film winners against a self-consciously international version of prestige, the French submission for best foreign language film at the Oscars from 1976 (when the Césars began) to 2012. Mapping domestic consumption and prestige against the for-American-consumption vision of prestige and possible box office appeal will identify the settings that are associated with domestic and international locations of Frenchness. Do films that succeed at the box office connect themselves to France's main population centers—Paris, Lyon, Marseille, Lille—or to less-populated and economically vibrant regions, as with Bienvenue Chez les Ch'tis (2008) in Bergues? To what extent do prestige films seek out marginalized areas in which to set their stories, as in the Paris banlieues of La Haine (1996) or Sète in La Graine et le mullet (2008)? Do the films that France proposes to the Oscar voters address an imagined American preference for one part of France—Paris—over another, or do they turn to other, less globally-integrated locations? Where are the overlaps among these three categories? And where are the empty spaces that neither box office nor prestige address? This article will be a spatial history, drawing on Franco Moretti's ‘distant reading’ approach to groups of films to demonstrate the critical potential for mapping narrative locations as a way to conceive of the multiple nations—in this case France—that cinema imagines for its domestic and international audiences.

RésuméAlors que l’historiographie a privilégié intellectuels et militants, l’espace marseillais permet d’aborder l’histoire des populations noires par les milieux populaires. Le cas d’un petit groupe de navigateurs, devenus proxénètes à la faveur de la guerre, permet en effet de tester à la fois la portée et les limites d’une approche de leur trajectoire sociale par la « condition noire ». Ces souteneurs, éloignés de la culture légitime, marginaux par rapport à la norme sociale, sont toutefois très intégrés dans le milieu populaire localisé du port. Si la couleur de peau compte dans leur constitution en bandes, leur trajectoire ne diffère cependant pas significativement de celle des souteneurs blancs (et notamment corses) de Marseille: c’est surtout par l’appartenance à une même profession que s’explique ces carrières déviantes. Cette étude de cas interroge la portée sociale de la couleur de peau dans l’ensemble des facteurs sociaux dans les milieux populaires français et les luttes de classement en leur sein.

AbstractWe reply to the comments of J. Philip regarding the structure of La Nerthe range (southern Provence, France) and the timing of the deformation. We first agree with J. Philip on the structural independence of La Nerthe and L’Etoile ranges. We then discuss the allochthonous and autochthonous models. The allochthonous model mainly relies on a reactivation of a N-verging thrust during the Oligocene. There are no evidences for a Middle Rupelian thrusting event and the interpretation of the Oligocene series in southern Provence area was entirely revised. J. Philip’s argumentation is solely based on the existence of steep dipping Rupelian limestones. However we demonstrate that they could be tilted along normal faults as it is the case in the Marseille basin. Recent works clearly show that the Oligocene Marseille and Saint-Pierre basins have a similar tectonic history resulting from two main extensional events. The last point debated by J. Philip is the age of the strike-slip faults. As it is pointed in our contribution the strike-slip fault planes cut folded strata and were reactivated during an extensional event. This strike-slip faulting event occurred between the latest stages of the main Bartonian compressional event and the beginning of the Early Rupelian extensional tectonics. As pointed by J. Philip the E-trending faults of Saint-Pierre basin acted as normal faults during the Oligocene. We however suggest that these faults were inherited from the Late Eocene strike-slip tectonics and reactivated during the Oligocene.

On November 1, 2020 Lomonosov Moscow State University welcomed the participants of Camões Readings for the seventh time – now via video conference. The biennial event was devoted to the history of Portugal, Brazil and the countries of the Portuguese-speaking Africa, political, cultural and social processes taking place in these regions, literature heritage of the authors who wrote in Portuguese and the aspects of the Portuguese linguistics. The event, organized by the MSU Faculty of Philology, saw participants, scholars and researches from such institutions as the Russian Foreign Ministry, the Embassy of Brazil in Moscow, five institutes of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Institute of Latin American Studies, Institute of World History, Institute of Linguistics, Gorki Institute of World Literature and Institute for African Studies), MGIMO University, Moscow State Linguistic University, Russian State University for the Humanities, Saint Petersburg State University and the Military University of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation. Foreign speakers from Instituto Camões, Portugal, Université de Provence Aix-Marseille I, France, and other organisations also took part. The contemporary situation in the bilateral Russia‒Brazil dialogue, national and linguistic identity of the Portuguese-speaking regions, linguistic usages, the polyglottism‒ multilinguism dynamics and other topics of high interest were discussed. Among the thirty presentations several were dedicated to the historic landmark of the 45th anniversary of the independence of Angola, Mozambique, Cabo Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe. The conference concluded with common decision to hold such meetings once a year.

On November 1, 2020 Lomonosov Moscow State University welcomed the participants of Camões Readings for the seventh time – now via video conference. The biennial event was devoted to the history of Portugal, Brazil and the countries of the Portuguese-speaking Africa, political, cultural and social processes taking place in these regions, literature heritage of the authors who wrote in Portuguese and the aspects of the Portuguese linguistics. The event, organized by the MSU Faculty of Philology, saw participants, scholars and researches from such institutions as the Russian Foreign Ministry, the Embassy of Brazil in Moscow, five institutes of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Institute of Latin American Studies, Institute of World History, Institute of Linguistics, Gorki Institute of World Literature and Institute for African Studies), MGIMO University, Moscow State Linguistic University, Russian State University for the Humanities, Saint Petersburg State University and the Military University of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation. Foreign speakers from Instituto Camões, Portugal, Université de Provence Aix-Marseille I, France, and other organisations also took part. The contemporary situation in the bilateral Russia‒Brazil dialogue, national and linguistic identity of the Portuguese-speaking regions, linguistic usages, the polyglottism‒ multilinguism dynamics and other topics of high interest were discussed. Among the thirty presentations several were dedicated to the historic landmark of the 45th anniversary of the independence of Angola, Mozambique, Cabo Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe. The conference concluded with common decision to hold such meetings once a year.

IntroductionThere is global concern about the increasing prevalence of autism spectrum disorders (ASDs), which are early-onset and long-lasting disorders. Although ASDs are considered to comprise a unique syndrome, their clinical presentation and outcome vary widely. Large-scale and long-term cohort studies of well-phenotyped samples are needed to better understand the course of ASDs and their determinants. The primary objective of the multicEntric Longitudinal study of childrEN with ASD (ELENA) study is to understand the natural history of ASD in children and identify the risk and prognostic factors that affect their health and development.Methods and analysisThis is a multicentric, longitudinal, prospective, observational cohort in which 1000 children with ASD diagnosed between 2 and 16 years of age will be recruited by 2020 and followed over 6 years. The baseline follow-up starts with the clinical examination to establish the ASD diagnosis. A battery of clinical tools consisting of the Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule, the revised version of the Autism Diagnostic Interview, measures of intellectual functioning, as well as large-scale behavioural and developmental measurements will allow us to study the heterogeneity of the clinical presentation of ASD subtypes. Subsequent follow-up at 18 months and at 3, 4.5 and 6 years after the baseline examination will allow us to explore the developmental trajectories and variables associated with the severity of ASD. In addition to the children’s clinical and developmental examinations, parents are invited to complete self-reported questionnaires concerning perinatal and early postnatal history, congenital anomalies, genetic factors, lifestyle factors, medical and psychiatric comorbidities, and the socioeconomic environment. As of 1 November 2018, a total of 766 participants have been included.Ethics and disseminationEthical approval was obtained through the Marseille Mediterranean Ethics Committee (ID RCB: 2014-A01423-44), France. We aim to disseminate the findings through national and international conferences, international peer-reviewed journals, and social media.Trial registration numberNCT02625116; Pre-results.

Background Visual disturbances (VDs) are reported with an average rate of 1.4% after foam sclerotherapy (FS). Some clinical clues indicate that they could correspond to migraine with aura (MA). Aims To validate the hypothesis that VDs occurring after FS correspond to MA and are not transient ischaemic cerebro-vascular events. Method A prospective multicentre study was carried out by the French Society of Phlebology in collaboration with the Neurology Department of the Marseille University Hospital (France). We included prospectively and consecutively all patients who experienced VDs after FS using air to make the foam. The patients were assessed (1) clinically with a specific form describing procedures of FS and recording neurological symptoms, later analysed by a neurologist specialized in migraine; and (2) by a brain diffusion-weighted magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) (T1, T2, T2*, diffusion) carried out within two weeks and analysed by a neuroradiologist. Results Twenty patients, 16 women and four men, were included in 11 phlebology clinics. All kinds of veins were treated. VDs occurred in average seven minutes after FS. Clinical assessment showed that VDs presented characteristics of MA in all patients, with headache in 10 and without in 10. Paresthesia was observed in five patients and dysphasic speech disturbance in one. Fifteen patients (75%) had a personal history of migraine. Fifteen MRIs were performed within two weeks (mean: 8 days) and three were late (26 days). All of them were normal. MRI was not performed in two patients. Conclusion These results show that VDs occurring after FS correspond to MA and are not transient ischaemic cerebro-vascular events. We suggest a pathophysiological hypothesis resting on the release of endothelin that would reach the cerebral cortex through a paten foramen ovale.

Abstract. We relate here the distributions of two carbonate system key properties (total alkalinity, AT; and total dissolved inorganic carbon, CT) measured along a section in the Mediterranean Sea, going from Marseille (France) to the south of the Cyprus Island, during the 2008 BOUM cruise. The three main objectives of the present study are (1) to draw and comment on the distributions of AT and CT in the light of others properties like salinity, temperature, and dissolved oxygen, (2) to estimate the distribution of the anthropogenic CO2 (CANT) in the intermediate and the deep waters, and (3) to calculate the resulting variation of pH (acidification) since the beginning of the industrial era. Since the calculation of CANT is always an intense subject of debate, we apply two radically different approaches to estimate CANT: the very simple method TrOCA and the MIX approach, the latter being more precise but also more difficult to apply. A clear picture for the AT and the CT distributions is obtained: the mean concentration of AT is higher in the oriental basin while that of CT is higher in the occidental basin of the Mediterranean Sea, fully coherent with the previous published works. Despite of the two very different approaches we use here (TrOCA and MIX), the estimated distributions of CANT are very similar. These distributions show that the minimum of CANT encountered during the BOUM cruise is higher than 46.3 μmol kg−1 (TrOCA) or 48.8 μmol kg−1(MIX). All Mediterranean water masses (even the deepest) appear to be highly contaminated by CANT, as a result of the very intense advective processes that characterize the recent history of the Mediterranean circulation. As a consequence, unprecedented levels of acidification are reached with an estimated decrease of pH since the pre-industrial era of −0.148 to −0.061 pH unit, which places the Mediterranean Sea as one of the most acidified world marine ecosystem.

Publicamos una pequeña serie de monedas, relacionadas con las piezas conocidas inicialmente como de ejemplares “tipo Auriol”. Se trata de varias imitaciones greco-massaliotas, relacionadas con el ciclo numismático griego del Occidente mediterráneo. La importante novedad de las mismas se fundamenta en el lugar de hallazgo, pues este se ha producido en una zona interior de la Península Ibérica, donde hasta el momento no se había documentado el descubrimiento de numismas de este tipo. Palabras clave: moneda, imitaciones, edetanosTopónimos: Massalia, Emporion, AuriolPeriodo: Edetanos ABSTRACTThe text presents a small series of coins, similar to those initially known as "Auriol type". These are various Greek-Massalian imitations, related to the Greek numismatic cycle of the Western Mediterranean. 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Estado de la investigación”, Archivo de Prehistoria Levantina, 19,pp. 303-317.— (2005), “Las acuñaciones antiguas de la península Ibérica: dependencias e innovaciones”, en C. Alfaro, C. Marcos y P. Otero (coords.), Actas del XIII Congreso Internacional de Numismática, vol. 1, Madrid, Ministerio de Cultura, pp. 187-208.— (2011), “Cuando la plata se convierte en moneda: Iberia oriental”, en Barter, Money and Coinage in the Ancienr Mediterranean (10th-1st Centuries B.C.). Actas del IV Encuentro Peninsular de Numismátic Antigua, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, pp. 213-226.— (2013), “Ancient Iberian Coinage”, Documentos Digitales de Arqueología, 2, pp. 1-55.— (2015), “Los divisores ampuritanos con cabeza de carnero y puntos en el campo”, OMNI. Revue Numismatique, 9, pp. 13-16.Ripollès, P. P. Chevillon, J. A. (2013), “The Archaic coinage of Emporion”, The Numismatic Chronicle, 173, pp. 1-21.Ripollès, P. P. y Llorens, M. M. (2002), Arse-Saguntum. 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Greek, Punic, Iberian, Roman, Barcelona, Societat Catalana d´Estudis Numismàtics, 2011 (citado como ACIP).

The Marseilles ship, the Peter and Paul, became the object of a bitter dispute that internationalized an incident involving the royal courts of England, France, Portugal and Spain. At the time it was something of a cause célèbre that preoccupied the court, Privy Council and High Court of Admiralty. The significance of the ship's detention lies not so much in the incident itself but in the events surrounding it and the light it sheds on competing and conflicting jurisdictions involving the Westminster and Dublin governments. It reveals much about the bitter factionalism at the royal court which involved the Pembrokeshire magnate Sir John Perrot and Walter Devereux, earl of Essex.

In 1961, a group of young designers practising under the name of Atelier 5 completed Siedlung Halen near Berne. This private housing development was the first built example of the compact, low-rise housing type conceived by Le Corbusier for vacation use in the south of France. It was the forerunner of the newly resurgent carpet or mat planning form. In addition, Halen was a social experiment likened by its designers to the Unité d'Habitation at Marseilles, reinterpreted to fit closely with the local topography. Beyond its undisputed claim to history, its success resides, as in the case of the Unité, in having raised the standards of a particular housing form. Attention to the welfare of users has since become a hallmark of the work of Atelier 5. This paper describes the genesis of the project, its form and social outlook.

Abstract The JAK2V617F point mutation has been described in patients with Philadelphia negative myeloproliferative disorders. Improvement in the sensitivity of different methods has lowered the detection threshold of the percentage of mutant allele but currently, there is no consensus on which level of sensitivity is adequate and how to deal with the lowest levels of mutant allele. Moreover, development of JAK2 inhibitors sets the question of monitoring the molecular residual disease. These reinforce the need of the availability of reliable quantitative assays with high sensitivity and of the definition of the limit of significance for a positive result. The aim of this study was thus to establish a threshold for JAK2V617F detection between normal and potential MPD samples. We used the Jak2 MutaQuant™ kit (Ipsogen, Marseille, France), a quantitative highly sensitive allele specific RQ-PCR test on 200 randomly selected healthy individuals (among 366 volunteers). The study was approved by the Institutional Review Board and informed consent was provided according to the Declaration of Helsinki. Exclusion criteria were: age under 18, medical history of deep thrombosis or blood disease, haemoglobin level over 185 g/L for men and over 165 g/L for women, hematocrit over 52% for men and over 48% for women, white blood cell count (WBC) over 12 G/L and platelet count over 400 G/L. Median age was 37 years (19–88), 69% were male, median haemoglobin level was 142 g/L (SD 17.8), median hematocrit was 41.9% (SD 4.8), median WBC was 6.82 (SD 1.8) and median platelet count was 248 (SD 58.2). In parallel, 24 patients presenting with a thrombocytosis or a polycythemia were tested. Genomic DNA was extracted from whole blood. The technology used in this assay allows a sensitive, accurate and highly reproducible detection of single-nucleotide polymorphisms. This technique is based on the use of specific forward primers, for the wild type (WT) and the V617F allele, a common reverse primer, and a double dye TaqMan probe. Only perfect match between primer and target DNA allows extension and amplification in the PCR reaction. This assay benefits from the plasmid technology which allows the precise calibration and normalisation of RQ-PCR results, by generating standard curves based on the known concentration of plasmid dilutions, and precise measurement of the JAK2 WT and V617F alleles copy number in human cell samples without the need of subsequent handling such as capillary electrophoresis or melting curve analysis. Normalized results can be compared between RQ-PCR systems and testing sites. Results are expressed as percentage of JAK2V617F among total JAK2 detected sequences. Limit of blank was determined (95th percentile) on negative samples (n=56) and is approximately equal to 0.04%. Limit of detection was determined (95th percentile) on known low positive samples (n=96) and is approximately equal to 0.2%. As expected, the sensitivity of the test varies according to the total number of JAK2 sequences detectable in 25ng of genomic DNA. In our hands the median sensitivity of the test was 0.1% of mutant alleles (range 0.28–0.038). In all our healthy donor samples the percentage of mutant alleles was lower than 0.1% (% range 0.002–0.085). Among the 24 MPD suspected patients, 11 were positive (range 0.6–62%). Our data contribute to on-going questions regarding the interpretation of JAK2V617F allele burden. Levels of mutation that are significantly above those seen in healthy individuals, even low, should be clearly of clinical interest. They should benefit of a haematological follow up as they might represent a very early stage of a myeloproliferative disorder.

Foi estudada a vida reprodutiva das 5 espécies dominantes de opistobrânquios mediterrâneos intersticiais do Golfo de Marselha, Bouches-du-Rhône, França. Duas espécies hermafroditas Philine catena e Embletonia pulchra, provaram ser anuais, sendo a duração de vida da última ligeiramente maior que um ano no aquário. Essas duas espécies mostram, em biótopos de alta e média exposições, um único período de recrutamento no verão ou/e no outono, implicando em acasalmento no outono precedente, ovipostura no outono-inverno, eclosão das larvas e estabelecimento dos estádios meiobênticos jovens na areia, durante a estação quente, na primavera-verão. 0 Acochlidacea hermafrodito, Hedylopsis spiculifera, o qual pode sobreviver mais de um ano no aquário, é provavelmente também uma espécie anual, que passa por uma geração por ano. Contudo, uma fase flutuante de 4/5 meses, é registrada entre populações de biótopos de alta e média exposições: nos de média exposição há um recrutamento discreto na primavera enquanto que nos de alta exposição há um recrutamento mais importante no outono. Em biótopos de exposição intermediária há um prolongado período de recrutamento, do fim da primavera ao fim do outono e adultos podem ser observados no inverno e no verão. Os dois Acochlidiacea de sexos separados, Pontohedyle milaschewitschii e Unela glandulifera, mostraram ser espécies sub-anuais, cuja duração de vida é suposta ser não maior do que 6 a 7 meses; de fato, sua manutenção no aquário não ultrapassou algumas semanas. Essas duas espécies podem passar por 2 gerações por ano, desde que elas estejam no seu ambiente ótimo e se 2 estações de aquecimento (ou uma prolongada) forem registradas durante um ano, geralmente primavera e outono no Mediterrâneo. Uma primeira estação de ovipostura é presumida no inverno, eclosão e estabelecimento dos estádios jovens na areia, durante a primavera; esses jovens correspondem, onde e quando sobrevivem, à primeira geração descendente dos estádios adultos, alguns com espermatóforos, do outono precedente, morrendo no inverno após a ovipostura. Uma segunda estação de ovipostura, no verão ou/e outono, eclosão e estabelecimento no outono, corresponde à segunda geração; a última, bem sucedida na maioria dos cascalhos e areias, descende dos estádios adultos da primavera precedente, mortos no outono após a ovipostura. Uma certa fase flutuante é registrada entre populações de biótopos de exposição alta e média e em exposição intermediária parece haver reprodução quase o ano todo, exceto no inverno ou primavera. Os espermatóforos observados em P. milaschewitschii (até 3 por indivíduo) e U. glandulifera (1 ou 2 por indivíduo) são relevantes nos períodos de acasalmento na primavera e no outono.

In 1946 Le Corbusier returned to the United States in conjunction with a French mission to study American architecture, public works, and planning. He traveled with Eugène Claudius-Petit, who would become minister of reconstruction in France. Their principal objective was to visit the Tennessee Valley Authority, considered a model for postwar reconstruction. In Le Corbusier and Postwar America: The TVA and Béton Brut, Mardges Bacon argues that the TVA’s regional planning and societal synthesis served as a model for Le Corbusier’s second-machine-age civilization. The TVA’s reinforced concrete dams employed industrial piping and a new formwork technique. Examining Le Corbusier’s postwar agenda through the prism of the TVA and a collaborative practice, Bacon contends that his work showed greater monumentality and plasticity, the integration of architecture and infrastructure, and an aesthetic treatment of béton brut, which situates his Unité d’Habitation in Marseilles (1945–52) within a transatlantic as well as a Mediterranean culture.

This article contributes to current historical knowledge on the relationship between Crown and local municipal power in Old Regime France. In particular, it examines the political language of bien public mobilized by Marseillais elites and royal administrators between 1660 and 1700 in the context of French commercial expansion. Traditionally, ‘public good’ could be understood in two distinct ways. Derived from royal absolutist doctrine, public good was what the king willed to preserve the state, a collection of diverse, corporate bodies held together by royal justice and reason. Derived from civic humanistic, municipal traditions, public good was the united will of the civic community. Investigating three moments where these two definitions of public good converged and collided – during Marseille's urban expansion (1666), in the local justification of modern commerce, and in the deliberations at the Council of Commerce (1700) – this article points to several mutations in the language of public good at the end of the seventeenth century. Pointing to the convergence of civic humanistic and absolutist traditions, this article demonstrates that centralization under Louis XIV, rather than obscuring local traditions, allowed for the intensification of civic humanistic, republican sensibilities.

25 years ago, my friend Guido Volpe (Castel Volturno, Campania) asked me for help to identify the Grayling species occurring in his region. In summer 1998, I started several rearing experiments with batches of ova from Italy to check their identity with the help of the larval stages. Guido Volpe procured the females for oviposition on different sites in the mountains of Lazio, Campania and Calabria and sent the obtained ova by mail to Switzerland. The question arose soon, which one of the two smaller Grayling species was indigenous to this region, Hipparchia genava or alcyone. In his study “Contribution à l’étude des Satyrinae de France”, Patrice Leraut (1990) elevated to species rank the taxon genava Fruhstorfer (1908) occurring in the Valais, claiming that its distribution area extends across the whole Italy to eastern Sicily. I hoped to confirm this assertion, being based mainly on the rods of the Jullien organ, also in the larval stages. For this purpose, I was forced to examine rearing series from the entire area inhabited by populations of the two smaller Grayling species. During the period 1998 to 2006, I investigated them with series from 8 European countries in total (see Jutzeler et al. 2005, map p. 152), by rearing them always from the ovum. In fact, the two smaller species alcyone and genava produced caterpillars of different appearance. The imagines that emerged under rearing conditions were retained to search them for characters being typical of each of the two species. The results from all these rearing experiments were recorded in the study on H. fagi and genava (Volpe and Jutzeler, 2001 – genava still named there alcyone) and in 3 studies being dedicated to alcyone and genava (Jutzeler et al., 2002, 2005, 2006). Already in those days, I didn’t use the name of “hermione Linnaeus, 1764” favoured by Kudrna (1977) to rename H. alcyone D. & S. In my eyes, it referred to two different species. Moreover, Kudrna’s lectotype designation did not conform to the rules of ICZN according to Higgins and Riley (1978) and I had detected during my investigations that this name was applied to designate the taxon fagi since 1775 until the mid-20th century and that it was often used in reality to designate unknowingly also the similar species genava. The synonymy of Papilio hermione Linnaeus, 1764 with P. fagi Scopoli, 1763 has been irrevocably established recently by Russell and Vane-Wright (2022). In the first part of “Doubts about the validity”, I posited the recognition of the specific rank of Hipparchia genava. Since the beginning of my research program on the Grayling complex, I tackled this question under various aspects. Of central importance was the determination of the characteristics of wings using reared imagines of the three Grayling species resulting from the numerous rearing series of Hipparchia alcyone, genava and fagi. The most important variations found among caterpillars and imagines are presented once again in this part of the study. Furthermore, the evaluation of preparations housed in the collections of the Zoological Museum Amsterdam (since 2011 housed in the Naturalis Biodiversity Centre Leiden) and other museums being figured on the 9 synoptical plates together with their genital armatures, was of primary importance for the present article. Thereby, the accuracy of Leraut’s (1990) diagnosis could be confirmed in the main, but with the limitation that the number of rods of the Jullien organ of alcyone and genava can also be beyond the range indicated by Leraut. Thus, the rods do not compellingly lead to a correct identification of every individual. As a new character of male genitalia, the strongly curved inferior edge of the male genital armature of H. alcyone should be noted. Accompanied by Peter Russell, I verified also Fruhstorfer’s (1908a) type material of H. genava housed at the British Museum of Natural History in London (BMNH). Contrary to all of the ever-voiced findings by Kudrna, all the individuals of the type series in London accorded perfectly with genava from the Valais using the wing characteristics. The variability of the wing design of H. genava (and fagi) is additionally illustrated with the figures reproduced from plate 73 of Verity’s 5th volume “Satyridae” (1953) of his work “Farfalle Diurne d’Italia”. The occurrence of Grayling species in some selected actual and historical distributional areas was furthermore checked by using material in collections. Accordingly, the Palatinate region was populated only by alcyone. Proofs that genava existed in this region do not seem to exist. Of the two small Grayling species in Alsace, Hipparchia genava still occurs in the Alsatian Jura (Haut-Rhin) whereas H. alcyone formerly populated, until the 1960s, some sites in the northern part of the Vosges (Bas-Rhin). In the Jura Mountains of Basel and Solothurn, only H. genava occurs, whereas alcyone and fagi are completely absent from those areas. In Liguria, H. fagi and genava are widespread whereas only 4 specimens representing alcyone could be detected from this region being collected in 1973 near Celle Ligure (Savona). I supported the inquiries in the field by Tristan Lafranchis and colleagues in the region of the contact areas of H. genava and alcyone in south-eastern France. Accordingly, Duponchel (1832-35) diagnosed correctly the occurrence of H. alcyone in the surroundings of Marseille. Individuals of H. alcyone from this region were described by Fruhstorfer as ssp. sogdiana, whereas Varin (1962) referred ssp. sogdiana erroneously to the “altitudinal form” corresponding with H. genava, considering the true alcyone from mount Faron near Toulon (Var) as “under-race faronica” of ssp. sogdiana (sensu genava).

AbstractFor more than a century the only eyewitness account of Rembrandt's Portrait of an old woman (fig. 1) was a description made by Wilhelm Bode in 1883. At the time, he was unable to decipher the date, 1632; nor did he know anything about Aeltje Uylenburgh or the history of the panel. However, the painting's provenance has since been revealed, and it can be traced back in an almost unbroken line to its commission, a rare occurrence in Rembrandt's oeuvre. A pendant portrait, now lost, featured the preacher Johannes Sylvius, who is also the subject of an etching by Rembrandt dating from 1633 (fig. 2). Rembrandt had a close relationship with the Sylvius couple and he married their cousin Saskia Uylenburgh in 1634. After Aeltje's death in 1644, the couple's son Cornelis Sylvius inherited the portraits. We know that Cornelis moved to Haarlem in 1647, and that in 1681 he made a will bequeathing the pendants to his son Johannes Sylvius Junior. For the most part of a century they remained in the family. We lose track of the portrait of Johannes Sylvius when, in 1721, Cornelis II Sylvius refurbishes a house on the Kruisstraat in Haarlem. However, thanks to a handful of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century copies, it has been possible to reconstruct the trail followed by Aeltje. In 1778, a copy from Dessau turned up at auction in Frankfurt. It was bought under the name of Johann Heinrich Roos by Henriette Amalie von Anhalt-Dessau. There is a copy of this copy in the museum of Marseilles, attributed Ferdinand Bol (fig. 3). In 2000 an article in the Tribune de Genève revealed that the original had belonged to the Burlamacchi Collection in the eighteenth century, and was then thought to be a portrait of Rembrandt's mother. Jean-Jacques Burlamacchi (1694-1748), a prominent Geneva collector, acquired major works of art, including probably the Rembrandt portrait, while travelling in Holland and Britain around 1720. It was the heirs of Burlamacchi, the Misses de Chapeaurouge, who opened the famous collection to the public. In 1790 or thereabouts, the Swiss portrait painter Marc-Louis Arlaud produced a copy, now in the museum at Lausanne (fig. 4), which for many years was thought to be an autograph work by Rembrandt. The painter Georges Chaix also made a copy, which he exhibited in Geneva in 1823. This work still belongs to the artist's family; unfortunately it has not been possible to obtain an image. After the Burlamacchi Collection was sold in about 1825, the painting was referred to somewhat nostalgically as 'Un Rembrandt "genevois"'. It was bought for 18,000 francs by the Paris art dealer Dubois, who sold it to the London banker William Coesvelt. In 1828, Coesvelt in turn sold the portrait through the London dealer John Smith, who described it as 'the painter's mother, at the age of 62'. We know that the picture was subsequently acquired from Albertus Brondgeest by the banker James de Rothschild (1792-1868) for his country house at Boulogne, as this is mentioned in the 1864 description of Rothschild's collection by Charles Blanc. Baron James's widow, Betty de Rothschild, inherited the portrait in 1868 and it was in Paris that the Berlin museum director Wilhelm Bode (fig. 5) first saw the painting. In his description of 1883 he states that the woman was not, in his opinion, Rembrandt's mother. In 1886 the portrait fell to Betty's son, Baron Alphonse (1827-1905). Bode published a heliogravure of the work in 1897, which remained for many years the only available reproduction (fig. 6). Rembrandt's portrait of a woman was a showpiece in Baron Alphonse's Paris smoking room (fig. 7). Few art historians came to the Rothschild residence and neither Valentiner nor Bredius, who published catalogues of Rembrandt in 1909 and 1935, respectively, had seen the painting. Alphonse's heir was Baron Edouard de Rothschild, who in 1940 fled to America with his daughter Bethsabée. The Germans looted the painting, but immediately after the war it was exhibited, undamaged, in a frame carrying the (deliberately?) misleading name 'Romney' (fig. 8). In 1949, Bethsabée de Rothschild became the rightful owner of the portrait. She took it with her when she moved to Israel in 1962, where under the name of Bathsheva de Rothschild she became a well-known patron of modern dance. In 1978, J. Bruyn en S. Levie of the Rembrandt Research Project (RRP) travelled to Tel Aviv to examine the painting. Although the surface was covered with a thick nicotine film, they were impressed by its condition. Bruyn and Levie were doubtful, however, that the panel's oval format was original, as emerges from the 'Rembrandt-Corpus' report of 1986. Not having seen the copies mentioned earlier, they were unaware that one nineteenth-century replica was also oval (fig. 9). Their important discovery that the woman's age was 62 was not further investigated at the time. Baroness Bathsheva de Rothschild died childless in 1999. On 13 December 2000 the painting was sold by Christie's, London, after a surprising new identity for the elderly sitter had been put forward. It had long been known that Rembrandt painted portraits of Aeltje Uylenburgh and her husband, the minister Cornelis Sylvius. Aeltje, who was a first cousin of Rembrandt's wife, Saskia Uylenburgh, would have been about 60 years old at the time. Given that the age of the woman in the portrait was now known to be 62, it was suggested that she could be Aeltje. The portrait was acquired for more than 28 million US dollars by the art dealer Robert Noortman, who put it on the market as 'Aeltje' with a question mark. In 2005, Noortman sold the portrait for 36.5 million to the American-Dutch collectors Mr and Mrs De Mol van Otterloo. At the time, the Mauritshuis in The Hague felt that trying to buy the portrait would be too extravagant, while the Rijksmuseum was more interested in acquiring a female portrait from Rembrandt's later period. Aeltje was thus destined to leave the Netherlands for good. A chronicle of the Sylvius family published in 2006 shows that Aeltje Uylenburgh would have been born in 1570 (fig. 10), demonstrating that she could indeed be the 62-year-old woman depicted by Rembrandt in 1632. We know that Aeltje was godmother to Rembrandt's children and that Saskia was godmother to Aeltje's granddaughter. Further evidence of the close ties between the two families is provided by Rembrandt's etching of Aeltje's son Petrus, produced in 1637. It is now generally accepted that the woman in the portrait is Aeltje. She was last shown in the Netherlands at the 'Dutch Portraits' exhibition in The Hague. In February 2008 the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston announced that it had received on long-term loan one the finest Rembrandts still in private ownership.

Les consuls de France établis en Espagne, l’agent général de France à Madrid ainsi que les Chambres de Commerce de Marseille, Bordeaux et Bayonne œuvrèrent en faveur d’une interconnexion plus affirmée entre les espaces économiques français, ibérique et américain entre 1770 et 1793. Par leurs pratiques et leur discours, ces institutions agissaient afin de favoriser l’immixtion des négociants français dans la Carrera de Indias, dans un contexte de concurrence commerciale avec les puissances maritimes, notamment l’Angleterre. La démarche consiste alors à analyser en quoi ces institutions étaient des outils de l’impérialisme informel français dans l’Empire hispanique et, ce faisant, de la projection commerciale de la France aux Indes espagnoles.

The Provence-Alpes-Lazurny Bereg region is located in the south-east of France, which is part of the Provence region. This picturesque region, washed by the Mediterranean Sea, is one of the main wine-growing and tourist centers of France. Suffice it to say that after Paris (Ile-de-France region) it is the second most visited in France. It stretches from the Mediterranean Sea to the foothills of the Alps and is distinguished by its diverse and colorful nature. The capital of the region is Marseille, and the major cities are Toulon, Nice, Cannes, Saint-Tropez, Aix-en-Provence, Avignon, Cassis, Arles, Camargue, Calanque, Le Verdo and Saint-Raphael. Well known from history and literature, this region attracted Paul Cézanne, Van Gogh, Picasso, Marcel Panol, Auguste Renoir, Francis Scott Fitzgerald, Albert Camus and other famous people. World-famous Nostradamus (14.12.1503, Saint-Remy-de-Provence), popular singer Mireille Mathieu (22.07.1946, Avignon), famous football player Zinedine Zidane and many figures of art, science and sports were born. here. Looking at the azure coast of the Mediterranean Sea, the fabulous landscape of the Alpine mountains, vineyards, olive and fruit orchards and, finally, purple rows of lavender (lavender) stretching to the horizon, you are convinced that this paradise area has a huge potential for economic development, especially in industry. This potential is most effectively used in combination with fascinating legends and cultural monuments related to the history of the region. At the same time, natural and historical monuments, as well as interesting myths, are an important factor in social and economic development. By the way, the use of these factors is very affordable and inexpensive. That's why in every country of the world that I visited, these factors attracted special attention, and I was looking for parallels with Armenia and lessons that can be learned. In this article, the development priorities and instructive experience of the agricultural sector of Provence are analyzed, and the possibilities of applying this experience in Armenia are emphasized.

In his accounts of Montmartre and Marseille, Nicholas Hewitt shows how places on margins and frontiers channel flows of different sorts running across city, nation and world. In doing so, they open up suggestive perspectives on the nature of French territory, how it is conceived, and how it can be imagined. In particular, they foreground the productive tension of the marginal place as edge and opening, and interrogate the bounded and regulated space implied by the geometrical trope of the French ‘hexagon’. What emerges instead is a curiously liquid sense of French space-in-time as shifting, shimmering and mercurial, caught up in and contributing to the ebb and flow of global circulation. This article explores how movement, flow and liquidity have featured in recent explorations of French territory and topography, drawing on work by Jean Rolin, Agnès Varda and the photography project France(s) territoire liquide, whose title spells out its assumption about the nature of contemporary French space. At the same time, the article situates those accounts in relation to conceptions of French territory which informed the work of post-war spatial planners, whose substantial material and infrastructural legacies reflected their own sense of territory as flux, flow and liquid force.

1980s: Algerian immigrants since 1962, little visible on the public scene, developed transnational commercial initiatives to supply vast underground markets emerging in France, Italy, Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands, then in Spain, while strengthening their ties with the Maghreb. After 1990, the Algerians of Europe, who were suffering the aftershocks of the civil war in Algeria, withdrew to local micro markets at the same time as the great Moroccan migration was unfolding: more than a million people in the decade created all sorts of European networks for housing, work, ... took over the cross‑border commercial activities of the Algerians, with more flexible and diversified logistics. It was in the early 2000s that they met the Afghan, Georgian, Russian and Ukrainian cohorts of East Asian transmigrants working for Southeast Asian firms, negotiating “poor to poor”, i.e. “by the poor for the poor”, duty and quota‑free, electronic products. Goods sent from Hong Kong to the Persian Gulf Emirates, where they escape the control of the WTO in order to invade, through sales at half price, the huge market of the poor in Europe, who are solvent under these conditions. Taking the trans‑Balkan route, they merged in 2003 in Italy with the Moroccans: a major route of Globalization from below, or among the poor, was thus born from the Black Sea to Andalusia via Bulgaria, Albania, Italy, Southern France and the Spanish Levant. Informal notaries» ensure the ethics of exchanges along this “circulatory territory”. Bypassing the survival markets of the big metropolises, Istanbul, Sofia, Naples, Marseilles, Barcelona, the capitals of the territories of the transmigrants of the “poor among the poor” are medium‑sized cities. In France, Perpignan is one of them. Little by little, Balkan women are joining the sex work movement in Spain, with psychotropic drug traffickers linked to the Italian ‘ndrangheta, Sacra Corona Unita, and the Russian‑Ukrainian Dnieper mafia, who are particularly active in the border areas of the Adriatic Sea, from Albania to Italian Puglia, and in the Catalan area, from Perpignan, Andorra, La Junquère, Sitges. Années 1980 : des « beurs, orphelins de la République » succèdent à leurs pères Algériens immigrés depuis 1962, peu visibles sur la scène publique. Échappés au regard, au contrôle, à la soumission étatique nombre de ces « pères disparus » ont développé des initiatives commerciales transnationales, pour alimenter de vastes marchés souterrains en France, en Italie, en Allemagne, Belgique et Pays Bas, puis en Espagne tout enrenforçant leurs liens avec le Maghreb. Organisés en interminables tournées, ces transmigrants deviennent des nomades de la mondialisation par le bas. Après 1990, les Algériens d’Europe, qui subissent les contrecoups de la guerre civile en Algérie se replient vers des micro‑marchés locaux alors même que se déploie la grande migration marocaine : plus d’un million de personnes créant toute sorte de réseaux européens pour se loger ou travailler, reprennent les activités commerciales transfrontalières des Algériens, avec des logistiques plus souples et diversifiées. C’est au début des années 2000 qu’ils rencontrent les cohortes afghanes, géorgiennes, russes et ukrainiennes de transmigrants de l’Est oeuvrant pour les fabriques du sud‑est‑asiatique en négociant en « poor to poor » c’est à dire « par les pauvres pour les pauvres », hors taxes et contingentements, des produits électroniques. Marchandises envoyées de Hong Kong vers les Émirats du golfe Persique où elles échappent au contrôle de l’OMC afin d’envahir, par des ventes à moitié prix, l’immense marché des pauvres en Europe, solvable à ces conditions. Empruntant la route trans‑balkanique, ils fusionnent, dès 2003, en Italie, avec les Marocains : une route majeure de la mondialisation par le bas, ou entre pauvres, naît ainsi de la mer Noire à l’Andalousie par la Bulgarie, l’Albanie, l’Italie, le Sud français et le Levant espagnol. Peu à peu des femmes balkaniques s’agrègent aux circulations pour le travail du sexe en Espagne, avec des trafiquants de psychotropes liés à la ‘ndrangheta, à la Sacra Unita italiennes, et à la mafia russo‑ukrainienne du Dniepr particulièrement actives dans les espaces frontaliers de la mer Adriatique, d’Albanie aux Pouilles italiennes, et dans l’espace Catalan, de Perpignan, Andorre, La Junquère, Sitges. Ces milieux financent les réseaux du poor to poor, après que Gordon‑Brown et Sarkozy l’aient interdit aux banques émiraties en 2006. Contournant les marchés de survie des grandes métropoles, Istanbul, Sofia, Naples, Marseille, Barcelone, les capitales des territoires des nomades de « l’entre pauvre » sont des villes moyennes. Désormais plus de deux cent mille nomades forment avec plusieurs millions de sédentaires une société cosmopolite en mouvement le long de l’Europe méridionale, susceptible de modifier les équilibres locaux

Introduction: Hyperbaric oxygen (HBO2) therapy is the use of oxygen or gas mixtures at a pressure above atmospheric pressure for therapeutic purposes. This treatment is used in numerous pathological processes. Its main side effect is middle ear barotrauma (MEB), which represents a great concern for iatrogenic HBO2 therapy. The aim of this work is to describe this adverse event in order to highlight clinical elements that can contribute to its prevention and management. Methods: We conducted a five-year retrospective study from January 2013 to December 2017, where 2,610 patients were selected, in the Hyperbaric Medicine Centre, Sainte- Marguerite Hospital of Marseille, France. Results: 262 patients experienced MEB after HBO2, representing a prevalence of 10.04% and incidence of 0.587%. Their average age was 55 ± 19 years. Women were more affected than men. We have not highlighted a seasonality to this condition. Risk factors were: age older than 55 years, female gender, ear, nose and throat history (cancer, radiotherapy, infections or allergies, malformations or benign tumors), general history (smoking, obstructive breathing disorders, thyroid disorders and obesity), HBO2-approved indications of sudden deafness and delayed wound healing, and altered tympanic mobility on initial examination. Although the benign stages of Haines-Harris classification were the most encountered in our study, MEB was responsible for premature discontinuation of HBO2. Conclusion: MEB is a common condition responsible for many premature discontinuations of HBO2. Its origin is multifactorial, associating non-modifiable and modifiable factors. Better management of this affection will further contribute to making HBO2 a low-risk treatment.

The assassination of the King of Yugoslavia, Alexander Ist by Croatian terrorists during a state visit to Marseilles on 9 October 1934 is commemorated by a modest plaque on the Canebière and a little known monument outside the Préfecture. Although the histories of the period cite the event in passing, it is treated as a footnote in the political history of France and has been all but erased from the memory of the city. While there are good reasons for forgetting the episode – regicide does no favours for the reputation of a host nation or city and the French Foreign Minister Louis Barthou was accidentally shot by the French police – the double killing had multiple ramifications for France's interior and foreign affairs during the rise of fascism in Europe. It advanced the career of future Vichy Prime Minister Pierre Laval, who replaced Barthou as Foreign Minister, while French efforts to contain the threat of German expansionism by forging alliances with the Central European powers died with Barthou; King Alexander Ist's successor moved Yugoslavia into the camp of the Axis powers. Geopolitically, the system of collective security forged at Versailles collapsed in the wake the assassination. The incident in Marseilles highlights political tensions in France in the troubled inter-war years leading up to the emergence of the Front Populaire. It reveals the memorial agencies of core and periphery engaged in a struggle over the rights to remembrance. Above all, it poses the problem of the preservation of peripheral and traumatic episodes in collective memory and suggests that political violence constitutes a social periphery of its own, contributing to Marseille's "mauvaise réputation" as the French capital's negative, meridional 'other'.

IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. 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