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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Manpower policy – Great Britain – 20th century"
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Ageeva, Elena, Natalia Alekseeva, Georgii Bernatskii, Sergei Borodin et Victoria Kalinovskaya. « British citizenship : a history of reform in the 20th century ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no 5-1 (1 mai 2022) : 229–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202205statyi12.
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The article examines the development of citizenship legislation in Great Britain from the 20th century to the present day. The authors analyze the influence of the historical context and political events on the formation of the current system of categories of British citizenship and on changes in the legislation on citizenship. Special attention is paid to understanding the institution of citizenship in the context of contemporary social cultural problems of British society, migration policy and the formation of national identity.
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İlqar oğlu İlyasov, Mirpaşa. « Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period ». SCIENTIFIC WORK 77, no 4 (17 avril 2022) : 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/77/232-236.
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Bu məqalədə XXI əsrdə Böyük Britaniyanın xarici siyasətində strategiyaları, əsas istiqamətləri, siyasi arenada fəaliyyəti analiz ediləcək. Böyük Britaniyanın qarşısına qoyduğu məqsədlər, Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması prosesi, xarici siyasəti ilə bağlı yanaşmalar və xarici siyasətdə dövlətlərlə olan əlaqələrinin təhlil olunması aparılacaq. Brexit-ə səbəb olan amillər, Böyük Britaniyanın Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması və Brexit-nin səbəb olduğu reaksiyaların analizləri öz əksini bu yazıda tapacaq. ABŞ və Rusiya ilə olan münasibətləri, gələcək geosiyasi mənzərəsi, marağı və əməkdaşlıq etmək istədiyi regionlar haqqında məlumatlar əks olunacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın təhlükəsizlik və müdafiə məsələlərindən, təhlükəsiz enerji mənbələri və dövlətlərlə iqtisadi-ticari əməkdaşlıqdan danışılacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın köhnə müstəmləkələri ilə olan əlaqələri və bu əlaqələrin gələcək perpektivləri nəzərdən keçirilib analiz ediləcək. Hazırkı dövrdə Ukrayna məsələsi ilə bağlı Böyük Britaniyanın mövqeyi təhlil olunacaq.Müasir dövrdə Böyük Britaniyanın aktiv rolunun artması və faəliyyətinin əsas prioritet istiqamətləri bu məqalədə təhlil olunub, ümumiləşdiriləcək. Açar sözlər: siyasət, strategiya, BREXİT, inteqrasiya, maraqlar, suverenlik, beynəlxalq nizam, müttəfiqlik, ABŞ, Rusiya Mirpasha Ilgar İlyas Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period Abstract This article is about the XXI century of the United Kingdom. will analyze the foreign policy strategies, main directions and activities in the 20th century. The goals set by the United Kingdom, the process of leaving the European Union, its approaches to foreign policy and relations with states in foreign policy will be analyzed. The factors leading to Brexit, the UK's departure from the European Union and the analysis of the reactions caused by Brexit will be reflected in this article. Information about relations with the United States and Russia, the future geopolitical outlook, interests and regions with which it wishes to cooperate will be reflected. Britain's security and defence, secure energy sources and economic and commercial cooperation with states will be discussed. The relations with the former British colonies and the future prospects of these relations will be discussed and analyzed. At this time, the UK's position on Ukraine will be analysed. The growth of the UK's active role in modern times and the main priorities of its activities will be analyzed and summarized in this article. Key words: politics, strategy, BREXIT, integration, interests, sovereignty, international order, alliance, USA, Russia
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Gajic, Aleksandar. « Тhe impact of Werner Sombart`s Merchants and Heroes on the conception of geopolitical dualism of tellurocracy and thalassocracy ». Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no 171 (2019) : 423–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1971423g.
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This paper examines the connection between the war pamphlet ?Merchants and Heroes? (1915) of Werner Sombart, one of the greatest European sociologists of the 20th century, and geopolitical theories about the conflict between land and sea powers. Although Sombart?s pamphlet emphasizes the spiritual-moral and cultural-sociological dualism between Germany and England in the First World War, where the first represents the characteristics of heroes and idealists and the other of merchants and opportunists, the paper shows that this conflict was primarily a war for the territories - a geopolitical conflict, and, only secondary, a cultural-normative conflict. Historical anal?ysis shows that German geostrategic actions before the Great War (in their colonial policy) and during the Great War were not in opposition, but very similar to Great Britain`s policies. Therefore, it can be assumed that the war between Germany and Great Britain 435 broke out because of the rivalries based on their similarities, both in actions and pretensions. Moreover, Wilhelmine Germany was almost copying Britain?s colonial expansion, so it became the greatest threat to Great Britain`s geostrategic interest. Further, the research established the links between the views of Sombart and Karl Schmitt and, later, with the oversized opposition between land and sea powers as ?the second law of geopolitics? in the views of some geopolitical thinkers during the 20th century. The paper shows that the sources of both views are the same and that they lie in the German romantic-idealistic youth subculture movements at the turn of the 20th century adopted in academic circles before the Great War, primarily in the philosophy of Kurt Hiller and sociology of George Simmel, from which they were accepted by Werner Sombart.
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Goncharenko, A. V., et T. O. Safonova. « Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries) ». SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no 35 (2020) : 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. « France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy ». Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no 44 (31 décembre 2014) : 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.
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After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
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Levin, Yaroslav A. « Image of Ally ». Galactica Media : Journal of Media Studies 4, no 4 (12 décembre 2022) : 210–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v4i4.267.
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World War II was a time of increased rapprochement between the United States and Great Britain. After a long rivalry and outright hostility in the XVIII-XIX centuries, by the beginning of the 20th century, these two countries began to get closer with time, which was reflected in the gradual design of the concept of “Special Relations” between the United States and the United Kingdom. The rapprochement required strong propaganda support to explain political changes to the population. Due to its accessibility, clarity and brightness, cinema has become one of the main tools for promoting the new paradigm of US foreign policy. In this study, we examined the problem of constructing the image of Great Britain in American cinema in 1942. The purpose of this article is to identify the main features and stereotypes of perception used by American filmmakers and propagandists in building the image of an ally. Based on an analysis of 1942 films, a number of specific features were identified that were used in cinema to form the image of Great Britain as an ally.
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Pavlenko, Valerii, et Oleksandr Komarenko. « HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF : THE INABILITY OF THE FORCES OF PEACE AND DEMOCRACY AROUND THE WORLD TO PREVENT THE OUTBREAK OF A PLANETARY WAR IN THE 2ND HALF OF THE 1930S ». European Historical Studies, no 21 (2022) : 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.6.
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In this paper the international political situation, which was established in Europe and in the world in the latter half of the 30s of the 20th century, is investigated. The authors draw a comparison between the 20s and 30s of the 20th century, pointing out that the 30s brought a series of military conflicts, as well as say that the fear of a new great war has been appeared throughout the world. Attention is drawn to the inactivity of the League of Nations, which failed to ensure a collective security policy between 1936 and 1938. Special attention has been drawn to the appeasement policy and the role of Great Britain and France in this policy, who did not want to bring the situation to military confrontation. It is pointed out that by the mid-1930s Germany went on the offensive and set itself the goal of achieving supremacy in Europe. Special attention is drawn to the reaction of Western countries to Hitler’s aggressive policy, as well as the actions of the Soviet Union and the policy carried out by Moscow on the eve of World War II are assessed. It is stated that in 1938-1939 the world policy increasingly focused on particular regions, where the conflict number and intensity were increasing sharply. The role of the Munich Conference in September 1938 and the fact that the initiative in international affairs was completely transferred to A. Hitler upon the signing of the agreement are determined. The policy of Great Britain and France after the Munich Conspiracy is analysed; it is explained why London and Paris thought primarily about personal security. A special place in this paper is given to the explanation of why the existing international system could no longer ensure the world order and why war becomes inevitable. The authors come to the conclusion that although Hitler managed to win the diplomatic struggle on the eve of World War II, but he did not finally become a triumphant.
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Savelyev, Mikhail, Mikhail Kozyrev, Andrey Savchenko, Vladimir Koretsky et Rail Galiakhmetov. « Macroeconomic signs of an innovative economy by the case of Great Britain ». SHS Web of Conferences 116 (2021) : 00072. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202111600072.
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By the case of the economic development of Great Britain, the hypothesis was verified that innovations at the macroeconomic level should accelerate economic growth and at the same time reduce development risks, stabilizing this growth, reducing its fluctuations under the influence of market factors. The economic development of Great Britain is investigated in 25 economic cycles for the period from 1830-2020. Economic development was investigated according to the parameters of economic growth and development risk in each of the considered cycles. Four types of economic development policy are theoretically described in terms of the dynamics of changes in growth and risk between the previous and subsequent cycles including progressive, regressive, aggressive and conservative. In relation to the identified periods of progressive development policy in Great Britain, the institutional innovations that led to this type of development were investigated. Among them was the great economic reform of the early Victorian era, the course of social or new liberalism and the popular budget before the First World War, the activities of the first Labor government immediately after this war, economic recovery after World War II in combination with the Marshall plan and nationalization, the era of the Conservatives and the politics of New Labor at the end of the 20th century. The study showed that the implementation of authentic national culture and institutions complementary to the existing authentic culture institutions of institutional innovations leads to a simultaneous decrease in the risk of development and acceleration of economic growth, which can be considered the most favorable policy of macroeconomic management of entrepreneurial activity in order to accelerate the application of technical and commercial innovations.
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Walker, Alan. « Enlarging the Caring Capacity of the Community : Informal Support Networks and the Welfare State ». International Journal of Health Services 17, no 3 (juillet 1987) : 369–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/q4x5-ac1d-lbg0-5l63.
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In common with most modern industrial societies, Great Britain is facing the unique late 20th century phenomenon of rapidly increasing numbers of people, especially very elderly people, requiring health and social care. The response in Britain has been to search for ways to enlarge the caring capacity of the “community” and, thereby, reduce the demands on public health and social services. Similar policy responses have been developed in other capitalist societies such as Canada, France, and the United States. Although a policy of “community care”-the provision of state services in people's own homes-was followed by governments of both major British political parties over the postwar period, under the right wing neo-monetarist regime of the present Thatcher administration the locus of policy has shifted toward encouraging greater reliance on the informal support networks of kin, friends, and neighbors. The reasons for this sea-change are explored and the assumptions that these networks are “natural” and necessarily the proper matrix of care are examined critically. This analysis draws on the results of recent research which indicates that informal support networks have significant limitations and that a policy based on withdrawing public services in the hope that these networks will fill the growing care gap is likely to be counterproductive. In conclusion, the author indicates the areas where further research is required to provide a sound basis for policy.
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Malkin, Stanislav Gennadyevich. « Methodological features of asymmetric conflicts historical modeling studying ». Samara Journal of Science 7, no 2 (15 juin 2018) : 215–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201872216.
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The following paper deals with methodological features of studying of empires legacy role in policy of the leading powers in the countries of the third world through a prism of asymmetric conflicts historical modeling. The author pays special attention to the role of Great Britain and the USA foreign policy course defining after World War II during Cold War in the second half of the 20th century and Global War on Terror at the beginning of the 21st century. The author pays attention to methodological traps (such as the probability of the research problem on the given variable and terminological confusion) as well as to research opportunities which are opened by such approach in the field of the historical and political analysis (for example, evolution of the international relations theory and practice in the conditions of the world order transformation after World War II). Special attention is given to the value of such methodological reception as asymmetric conflicts historical modeling in expert estimates of the leading powers foreign policy. The paper also deals with the role of expert community and academic expertize as an important component of that analytical operation which is carried out within historical simulation of the asymmetrical conflicts.
Thèses sur le sujet "Manpower policy – Great Britain – 20th century"
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Alsabah, Mohammad. « Welfare Economics and Public Policy in Early 20th Century Great Britain ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1723.
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The Liberal welfare reforms were a series of bills passed in the British Parliament in the early twentieth-century. Initiated in response to a number of pressing economic and social issues, the Liberal welfare reforms were legislated with the purpose of combating poverty and improving the livelihood of the British working-class citizen. This thesis in economics outlines and examines critically the economic design behind the Liberal welfare reforms between 1906 and 1914.
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Makin, Dorothy. « Policy making in secondary education : evidence from two local authorities 1944-1972 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f976f873-c5c2-493a-87ab-1fa7ef8e4e19.
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The 1944 Butler Act laid the legal foundations for a new secondary education system in England, one which would see all children entitled to free and compulsory schooling up to the age of 15. The Act therefore represented a bold step forward in the pursuit of a fairer society: expanding access to training and qualifications, while promoting a more equal distribution of educational opportunities. This thesis explores the process of constructing and delivering secondary education policy in England following the 1944 Butler Education Act. It offers a close examination of two Local Education Authorities- Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire- exploring how they interpreted and implemented 'secondary education for all' after the Second World War. The dissertation is composed of two parts: Part One looks at how selective secondary schooling was developed and operated in the respective areas between 1945 and 1962; Part Two explores the response of both authorities to the prospect of reforming secondary education after 1962. By exploring the process of policy implementation after 1944, Part One of this thesis highlights the problems of delivering secondary education for all in an era of resource constraint. It is demonstrated in this thesis that Local Authority capacity to build new schools was firmly tethered to Ministerial control. The relatively low priority accorded to education created a decade-long delay between the announcement of policy change and its eventual delivery. The implications of this delay at the Local Authority and school level are explored in chapters three and six. Chapters four and seven question how resources were distributed between selective and non-selective school sectors, while chapters five and eight evaluate the treatment of selective education within each authority, asking how policy makers conceived of, and operated, the grammar school and secondary modern sectors. Part Two of this thesis turns to the question of secondary organisation. Debates surrounding the question of comprehensive rather than selective systems of secondary schooling dominated discussions about secondary education policy in the later twentieth century. When it came to comprehensive re-organisation, Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire opted for different paths: Oxfordshire adopted comprehensive schooling relatively early with a remarkable degree of county-wide consensus, while Buckinghamshire fiercely resisted external and internal pressure to reform. Chapter ten of this thesis is devoted to identifying the drivers of comprehensive reform in Oxfordshire. Chapters eleven and twelve explore the Buckinghamshire story establishing how and then why this county successfully held-out against wholesale policy change.
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Jones, Alexander David. « Pinchbeck regulars ? : the role and organisation of the Territorial Army, 1919-1940 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:38dc5164-f858-4bba-9bfb-a1c4b4a59550.
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This thesis examines how Britain's government and military establishment conceptualised the role of the voluntary Territorial Army (TA) between the World Wars, and explores the relationship with British defence policy during the period. It also evaluates whether or not the TA was capable of carrying out its ascribed role, through a balanced assessment of its organisation, training and military efficiency. It posits that the TA was integral to British defence planning and played a key part in the Army's mobilisation plans, although the priority given to its role shifted throughout the period in accordance with the direction of Britain's strategic focus. Additionally, this thesis will emphasise that the Territorial Army had not one purpose but several. Alongside its central function as the framework for a conscript National Army it held key responsibilities for both home and imperial defence. This thesis examines the TA's role and organisation in a thematic and broadly chronological manner. Part I deals with the TA's expeditionary role and its function as the framework for all future military expansion, as well as its role as a voluntary imperial reserve for any medium scale wars conducted without resorting to conscription. Part II focuses on the Territorial Army's home defence responsibilities, in particular its domestic role in aiding the civil power and its contribution to Britain's increasingly important air defence capabilities.
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Drolet, Marc 1968. « The anatomy of the British battle cruiser and British naval policy, 1904-1920 / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68084.
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The Battle Cruiser was the result of the naval arms race and the realisation that England's undisputed mastery of the seas was over. The ship was the next logical step in the evolution of the Cruiser. Historians have generally considered this type of warship as an expensive mistake. While it was not as successful as its creators might have hoped, neither was it the disaster claimed by many of its critics. Once the British chose to build these ships, not only did they have no choice but to keep building more of them, but they also had to build larger, more powerful and expensive Battle Cruisers in order to maintain the lead in the arms race with Germany.
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Shen, Peijian. « Steps on the road of appeasement : British foreign policy-making, 1931-1939 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14262.
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This thesis studies the step-by-step process of foreign policy making within the British Government from 1931 to 1939. It aims to pin-point the origin, evolution and nature of appeasement, the principal policy-makers' viewpoints and activities in policy formulating and their responsibility for encouraging the aggressive powers. In the Introduction, the subjective and objective roots of appeasement are explored, and the Author examines the reasons why it was pursued for nine years without change. Highlighting the shortcomings in the past and current research on the subject, a summary of the approaches used in the thesis is given. The First Chapter surveys policy-making during the Manchurian crisis of 1931, not only a starting point for appeasement, but also to a large extent the main reason for the European appeasement. The Second Chapter shows how the British Government appeased Mussolini in the Italo-Abyssinian conflict of 1935-36, and how appeasement in the Far East started to cause appeasement in Europe. Chapters Three, Four and Five indicate the development of appeasement policy towards Germany during 1936 - 1939, namely, how it was hatched during the Rhineland crisis of 1936, and how it was, through the Anschluss, brought to a climax at Munich in 1938. Chapter Six analyses the policy of the guarantee to Poland and of the Three Power conversations in 1939 with the observation that these represented the Chamberlain Government's efforts to change their policy within the scope of appeasement, but that appeasement led to their failure. In the Conclusion, the various arguments in favour of appeasement are criticised and lessons drawn from that disastrous age.
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Needham, Duncan James. « UK monetary policy from devaluation to Mrs Thatcher ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648616.
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Vo, Quyen. « The scope of British refugee asylum, 1933-93 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609586.
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Engel, Purcell Caroline Marie. « Modern movement conservation : international principles and national policies in Great Britain and the United States of America ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23484.
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This thesis analyses the roles played by international, national, regional and local organisations and discourses in the heritage valorisation and conservation of modernist architecture – a process that has so far spanned some three decades. A leading role in this narrative has been played by international conservation organisations, which have acted as a unifying front for conservation advocacy and defined a conservation ideology that integrates the principles of both the modern movement and the conservation movement. Partly, this international emphasis has stemmed from the characteristics of the 20th century Modern Movement itself, including its strong strain of cosmopolitanism, as well as its still controversial reputation today at a local level. This initially gave the proselytising of modernist conservation a somewhat elite, trans-national character, exemplified by pioneering organisations such as DOCOMOMO. Yet the ‘internationalism’ of modernist conservation is only part of the story – for to establish this innovative new strand of heritage on a more entrenched basis, the familiar, more locally specific organisations and discourses that had supported previous phases of conservation growth were also increasingly applied to ‘MoMo’ heritage. This ‘on the ground’ involvement represented a convergence with more ‘traditional’ conservation practices, both in advocacy and campaigning, and in the research-led documentation required to document buildings’ significance and continued fitness for purpose. These geographically-specific forces operate at both a national level and also a regional or even local scale, as the thesis illustrates by the two national case studies of Great Britain and the United States of America. Although both countries shared numerous cultural similarities, especially the 19th century veneration of private property, the far more emphatic 20th century turn towards state interventionism in Britain led to a strong divergence regarding modernist heritage, both in the overall character of the modernist architecture built in the two countries (far more ‘capitalistic’ in the US) and in the approach to heritage conservation (more state-dominated in GB). In Great Britain, following on from the comprehensive post-WWII government ‘listing’ programme, the statutory heritage bodies – ‘regionally’ differentiated between England and Scotland - have maintained their leading role in the conservation of modern movement heritage through initiatives to identify buildings of significance, and powerful city planning authorities have provided co-ordinated enforcement. In the US, on the other hand, heritage protection has stayed faithful to its philanthropic roots and the onus of modern movement conservation is left to voluntary advocacy groups who then must campaign to have buildings protected piecemeal by local city or state preservation bodies.
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Redman, Lydia Catherine. « Industrial conflict, social reform and competition for power under the Liberal governments 1906-1914 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708257.
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Barry, John Richard. « Overspill and the impact of the Town Development Act, 1945-1982 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709166.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Manpower policy – Great Britain – 20th century"
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Neutrality, a policy for Britain. London : Temple Smith, 1985.
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Peter, Johnson. Neutrality, a policy for Britain. London : Temple Smith, 1985.
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Peter, Johnson. Neutrality, a policy for Britain. London : M.T. Smith, 1985.
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G, Richards E. British forestry in the 20th century : Policy and achievements. Leiden : Brill, 2003.
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Duncan, Tanner, Thane Pat et Tiratsoo Nick 1952-, dir. Labour's first century. Cambridge, UK : Cambridge University Press, 2000.
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Feng, Chung-pʻing. The British government's China policy, 1945-1950. Keele, Staffordshire : Ryburn Pub., Keele University Press, 1994.
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L, Dockrill M., et Young John W. 1957-, dir. British foreign policy, 1945-56. New York : St. Martin's, 1989.
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L, Dockrill M., et Young John W. 1957-, dir. British foreign policy, 1945-56. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Macmillan, 1989.
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The Foreign Office and foreign policy, 1898-1914. London : Ashfield Press, 1986.
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P, Taylor A. J. The trouble makers : Dissentover foreign policy 1792-1939. London : Pimlico, 1993.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Manpower policy – Great Britain – 20th century"
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Forró, Lajos, et Srđan Cvetković. « The Birth of Modern Serbia (1804–2004) : Integration, concepts, ideas, and great powers ». Dans The Development of European and Regional Integration Theories in Central European Countries, 113–35. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.mgih.doleritincec_6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter follows the origin and development of the modern Serbian state in the last two centuries. At the crossroads of great empires, the Serbian state ascended in the 19th century. The national program formed in the first half of the 19th century as the basis of its foreign policy meant gathering the Serbian national corps into one state. It was gradually realized by maneuvering between the great powers, but also through conflict with them. In the 19th century, Serbian politics was most often correlated or in conflict with the interests of Austria, Russia, and Turkey. During Yugoslavia’s time in the first half of the 20th century, France, Britain, and Germany took over, while in Socialist Yugoslavia during the Cold War, relations with the US, the USSR, and some non-aligned countries prevailed. In the post-communist era, the main problems in Serbia’s foreign policy were its relationships with the US and NATO and with the EU and Germany. Geostrategic interests and Serbia’s position meant that it was exposed to severe exclusions and numerous wars with both its neighbors and the great powers.