Articles de revues sur le sujet « Maggiore, Lake (Italy and Switzerland) in literature »

The potential invasiveness of alien macroinvertebrate species in the Italian/Swiss hydrographic system of Lake Maggiore (NW Italy) was assessed through the Aquatic Species Invasiveness Screening Kit, a risk assessment tool developed for quantifying the impacts of alien species on the commercial, environmental, and species traits sectors. Data were collected using the databases provided by two regional environmental agencies in northern Italy (Lombardy and Piedmont regions) and by the governmental monitoring program of Switzerland, which were integrated with a systematic literature search on Google scholar and ISI Web of Science. In the assessment area, 16 macroinvertebrate invasive alien species were reported: nine mollusks, four decapods, and three amphipods. The species assessment indicated seven species with a high level of invasiveness: Procambarus clarkii, Faxonius limosus (formerly, Orconectes limosus) and Pacifastacus leniusculus, Dreissena polymorpha, Corbicula fluminea, Sinanodonta woodiana, and Pseudosuccinea columella. The results allow invasive species managers to understand which species to focus their monitoring on in the near future in order to track IAS movements and limit their spread within the hydrographic system and to provide the identification and refinement of concerted bilateral strategies aimed at limiting the impacts of these species. They also account for the implications of future climate change on the invasion potential of each species.

Precipitation and temperature over the Lake Maggiore watershed greatly influence its water balance. Local communities from both Italy and Switzerland rely on the watershed for agriculture, tourism and hydropower production. Accurate climate projections in this area are vital in dealing with their impacts and yet are still lacking. Future climate was assessed by applying the Statistical DownScaling Model (SDSM) and using CanESM2 predictors. Three scenarios defined by RCP2.6, RCP4.5 and RCP8.5 were adopted. Based on our results, SDSM is to a certain degree applicable for simulating precipitation and temperature in an Alpine area. Results indicate that warming from now until the end of the century will be about 2 to 3 times greater without global mitigation. Temperature is estimated to increase throughout the 21st century, with a stronger warming trend in the northeastern part of the region than in the southwestern part. The strength of the warming at the end of the century highly depends on the scenario considered, with an increase up to 1.7°C for the mitigation scenario RCP2.6 compared to 4.2°C for the unmitigated scenario RCP8.5. Seasonal precipitation is expected to change depending on the future scenarios. Most of the region is expected to display a seasonally positive precipitation change during the cold season and vice versa, resulting in a shift in the peak rainy season from autumn to winter. These findings suggest that the area might be vulnerable to global change and will provide useful insight to develop a better strategy for the management of water resources and to study the adoptive measures to manage flood disasters.

Abstract. SIMILE is an INTERREG Italy-Switzerland project that aims to preserve water quality of the subalpine lakes Como, Lugano and Maggiore (Northern Italy), through an integrated innovative monitoring system. For this purpose, satellite images are processed to map and monitor Chlorophyll-a (CHL-a), Total Suspended Solids (TSM) and Lake Water Surface Temperature (LWST). This study combines these remotely sensed water quality parameters (WPQs) maps, produced for the SIMILE project during 2019–2020, to propose and discuss a zonation approach that can support the monitoring of the study lakes through the analysis of spatial and temporal dynamics of the selected parameters. The approach consists in performing a cluster analysis on a combined sample of WQPs maps, on a monthly basis, for each lake; then the different lake clusters are compared over time, through time series analysis of the WQPs patterns. Finally, the clusters patterns are aggregated over time to map the lakes’ areas that have experienced higher or lower WQPs values during 2019–2020. The results show a high spatial variability for the lakes under study, both during the different seasons and years; a North-South gradient has been identified for all WQPs pattern, requiring for further investigation.

Human activities are one of the main causes of lake-water pollution and eutrophication. The study of human pressure around lakes is of importance to understand its effects on the lakes natural resources. Social media data is a valuable space–time-resolved information source to detect human dynamics. In this study, user-generated geodata, namely users’ location records provided by the Facebook Data for Good program, are used to assess population patterns and infer the magnitude of anthropic pressure in the areas surrounding the Insubric lakes (Maggiore, Como and Lugano) between Northern Italy and Southern Switzerland. Patterns were investigated across different lakes’ neighbouring areas as well as seasons, days of the week, and day hours in the study period May 2020–August 2021. Two indicators were conceived, computed and mapped to assess the space–time distribution of users around lakes and infer the anthropic pressure. The highest pressure was found around lakes Maggiore and Como coastal areas during weekends in summer (up to +14% average users presence than weekdays in winter), suggesting tourism is the primary accountable reason for the pressure. Contrarily, around lake Lugano, the population dynamic is mostly affected by commuters or weekly workers, where the maximum pressure occurs during weekdays in all seasons (+6.6% average users presence than weekends). Results provide valuable input to further analyses connected, for example, to the correlation between human activities and lake-water quality and/or prediction models for anthropic pressure and tourism fluxes on lakes that are foreseen for the future development of this work.

Abstract. Lakes are a fundamental component of the environment and the territory and represent a precious source of fresh water for various uses. The area of the Prealps north of the Po valley in Italy is characterized by the presence of lakes which represent almost 80% of the total volume of fresh water in Italy (Rogora et al., 2018). The Insubric lakes (Lugano, Maggiore and Como) have their shared basins between Italy and Switzerland, and they are the objective of the SIMILE project, a cross-border Italian-Swiss project that aims to improve their coordinated management and strengthen stakeholder participation in the processes of knowledge and monitoring of water resources (Brovelli et al., 2019) by analyzing data acquired from in-situ to satellite sensors. The present work refers to data collected by remote sensing methods which offer the possibility to obtain synoptic views of water bodies to monitor water quality parameters (WQPs) such as the chlorophyll-a (Chl-a), the total suspended matter (TSM) and the lake surface water temperature (LSWT) (Giardino et al., 2013). This work presents an extensive evaluation of the space-time trends of the parameters based on the SIMILE remote sensing database.

Abstract. This paper aims at presenting the application for lake water quality monitoring which has been developed in the framework of SIMILE (Informative System for the Integrated Monitoring of Insubric Lakes and their Ecosystems) Interreg Italy-Switzerland project. The objective of SIMILE project is to facilitate the monitoring of the Maggiore, Como, and Lugano lakes through the integration of different techniques: in situ monitoring with buoys, remote sensing and citizen science. A mobile application has been designed in agreement with the project partners, who are also actors working for lake quality monitoring, such as CNR (Italian National Research Council) and ARPA (Agency for prevention and environmental protection). The developed application allows to collect data over the area of interest, such as pictures and parameters which can be acquired by visual inspection as well as with appropriate tools, depending on the user typology. The application has then been implemented with open source software to foster its use also for other projects with similar goals. In the paper, the design choices, the architecture and the implementation details are described.

Salmonid species are main actors in the Italian socio-ecological landscape of inland fisheries. We present novel data on the size-age structure of one of the remnant Italian populations of the critically endangered marble trout Salmo marmoratus, which co-occurs with other stocked non-native salmonids in a large glacial river of the Lake Maggiore basin (Northern Italy-Southern Switzerland). Like other Italian native trout populations, the Toce River marble trout population is affected by anthropogenic introgression with the non-native brown trout S. trutta. Our sample includes 579 individuals, mainly collected in the Toce River main channel. We estimated the length-weight relationship, described the population size-age structure, estimated the age-specific growth trajectories, and fit an exponential mortality model. A subset of the sample was also used to measure numerical and biomass density. The estimated asymptotic maximum length is ~105 cm total length (TL). Mean length at first maturity is ~55 cm TL, and mean length at maximum yield per recruit is ~68 cm TL. Approximately 45–70% of the population are estimated to die annually, along with a fishing annual mortality of ~37%, with an exploitation ratio of ~0.5. The frequency distribution of length classes in a sample collected by angling shows that ~80% of the individuals that could be retained according to the current recreational fishing regulations likely never reproduced, and large fish disproportionally contributing to recruitment are fished and retained. We identify possible overfishing risks posed by present regulations, and propose updated harvest-slot length limits to mitigate such risks. More detailed and long-term datasets on this system are needed to more specifically inform the fishery management and monitor the effects of any change in the management strategy on the size-age structure of the marble trout population of the Toce River.

The hot beverage commonly known as tea results from the infusion of dried leaves of the plant Camellia sinensis (L.) O. Kuntze. Ranking second only to water for its consumption worldwide, it has always been appreciated since antiquity for its aroma, taste characteristics, and beneficial effects on human health. There are many different processed tea types, including green tea, a non-fermented tea which, due to oxidation prevention maintains the structure of the bioactive compounds, especially polyphenols; these bioactive compounds show a number of benefits for the human health. The main producers of tea are China and India, followed by Kenya, Sri Lanka, Turkey, and Vietnam, however recently new countries are entering the market, with quality niche productions, among which also Italy. The present research aimed to assess the bioactive compounds (polyphenols) and the antioxidant activity of two green teas (the “Camellia d’Oro” tea—TCO, and the “Compagnia del Lago” tea—TCL) produced in Italy, in the Lake Maggiore district, where nurserymen have recently started to cultivate C. sinensis. In this area the cultivation of acidophilic plants as ornamentals has been known since around 1820. Due to the crisis of the floricultural sector, producers have been trying to diversify their product in order to increase their competitiveness, starting to cultivate Italian tea. Their antioxidant activity was assessed, finding a similar or higher antioxidant capacity than in other green teas, as reported in literature. TCO showed a higher antioxidant activity (42,758.86 mmol Fe2+ kg−1; 532.37 µmol TE g−1 DW; 881.08 µmol TE g−1 DW) and phenolic content (14,918.91 mg GAE 100 g−1 DW) than TCL (25,796.61 mmol Fe2+ kg−1; 302.35 µmol TE g−1 DW; 623.44 µmol TE g−1 DW; 8540.42 mg GAE 100 g−1 DW). Through HPLC, a total of thirteen phenolic compounds were identified quantitatively, including catechins, benzoic acids, cinnamic acids, and flavonols, in TCO while only 9 in TCL, and mainly in lower amounts. Albeit with differences, both teas were found to be of quality proving that Italy could have the possibility to grow profitably C. sinensis.

Cultural Excavations by Nadezhda Venediktova were published in late autumn 2021, at the time most suitable for philosophical speculations. This way of thinking brings us close to a collapse that might equally turn out productive or catastrophic. Its anaemic academic manner stands out among full-blooded well-crafted literature of saturated and inspiring reality. Pandemic or not, we seek to know whether there is a need to distinguish between various cultures if at the end of the day people are still people. The author does not provide the answer but rather invites us to join a sophisticated mental game in fine textual decorations. And readers will walk away a little confused about simplicity of binary oppositions, and straightforwardness of the logic that a bored visitor so happily lays their hands on, eager and happy to get down to work. The book evolves around the topic of meeting thyself in different cultural surroundings. Sunlit essays bear the imprint of the bitter rationalism of the French enlightenment coupled with a weathered love of personal presence in the world. In her latest work, Nadezhda Venediktova ‘ambitiously comments on life’s creative abilities’. Vivid sketches entitled Passions for Europe may take place by a nameless lake in Zurich but remind readers of Michel Houellebecq’s concrete jungle, of Spengler’s mathematics. But nothing here speaks of The Decline of the West, under the author’s thoughtful gaze Europe comes to life fresh and real — a proverbial sphynx with its intriguing riddles. The author’s underworld meetings with the world literature alternate with colorful Italian landscapes. Vibrant images of friends are so true to life that remind of the immortality of soul. The soul of Europe is truly immortal and found across the continent — Italy, Britain, Austria, Germany, France, Greece, Switzerland, Spain — gave their name to the chapters but cannot be reduced to a dusty catalogue. Nadezhda Venediktova presents European countries through effortless florid metaphors. This what happens when Europe looks into the author’s soul, though it might look otherwise from an outside perspective.

A dataset of 227 oligochaetes and 373 chironomids occurrence records from the subalpine Lake Maggiore, a large and deep temperate lake in Northern-Western Italy and Switzerland was developed within the Interreg Italy-Switzerland 2014-2020 Parchi Verbano Ticino Project (ID:481668) funded by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). The lake belongs to the national (LTER-Italy), European (LTER-Europe) and International (ILTER) long-term ecological research networks. Data were collected during the summer-autumn period in 2019-2021. Chironomids (Insecta, Diptera) and oligochaetes (Annelida, Clitellata) were identified to genus/species gr./species level by the authors. All 600 occurrence records are georeferenced and organised in a standardised Darwin Core Archive format. These data gathered along the littoral areas of Lake Maggiore will contribute to the development of common implementation strategies for shared and sustainable water management level of the lake, with particular reference to the protected natural areas (sites belonging to Natura 2000 network in Italy and to the Emerald Network in Switzerland). The authors strongly believe in the great potential of open access occurrence records in biogeographical studies and ecological research in the context of global environmental changes. For that reason, the dataset has been uploaded to the Global Biodiversity Information Facility (GBIF), an intergovernmental free and open access biodiversity data infrastructure.

Copepods (Crustacea: Copepoda) are widespread in aquatic ecosystems worldwide and represent an important component of the meiobenthic metazoan assemblages of lake littorals. Yet, little is currently known about the diversity of benthic copepods in lentic habitats. We gathered information on the benthic copepod assemblages of the littoral zone of Lake Maggiore as part of the Interreg Italy-Switzerland 2014-2020 Parchi Verbano Ticino project (ID: 481668), funded by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). Lake Maggiore is a large and deep temperate lake in north-western Italy human-managed from mid-March to mid-September. This contributes to substantial changes in water levels in relation to human activities such as hydropower, industrial and agricultural uses. We compiled a dataset listing 234 occurrences of benthic copepod species recorded from three littoral sampling sites situated in three protected areas, two of which are part of the Natura 2000 network in Italy and one is part of the Emerald Network in Switzerland. We collected the specimens during the summer-autumn period in 2019-2021. We identified the copepods at the species level and created a dataset with individual georeferenced occurrence records for each species, organized in a standardized Darwin Core Archive format. We made available, through the Global Biodiversity Information Facility (GBIF), a total of 13 distinct taxonomic entities and 234 unique georeferenced occurrence records related to the benthic copepod assemblages of the littoral zone of Lake Maggiore (Tabilio Di Camillo et al., 2023). The dataset has the potential to support the authorities in charge of managing Lake Maggiore’s water levels in addressing the ecological risk relevant to the littoral zone and in developing shared implementation strategies for sustainable water management.

AbstractHuman-induced water level fluctuations (WLFs) are among the major pressures threatening lake ecosystems. Their effect on meiobenthic species of the littoral zone has been poorly investigated. In this study, we aimed at assessing the effects of human-induced WLFs on the composition and functionality of the benthic copepod assemblages of the littoral zone of Lake Maggiore, Italy and Switzerland. From 1942 to present, the water level of Lake Maggiore has been regulated through the Miorina Dam. We monitored copepod assemblages during different water levels defined within the period of regulation by the dam, using taxonomy- and trait-based metrics. We observed variation in the overall abundance and biomass of copepods, as well as in the number of individuals belonging to some trait classes such as ovigerous females, opportunists, omnivores and deposit feeders. None of the investigated trait class was completely lost. The results of our study suggest that ecosystem services supplied by the littoral zone of Lake Maggiore are likely altered by human-induced WLFs. Our findings provide a first picture of WLF impacts on benthic copepod assemblages, which can be useful for future research expanding on other functional traits.

Climate warming affects lake ecosystems both through its direct effect on the phenology of species and through the alteration of the physical and chemical environments, which in turn affect community composition. In deep lakes, stratification enhancement and mixing reduction have already been observed, leading to hypolimnetic anoxia and to the rise of cyanophytes. The increase in stability depends on the rise of air temperature due to global emissions of greenhouse gases (GHG). Primary production could then either increase with rising epilimnetic temperature and buoyancy or decrease as fewer nutrients are upwelled from deep layers. The prevailing outcome, as well as the quantitative and temporal dynamics of all climate-induced modifications, depend on the specific lake characteristics. Individual analyses are then needed, one-dimensional coupled hydrodynamic-ecological numerical models being suitable tools for such predictions. Here, we simulated with GLM-AED2 (General Lake Model – Aquatic EcoDynamics) the 2020-2085 dynamics of the oligomictic and oligotrophic deep subalpine Lake Maggiore (Italy/Switzerland), according to the Swiss Climate Change Scenarios CH2011. Multiple realisations were performed for each scenario with random meteorological series obtained from the Vector-Autoregressive Weather Generator (VG), highlighting the uncertainties related to meteorology. Increase and decrease of nutrient loads were also tested. Results show that anoxia would occur in the hypolimnion regardless of nutrient input reduction, unless global GHG emissions were immediately reduced. Total phytoplankton biomass would be weakly affected by climate change, strongly depending on nutrient input, yet water warming would cause cyanophytes to compete with diatoms. Therefore, the fate of Lake Maggiore would be tied to both global and local environmental policies.

AbstractDissolved oxygen (DO) concentration is a fundamental metric to describe climate-related alterations in deep lakes. Increasing water temperatures enhance thermal stratification, leading in temperate basins to a growing isolation of deep waters. This leads to the depletion of hypolimnetic DO, which adds up to limited nutrient circulation and restricted replenishment of the trophogenic layers. With vanishing convective mixing, it is commonly believed that the only source of hypolimnetic DO replenishment will be represented by deep intrusions of cold oxygenated waters from the tributaries. In this study, we first analyse the 1993–2020 long-term observed trends of DO concentrations in the subalpine deep oligomictic Lake Maggiore (Italy/Switzerland). Then, through an algorithm calculating daily intrusion depths and mass discharges of DO for the major tributaries, we show that deep insertions are suppressed for increasing winter water temperatures and residual thermal stratification. Turbulent entrainment is proved fundamental for DO replenishment, leading to mass discharges of DO released into the deep hypolimnion up to more than two orders of magnitude larger than the original ones from the tributaries. Last, we discuss the results of simulations made through a one-dimensional coupled ecological–hydrodynamic model about the possible effects of a full turnover on DO concentrations in the deep hypolimnion. Two cases are displayed, with the turnover taking place either now or with an anoxic hypolimnion deriving from decades of isolation due to severe climate warming. Through this study, climate warming is shown to be a fundamental driver of DO in Lake Maggiore, its depletion harming both water quality and the ecosystem.

AbstractSwitzerland’s drainage systems are divided into three major European river basins, i.e. the Po, the Rhône, and the Rhine basins. Until recently 32 species of freshwater mussel species (i.e. belonging to the genera Anodonta and Unio) were recognized for the country, albeit their identity and number remain uncertain especially, given the recent recognition of Unio mancus Lamarck, 1819 from the Rhône in France, and Unio elongatulus C. Pfeiffer, 1825 and Anodonta exulcerata Porro, 1838 from the Po basin in Italy. In this study, we molecularly assess Swiss populations of freshwater mussels to understand the identity and number of species as well as to characterize their distributions within this geologically differentiated Alpine country. We collected 125 specimens in 42 lakes and rivers representing the three major basins and performed a phylogenetic investigation of the collected specimens using two mitochondrial markers (COI & 16S) and one nuclear marker (28S). COI Haplotype networks are then presented for the identified species. Our new findings show that Unio elongatulus inhabits water bodies north of the main Alpine arc. No living populations of Unio mancus could be detected in Switzerland. Anodonta exulcerata is recorded from two localities north of Lake Maggiore and in the Swiss part of Lake Lugano. Anodonta anatina (Linnaeus, 1758) shows genetic differences between southern alpine and northern alpine populations. Our genetic data from Swiss populations of unionid species provides new records and knowledge concerning freshwater mussels from Central Europe and specifically from the Alpine region.

The present study investigates the impact of water level regulation on the growth of common reed (Phragmites australis), a globally widespread helophytic plant. The investigation has been carried out in the Bolle di Magadino (municipalities of Locarno, Gambarogno, Gordola and Tenero; Ticino, Switzerland), a lacustrine-riparian nature reserve in the context of the Lake Maggiore (that stretches between Italy and Switzerland). This is an oligotrophic, artificially regulated lake. Our initial hypothesis was that variation in water table regulation is the most influential factor for explaining observed local reed dieback. To test this, culm height of P. australis was measured at each significant change in lake water level (water table height increase greater than 20 cm), or monthly in the case of a relatively constant lake level. The study took place between 2020 and 2022, monitoring 14 plots of 400 m2, placed at three different relative elevation classes with respect to the level of the lake (5 plots at low elevation, <193.475 m; 7 plots at intermediate elevation, 193.476-193.700 m; 2 plots at high elevation, >193.701 m). The results showed that P. australis growth is significantly influenced by the lake water level and thus the relative elevation of the stands, with lower lake levels leading to better growth, especially during the early phases of the growing season. On the other hand, prolonged flooding of shoots significantly impaired common reed growth. The study identifies two relevant relative elevation thresholds for winter mowing, a management practice that enhances reedbeds health. Mowing below 193.20 m elevation is considered risky, as no healthy reedbeds have been observed below this threshold. Mowing below an elevation of 193.50 m was defined as possibly risky, due to observed dieback in some areas as well as healthy reedbeds in other locations at the same or lower elevations. The research also discussed the potential impact of future changes in water level regulation, including the planned change in the spring regulation threshold (+1.50 m above the hydrometric zero in Sesto Calende). This is expected to result in a further rearrangement in lacustrine vegetation, with the growth optimum for P. australis becoming higher and an increase in clumping habit. In conclusion, this study provides valuable insights into the impact of water level regulation on the growth of P. australis in the Bolle di Magadino nature reserve. The research highlights the need for careful management of water level regulation to preserve the reedbed ecosystem and identifies relevant elevation thresholds for winter mowing to mitigate the risks of reed dieback. The findings can inform future management strategies for the Bolle di Magadino reserve and other similar ecosystems facing the challenges of artificial regulation of water levels.

Lake Maggiore is a site of the Long-Term Ecosystem Research (LTER) network, belonging to the deep subalpine Lake District in Northern Italy. Studies on the physical, chemical, and biological features of the lake have been performed continuously since the 1980s. The lake recovered from eutrophication reaching the present oligotrophic condition. In the last decade, climate change represents the main driving factor for the long-term evolution of the lake, affecting its hydrodynamics, nutrient status, and biological communities. In 2020 a high-frequency monitoring (HFM) system was deployed, with the aim to integrate long-term monitoring based on discrete sampling and analysis. The system consists of a buoy equipped with sensors for limnological variables and algal pigments. The high-frequency monitoring program is part of a cross-border project between Italy and Switzerland focusing on lake quality monitoring as a critical input for successful lake management. In this paper we focus on Chlorophyll-a data, with the aim to test whether in-situ fluorescence measurements may provide a reliable estimate of lake phytoplankton biovolume and its seasonal dynamic. Sensor’s performance was regularly tested comparing chlorophyll-a data taken by the in-situ fluorescent sensors (Cyclops7, Turner Design), data from laboratory fluorescence analysis (FluoroProbe, BBE Moldaenke), values obtained from chlorophyll-a analysis by UV-VIS spectrophotometry and data from phytoplankton microscopy analysis. We found a general good agreement between the Chlorophyll-a data obtained with the different methods, confirming the use of in-situ sensors as a reliable approach to measure algal pigments, especially to assess their variability in the short-term, but also to describe the seasonal pattern of phytoplankton biovolume. However, phytoplankton community composition played a substantial role in the performance of the different methods and in the reliability of in-situ data as a tool to assess algal biovolume. This study demonstrates that high-frequency monitoring (HFM), used in conjunction with discrete chemical and biological monitoring, represents an important advance and support in the long-term monitoring of freshwaters and is a useful tool to detect ecological changes. Regular checking and validation of the sensor readings through laboratory analyses are important to get trustworthy data.

An integrated multidisciplinary protocol on monitoring, sampling, and laboratory procedures was developed and proposed as part of the Project "Parks Verbano Ticino" in the framework of the INTERREG V-A Italy-Switzerland 2014-2020 Cooperation Program. The project's overall goal is to evaluate the effects of water-level management (hydro-morphological stress) on both macro- and meio-fauna along the shores of Lake Maggiore, a large and deep temperate lake in northwest Italy. Because of their importance in the aquatic food web, determining how this stress affects macro- and meio-faunal assemblages is difficult. The protocol developed thus includes the evaluation of hydro-morphological impacts via the Lake Habitat Survey method, which entails monitoring of human-induced impacts and related infrastructures, followed by an in-depth evaluation of the ecological health of lake habitats via chemical analyses. The protocol then describes the sampling methods for shallow lake waters (i.e., <1.5 m depths) of deep lakes, but it also provides guidance on the best time to sample, how to select sampling sites, and how to allocate sample replicates along transects. A detailed step-by-step laboratory procedure for sample treatment was provided in order to assess the structure of macro- and meio-fauna assemblages, as well as morpho-functional traits (e.g., body shape and size, biomass estimate) in response to water-level management. For the first time, a set of morphological and functional characteristics of macro- and meio-faunal taxa are proposed for comparison. The protocol for standardized trait measurement is intended to be widely used. We also proposed chironomid species-specific length-mass regression models for biomass estimation, which is important for determining growth rate and secondary production of these taxa in temperate zone lakes. Length-mass equations could shed light on the role of specific species in the flow of energy through aquatic ecosystems. The proposed protocol was evaluated by team members to ensure common utility, accuracy, and repeatability of the procedures in order for researchers and stakeholders involved in water management of lakes with similar physical characteristics to use it. The protocol, which has been adapted or simply developed to meet the needs of the Italian context, could be successfully applied to other Alpine and Mediterranean temperate, deep lakes, reservoirs, and other glacial, volcanic, and morainic lakes, as well as to a broader European context. Graphical Abstract

Introduction In December 2010, Nespresso, the world’s leading brand of premium-portioned coffee, opened a flagship “boutique” in Sydney’s Pitt Street Mall. This was Nespresso’s fifth boutique opening of 2010, after Brussels, Miami, Soho, and Munich. The Sydney debut coincided with the mall’s upmarket redevelopment, which explains Nespresso’s arrival in the city: strategic geographic expansion is key to the brand’s growth. Rather than panoramic ubiquity, a retail option favoured by brands like McDonalds, KFC and Starbucks, Nespresso opts for iconic, prestigious locations. This strategy has been highly successful: since 2000 Nespresso has recorded year-on-year per annum growth of 30 per cent. This has been achieved, moreover, despite a global financial downturn and an international coffee market replete with brand variety. In turn, Nespresso marks an evolution in the coffee market over the last decade. The Nespresso Story Founded in 1986, Nespresso is the fasting growing brand in the Nestlé Group. Its headquarters are in Lausanne, Switzerland, with over 7,000 employees worldwide. In 2012, Nespresso had 270 boutiques in 50 countries. The brand’s growth strategy involves three main components: premium coffee capsules, “mated” with specially designed machines, and accompanied by exceptional customer service through the Nespresso Club. Each component requires some explanation. Nespresso offers 16 varieties of Grand Crus coffee: 7 espresso blends, 3 pure origin espressos, 3 lungos (for larger cups), and 3 decaffeinated coffees. Each 5.5 grams of portioned coffee is cased in a hermetically sealed aluminium capsule, or pod, designed to preserve the complex, volatile aromas (between 800 and 900 per pod), and prevent oxidation. These capsules are designed to be used exclusively with Nespresso-branded machines, which are equipped with a patented high-pressure extraction system designed for optimum release of the coffee. These machines, of which there are 28 models, are developed with 6 machine partners, and Antoine Cahen, from Ateliers du Nord in Lausanne, designs most of them. For its consumers, members of the Nespresso Club, the capsules and machines guarantee perfect espresso coffee every time, within seconds and with minimum effort—what Nespresso calls the “ultimate coffee experience.” The Nespresso Club promotes this experience as an everyday luxury, whereby café-quality coffee can be enjoyed in the privacy and comfort of Club members’ homes. This domestic focus is a relatively recent turn in its history. Nestlé patented some of its pod technology in 1976; the compatible machines, initially made in Switzerland by Turmix, were developed a decade later. Nespresso S. A. was set up as a subsidiary unit within the Nestlé Group with a view to target the office and fine restaurant sector. It was first test-marketed in Japan in 1986, and rolled out the same year in Switzerland, France and Italy. However, by 1988, low sales prompted Nespresso’s newly appointed CEO, Jean-Paul Gillard, to rethink the brand’s focus. Gillard subsequently repositioned Nespresso’s target market away from the commercial sector towards high-income households and individuals, and introduced a mail-order distribution system; these elements became the hallmarks of the Nespresso Club (Markides 55). The Nespresso Club was designed to give members who had purchased Nespresso machines 24-hour customer service, by mail, phone, fax, and email. By the end of 1997 there were some 250,000 Club members worldwide. The boom in domestic, user-friendly espresso machines from the early 1990s helped Nespresso’s growth in this period. The cumulative efforts by the main manufacturers—Krups, Bosch, Braun, Saeco and DeLonghi—lowered the machines’ average price to around US $100 (Purpura, “Espresso” 88; Purpura, “New” 116). This paralleled consumers’ growing sophistication, as they became increasingly familiar with café-quality espresso, cappuccino and latté—for reasons to be detailed below. Nespresso was primed to exploit this cultural shift in the market and forge a charismatic point of difference: an aspirational, luxury option within an increasingly accessible and familiar field. Between 2006 and 2008, Nespresso sales more than doubled, prompting a second production factory to supplement the original plant in Avenches (Simonian). In 2008, Nespresso grew 20 times faster than the global coffee market (Reguly B1). As Nespresso sales exceeded $1.3 billion AU in 2009, with 4.8 billion capsules shipped out annually and 5 million Club members worldwide, it became Nestlé’s fastest growing division (Canning 28). According to Nespresso’s Oceania market director, Renaud Tinel, the brand now represents 8 per cent of the total coffee market; of Nespresso specifically, he reports that 10,000 cups (using one capsule per cup) were consumed worldwide each minute in 2009, and that increased to 12,300 cups per minute in 2010 (O’Brien 16). Given such growth in such a brief period, the atypical dynamic between the boutique, the Club and the Nespresso brand warrants closer consideration. Nespresso opened its first boutique in Paris in 2000, on the Avenue des Champs-Élysées. It was a symbolic choice and signalled the brand’s preference for glamorous precincts in cosmopolitan cities. This has become the design template for all Nespresso boutiques, what the company calls “brand embassies” in its press releases. More like art gallery-style emporiums than retail spaces, these boutiques perform three main functions: they showcase Nespresso coffees, machines and accessories (all elegantly displayed); they enable Club members to stock up on capsules; and they offer excellent customer service, which invariably equates to detailed production information. The brand’s revenue model reflects the boutique’s role in the broader business strategy: 50 per cent of Nespresso’s business is generated online, 30 per cent through the boutiques, and 20 per cent through call centres. Whatever floor space these boutiques dedicate to coffee consumption is—compared to the emphasis on exhibition and ambience—minimal and marginal. In turn, this tightly monitored, self-focused model inverts the conventional function of most commercial coffee sites. For several hundred years, the café has fostered a convivial atmosphere, served consumers’ social inclinations, and overwhelmingly encouraged diverse, eclectic clientele. The Nespresso boutique is the antithesis to this, and instead actively limits interaction: the Club “community” does not meet as a community, and is united only in atomised allegiance to the Nespresso brand. In this regard, Nespresso stands in stark contrast to another coffee brand that has been highly successful in recent years—Starbucks. Starbucks famously recreates the aesthetics, rhetoric and atmosphere of the café as a “third place”—a term popularised by urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg to describe non-work, non-domestic spaces where patrons converge for respite or recreation. These liminal spaces (cafés, parks, hair salons, book stores and such locations) might be private, commercial sites, yet they provide opportunities for chance encounters, even therapeutic interactions. In this way, they aid sociability and civic life (Kleinman 193). Long before the term “third place” was coined, coffee houses were deemed exemplars of egalitarian social space. As Rudolf P. Gaudio notes, the early coffee houses of Western Europe, in Oxford and London in the mid-1600s, “were characterized as places where commoners and aristocrats could meet and socialize without regard to rank” (670). From this sanguine perspective, they both informed and animated the modern public sphere. That is, and following Habermas, as a place where a mixed cohort of individuals could meet and discuss matters of public importance, and where politics intersected society, the eighteenth-century British coffee house both typified and strengthened the public sphere (Karababa and Ger 746). Moreover, and even from their early Ottoman origins (Karababa and Ger), there has been an historical correlation between the coffee house and the cosmopolitan, with the latter at least partly defined in terms of demographic breadth (Luckins). Ironically, and insofar as Nespresso appeals to coffee-literate consumers, the brand owes much to Starbucks. In the two decades preceding Nespresso’s arrival, Starbucks played a significant role in refining coffee literacy around the world, gauging mass-market trends, and stirring consumer consciousness. For Nespresso, this constituted major preparatory phenomena, as its strategy (and success) since the early 2000s presupposed the coffee market that Starbucks had helped to create. According to Nespresso’s chief executive Richard Giradot, central to Nespresso’s expansion is a focus on particular cities and their coffee culture (Canning 28). In turn, it pays to take stock of how such cities developed a coffee culture amenable to Nespresso—and therein lays the brand’s debt to Starbucks. Until the last few years, and before celebrity ambassador George Clooney was enlisted in 2005, Nespresso’s marketing was driven primarily by Club members’ recommendations. At the same time, though, Nespresso insisted that Club members were coffee connoisseurs, whose knowledge and enjoyment of coffee exceeded conventional coffee offerings. In 2000, Henk Kwakman, one of Nestlé’s Coffee Specialists, explained the need for portioned coffee in terms of guaranteed perfection, one that demanding consumers would expect. “In general”, he reasoned, “people who really like espresso coffee are very much more quality driven. When you consider such an intense taste experience, the quality is very important. If the espresso is slightly off quality, the connoisseur notices this immediately” (quoted in Butler 50). What matters here is how this corps of connoisseurs grew to a scale big enough to sustain and strengthen the Nespresso system, in the absence of a robust marketing or educative drive by Nespresso (until very recently). Put simply, the brand’s ascent was aided by Starbucks, specifically by the latter’s success in changing the mainstream coffee market during the 1990s. In establishing such a strong transnational presence, Starbucks challenged smaller, competing brands to define themselves with more clarity and conviction. Indeed, working with data that identified just 200 freestanding coffee houses in the US prior to 1990 compared to 14,000 in 2003, Kjeldgaard and Ostberg go so far as to state that: “Put bluntly, in the US there was no local coffee consumptionscape prior to Starbucks” (Kjeldgaard and Ostberg 176). Starbucks effectively redefined the coffee world for mainstream consumers in ways that were directly beneficial for Nespresso. Starbucks: Coffee as Ambience, Experience, and Cultural Capital While visitors to Nespresso boutiques can sample the coffee, with highly trained baristas and staff on site to explain the Nespresso system, in the main there are few concessions to the conventional café experience. Primarily, these boutiques function as material spaces for existing Club members to stock up on capsules, and therefore they complement the Nespresso system with a suitably streamlined space: efficient, stylish and conspicuously upmarket. Outside at least one Sydney boutique for instance (Bondi Junction, in the fashionable eastern suburbs), visitors enter through a club-style cordon, something usually associated with exclusive bars or hotels. This demarcates the boutique from neighbouring coffee chains, and signals Nespresso’s claim to more privileged patrons. This strategy though, the cultivation of a particular customer through aesthetic design and subtle flattery, is not unique. For decades, Starbucks also contrived a “special” coffee experience. Moreover, while the Starbucks model strikes a very different sensorial chord to that of Nespresso (in terms of décor, target consumer and so on) it effectively groomed and prepped everyday coffee drinkers to a level of relative self-sufficiency and expertise—and therein is the link between Starbucks’s mass-marketed approach and Nespresso’s timely arrival. Starbucks opened its first store in 1971, in Seattle. Three partners founded it: Jerry Baldwin and Zev Siegl, both teachers, and Gordon Bowker, a writer. In 1982, as they opened their sixth Seattle store, they were joined by Howard Schultz. Schultz’s trip to Italy the following year led to an entrepreneurial epiphany to which he now attributes Starbucks’s success. Inspired by how cafés in Italy, particularly the espresso bars in Milan, were vibrant social hubs, Schultz returned to the US with a newfound sensitivity to ambience and attitude. In 1987, Schultz bought Starbucks outright and stated his business philosophy thus: “We aren’t in the coffee business, serving people. We are in the people business, serving coffee” (quoted in Ruzich 432). This was articulated most clearly in how Schultz structured Starbucks as the ultimate “third place”, a welcoming amalgam of aromas, music, furniture, textures, literature and free WiFi. This transformed the café experience twofold. First, sensory overload masked the dull homogeny of a global chain with an air of warm, comforting domesticity—an inviting, everyday “home away from home.” To this end, in 1994, Schultz enlisted interior design “mastermind” Wright Massey; with his team of 45 designers, Massey created the chain’s decor blueprint, an “oasis for contemplation” (quoted in Scerri 60). At the same time though, and second, Starbucks promoted a revisionist, airbrushed version of how the coffee was produced. Patrons could see and smell the freshly roasted beans, and read about their places of origin in the free pamphlets. In this way, Starbucks merged the exotic and the cosmopolitan. The global supply chain underwent an image makeover, helped by a “new” vocabulary that familiarised its coffee drinkers with the diversity and complexity of coffee, and such terms as aroma, acidity, body and flavour. This strategy had a decisive impact on the coffee market, first in the US and then elsewhere: Starbucks oversaw a significant expansion in coffee consumption, both quantitatively and qualitatively. In the decades following the Second World War, coffee consumption in the US reached a plateau. Moreover, as Steven Topik points out, the rise of this type of coffee connoisseurship actually coincided with declining per capita consumption of coffee in the US—so the social status attributed to specialised knowledge of coffee “saved” the market: “Coffee’s rise as a sign of distinction and connoisseurship meant its appeal was no longer just its photoactive role as a stimulant nor the democratic sociability of the coffee shop” (Topik 100). Starbucks’s singular triumph was to not only convert non-coffee drinkers, but also train them to a level of relative sophistication. The average “cup o’ Joe” thus gave way to the latte, cappuccino, macchiato and more, and a world of coffee hitherto beyond (perhaps above) the average American consumer became both regular and routine. By 2003, Starbucks’s revenue was US $4.1 billion, and by 2012 there were almost 20,000 stores in 58 countries. As an idealised “third place,” Starbucks functioned as a welcoming haven that flattened out and muted the realities of global trade. The variety of beans on offer (Arabica, Latin American, speciality single origin and so on) bespoke a generous and bountiful modernity; while brochures schooled patrons in the nuances of terroir, an appreciation for origin and distinctiveness that encoded cultural capital. This positioned Starbucks within a happy narrative of the coffee economy, and drew patrons into this story by flattering their consumer choices. Against the generic sameness of supermarket options, Starbucks promised distinction, in Pierre Bourdieu’s sense of the term, and diversity in its coffee offerings. For Greg Dickinson, the Starbucks experience—the scent of the beans, the sound of the grinders, the taste of the coffees—negated the abstractions of postmodern, global trade: by sensory seduction, patrons connected with something real, authentic and material. At the same time, Starbucks professed commitment to the “triple bottom line” (Savitz), the corporate mantra that has morphed into virtual orthodoxy over the last fifteen years. This was hardly surprising; companies that trade in food staples typically grown in developing regions (coffee, tea, sugar, and coffee) felt the “political-aesthetic problematization of food” (Sassatelli and Davolio). This saw increasingly cognisant consumers trying to reconcile the pleasures of consumption with environmental and human responsibilities. The “triple bottom line” approach, which ostensibly promotes best business practice for people, profits and the planet, was folded into Starbucks’s marketing. The company heavily promoted its range of civic engagement, such as donations to nurses’ associations, literacy programs, clean water programs, and fair dealings with its coffee growers in developing societies (Simon). This bode well for its target market. As Constance M. Ruch has argued, Starbucks sought the burgeoning and lucrative “bobo” class, a term Ruch borrows from David Brooks. A portmanteau of “bourgeois bohemians,” “bobo” describes the educated elite that seeks the ambience and experience of a counter-cultural aesthetic, but without the political commitment. Until the last few years, it seemed Starbucks had successfully grafted this cultural zeitgeist onto its “third place.” Ironically, the scale and scope of the brand’s success has meant that Starbucks’s claim to an ethical agenda draws frequent and often fierce attack. As a global behemoth, Starbucks evolved into an iconic symbol of advanced consumer culture. For those critical of how such brands overwhelm smaller, more local competition, the brand is now synonymous for insidious, unstoppable retail spread. This in turn renders Starbucks vulnerable to protests that, despite its gestures towards sustainability (human and environmental), and by virtue of its size, ubiquity and ultimately conservative philosophy, it has lost whatever cachet or charm it supposedly once had. As Bryant Simon argues, in co-opting the language of ethical practice within an ultimately corporatist context, Starbucks only ever appealed to a modest form of altruism; not just in terms of the funds committed to worthy causes, but also to move thorny issues to “the most non-contentious middle-ground,” lest conservative customers felt alienated (Simon 162). Yet, having flagged itself as an ethical brand, Starbucks became an even bigger target for anti-corporatist sentiment, and the charge that, as a multinational giant, it remained complicit in (and one of the biggest benefactors of) a starkly inequitable and asymmetric global trade. It remains a major presence in the world coffee market, and arguably the most famous of the coffee chains. Over the last decade though, the speed and intensity with which Nespresso has grown, coupled with its atypical approach to consumer engagement, suggests that, in terms of brand equity, it now offers a more compelling point of difference than Starbucks. Brand “Me” Insofar as the Nespresso system depends on a consumer market versed in the intricacies of quality coffee, Starbucks can be at least partly credited for nurturing a more refined palate amongst everyday coffee drinkers. Yet while Starbucks courted the “average” consumer in its quest for market control, saturating the suburban landscape with thousands of virtually indistinguishable stores, Nespresso marks a very different sensibility. Put simply, Nespresso inverts the logic of a coffee house as a “third place,” and patrons are drawn not to socialise and relax but to pursue their own highly individualised interests. The difference with Starbucks could not be starker. One visitor to the Bloomingdale boutique (in New York’s fashionable Soho district) described it as having “the feel of Switzerland rather than Seattle. Instead of velvet sofas and comfy music, it has hard surfaces, bright colours and European hostesses” (Gapper 9). By creating a system that narrows the gap between production and consumption, to the point where Nespresso boutiques advertise the coffee brand but do not promote on-site coffee drinking, the boutiques are blithely indifferent to the historical, romanticised image of the coffee house as a meeting place. The result is a coffee experience that exploits the sophistication and vanity of aspirational consumers, but ignores the socialising scaffold by which coffee houses historically and perhaps naively made some claim to community building. If anything, Nespresso restricts patrons’ contemplative field: they consider only their relationships to the brand. In turn, Nespresso offers the ultimate expression of contemporary consumer capitalism, a hyper-individual experience for a hyper-modern age. By developing a global brand that is both luxurious and niche, Nespresso became “the Louis Vuitton of coffee” (Betts 14). Where Starbucks pursued retail ubiquity, Nespresso targets affluent, upmarket cities. As chief executive Richard Giradot put it, with no hint of embarrassment or apology: “If you take China, for example, we are not speaking about China, we are speaking about Shanghai, Hong Kong, Beijing because you will not sell our concept in the middle of nowhere in China” (quoted in Canning 28). For this reason, while Europe accounts for 90 per cent of Nespresso sales (Betts 15), its forays into the Americas, Asia and Australasia invariably spotlights cities that are already iconic or emerging economic hubs. The first boutique in Latin America, for instance, was opened in Jardins, a wealthy suburb in Sao Paulo, Brazil. In Nespresso, Nestlé has popularised a coffee experience neatly suited to contemporary consumer trends: Club members inhabit a branded world as hermetically sealed as the aluminium pods they purchase and consume. Besides the Club’s phone, fax and online distribution channels, pods can only be bought at the boutiques, which minimise even the potential for serendipitous mingling. The baristas are there primarily for product demonstrations, whilst highly trained staff recite the machines’ strengths (be they in design or utility), or information about the actual coffees. For Club members, the boutique service is merely the human extension of Nespresso’s online presence, whereby product information becomes increasingly tailored to increasingly individualised tastes. In the boutique, this emphasis on the individual is sold in terms of elegance, expedience and privilege. Nespresso boasts that over 70 per cent of its workforce is “customer facing,” sharing their passion and knowledge with Club members. Having already received and processed the product information (through the website, boutique staff, and promotional brochures), Club members need not do anything more than purchase their pods. In some of the more recently opened boutiques, such as in Paris-Madeleine, there is even an Exclusive Room where only Club members may enter—curious tourists (or potential members) are kept out. Club members though can select their preferred Grands Crus and checkout automatically, thanks to RFID (radio frequency identification) technology inserted in the capsule sleeves. So, where Starbucks exudes an inclusive, hearth-like hospitality, the Nespresso Club appears more like a pampered clique, albeit a growing one. As described in the Financial Times, “combine the reception desk of a designer hotel with an expensive fashion display and you get some idea what a Nespresso ‘coffee boutique’ is like” (Wiggins and Simonian 10). Conclusion Instead of sociability, Nespresso puts a premium on exclusivity and the knowledge gained through that exclusive experience. The more Club members know about the coffee, the faster and more individualised (and “therefore” better) the transaction they have with the Nespresso brand. This in turn confirms Zygmunt Bauman’s contention that, in a consumer society, being free to choose requires competence: “Freedom to choose does not mean that all choices are right—there are good and bad choices, better and worse choices. The kind of choice eventually made is the evidence of competence or its lack” (Bauman 43-44). Consumption here becomes an endless process of self-fashioning through commodities; a process Eva Illouz considers “all the more strenuous when the market recruits the consumer through the sysiphian exercise of his/her freedom to choose who he/she is” (Illouz 392). In a status-based setting, the more finely graded the differences between commodities (various places of origin, blends, intensities, and so on), the harder the consumer works to stay ahead—which means to be sufficiently informed. Consumers are locked in a game of constant reassurance, to show upward mobility to both themselves and society. For all that, and like Starbucks, Nespresso shows some signs of corporate social responsibility. In 2009, the company announced its “Ecolaboration” initiative, a series of eco-friendly targets for 2013. By then, Nespresso aims to: source 80 per cent of its coffee through Sustainable Quality Programs and Rainforest Alliance Certified farms; triple its capacity to recycle used capsules to 75 per cent; and reduce the overall carbon footprint required to produce each cup of Nespresso by 20 per cent (Nespresso). This information is conveyed through the brand’s website, press releases and brochures. However, since such endeavours are now de rigueur for many brands, it does not register as particularly innovative, progressive or challenging: it is an unexceptional (even expected) part of contemporary mainstream marketing. Indeed, the use of actor George Clooney as Nespresso’s brand ambassador since 2005 shows shrewd appraisal of consumers’ political and cultural sensibilities. As a celebrity who splits his time between Hollywood and Lake Como in Italy, Clooney embodies the glamorous, cosmopolitan lifestyle that Nespresso signifies. 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