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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Mafia e politica »

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Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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1

Fioretti, Fabrizio. « Il termine "mafia" ». Tabula : periodicus Facultatis philosophicae Polensis ; rivista della Facoltà di lettere e filosofia ; Journal od the Faculty of Humanities No. 9 (2011) : 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/tab.09.2011.4.

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Data la confusione venutasi a creare nel corso della storia passata e recente, si propone uno studio incentrato sulla questione relativa al termine "mafia". Contrariamente a quanto si potrebbe immaginare, "mafia" oggi è un termine polisemico che non significa solo criminalità organizzata o stragi ma anche lealtà, giustizia, coraggio, potere, intrigo. Compito di questo breve saggio è di capire quali sono gli eventi che hanno contribuito a fare di "mafia" un termine polisemico. In questo senso, dopo una prima parte introduttiva volta a chiarire l’introduzione di questo termine nel vocabolario italiano, sono stati individuati tre principali punti di svolta. Il primo riguarda la delicata situazione politica italiana di fine Ottocento quando il termine, trovatosi in mezzo alle dispute politiche e culturali tra meridione e settentrione, si fece carico di numerosi significati e interpretazioni, che ne alterarono irrimediabilmente sia l’uso sia la funzione. Il secondo riguarda l’introduzione del concetto di "Cosa Nostra", che trasformò il termine in una sorta di sinonimo universale di criminalità organizzata senza nessun tipo di differenziazione concettuale o regionale. Il terzo riguarda l’utilizzo del termine nel ramo cinematografico, televisivo e di conseguenza in quello pubblicitario e virtuale che sta portando il termine verso significati sempre più lontani da quello originario.
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Allum, Felia S. « La Voce del padrino. Mafia, cultura, politica, by Marco Santoro ». Global Crime 12, no 3 (août 2011) : 232–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17440572.2011.589598.

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Guido, Melis. « Il potere dei giudici e la latitanza della politica ». PASSATO E PRESENTE, no 85 (février 2012) : 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2012-085001.

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The power of judges and the default of politics. Since 1861 the High Court of Magistrates has been part of the top level of the Italian state. It was the task of the Court to turn into jurisprudence the great bourgeois laws, when Italy was still rural and old regime. However the judges held power: internally, as the High Court ruled judicial careers; and externally, because judges protected their privileges. Fascism restricted the liberty of judges, but at the same time allowed them to retain their power of control of careers. In the post-war Republic, the judges discovered the newborn Constitution only in the 1950s and started to defend it. In more recent times, the judges have taken a leading role in the three "emergencies": against terrorism, mafia, and corruption. In all three of these situations they have acted as proxies, given the lack of accountability of politicians.
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Violante, Luciano. « INTRODUZIONE ». Il Politico 251, no 2 (3 mars 2020) : 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/ilpolitico.2019.233.

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La storia delle istituzioni repubblicane è caratterizzata da profonde fratture, a partire dalla nascita della Repubblica. Il regime democratico nasce e si afferma sulla base di tre radicali discontinuità. La prima fu la guerra di Liberazione dal nazismo e dal fascismo che fu anche guerra tra italiani. La seconda fu il referendum tra monarchia e repubblica, che mise fine alla dinastia sabauda. La terza frattura nacque dalla prima decisione della Corte Costituzionale, che, respingendo le istanze dell’Avvocatura dello Stato, intervenuta in difesa dell’art.113 TULPS, affermò la propria competenza a giudicare della conformità alla Costituzione di tutte le leggi, comprese quelle precedenti alla sua istituzione, riconfermando la felice frattura tra fascismo e Repubblica. Negli anni successivi, il paese è stato colpito da undici stragi politiche, due opposti terrorismi con 460 uccisi in quindici anni (1969-1984), due stragi di mafia, tre tentativi di rovesciamento violento del governo, l’omicidio di un uomo di Stato, di 24 magistrati e di 11 giornalisti. A queste tragedie possono aggiungersi l’autodistruzione di una classe politica dirigente incapace di assumersi le proprie responsabilità in seguito alle vicende di Tangentopoli, il processo di crescente denigrazione [Continua]
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Martin, Nicolas, et Lucia Michelutti. « Protection Rackets and Party Machines ». Asian Journal of Social Science 45, no 6 (2017) : 693–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04506005.

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Control over means of violence and protection emerge as crucial in much research on corruption in non-South Asian contexts. In the Indian context, however, we still know little about the systems of organised violence that sustain the entanglement of crime, capital and democratic politics. This timely comparative ethnographic piece explores two different manifestations of what our informants identify as “Mafia Raj” (“rule by mafia”) across North India (Uttar Pradesh and Punjab). Drawing on analytical concepts developed in the literature on bossism and “mafias”, we explore protection and racketeering as central statecraft repertoires of muscular styles of governance in the region. We show how a predatory economy together with structures of inter- and intra-party political competition generate the demand for and the imposition of unofficial and illegal protection and shape different manifestations of Mafia Raj. In doing so, the paper aims to contribute to debates on the relationship between states and illegalities in and beyond South Asia.
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Dickie, John. « Leopoldo Franchctti, Politica e mafia in Sicilia. Gli inediti del 1876, edited and with an introduction by Antonio Jannazzo, Bibliopolis, Naples, 1995, 277 pp., ISBN 88-7088-355-8 pbk, 30,000 Lire ». Modern Italy 3, no 1 (mai 1998) : 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400006712.

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Setton, Román Pablo. « 50 años de La maffia (1972), de Leopoldo Torre Nilsson : representaciones de la mafia ítalo-rosarina. Interacciones entre narrativas periodísticas, literarias y cinematográficas ». Comparative Cultural Studies - European and Latin American Perspectives 7, no 15 (22 février 2023) : 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/ccselap-14279.

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The following article analyzes the film La maffia (1972), by Leopoldo Torre Nilsson. I try to show how the film configures a representation of the Sicilian mafia of the 1930s less from the historical facts than from the speech of the journalistic chronicle of the time, of the Hollywood and Argentine cinematographic tradition and also from the literary tradition and the political imaginary linked to Peronism. In turn, the film itself – enormously successful with critics and audiences alike – goes on to feed the Argentine imaginary of that mafia, which continues to operate largely as an important influence on the political imaginary.
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Collins, Randall. « Patrimonial Alliances and Failures of State Penetration ». ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 636, no 1 (22 juin 2011) : 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716211398201.

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The historical shift from patrimonialism to bureaucracy is the key organizational transformation of the past thousand years. Classically, patrimonialism was organization based on private households, plus alliances among them. But there are two types of patrimonial organization: expanded households and patrimonial alliances or pseudo-tribes. The latter include ad hoc warrior coalitions, frequently organized as fictive kin. The main historical cause of the shift from patrimonialism to bureaucracy was the military-fiscal revolution and ensuing state penetration into society. But patrimonial politics did not entirely disappear. In some areas, the state fails to penetrate, leaving the possibility of mafia-style organization. Elsewhere, political machines are a mixed form of incomplete bureaucracy. Gangs are patrimonial organizations, growing in dialectical conflict with bureaucratic penetration and efforts at control. Through a comparison of American, Sicilian, and Russian mafias, the questions considered are whether crime organization recapitulates the history of the state, why some gangs become bigger than others, and why organized crime succeeds or fails in varying degrees.
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Armao, Fabio. « Mafia-Owned Democracies. Italy and Mexico as patterns of criminal neoliberalism ». Tiempo devorado 2, no 1 (17 avril 2015) : 4–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.11.

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The paper is based on two preliminary hypothesis: the first is that when Organised Crime (OC) encounters politics, a third type of system emerges and this is called the mafia. The second assumption is that the mafias, particularly following 1989, greatly benefitted from the neoliberal globalisation processes. Nowadays, the mafias tend to replace the State as the privileged partners of capitalism; and, with greater efficiency than the State, are able to combine the local dimension of control (plundering or appropriation) of the territory with the global dimension of the transnational markets (particularly but not exclusively with the illicit trades). We assume that Italy and Mexico, among the consolidated democracies, are the most largely affected by the diffusion of criminal powers, to such a degree that two different patterns of mafia-owned democracy have developed: consociational in Italy, based on cooperative attitudes and behaviour between the leaders of the different groups involved – mafiosi, politicians and entrepreneurs – and therefore, characterised by greater stability; centrifugal for Mexico characterised on the other hand by strongly competitive behaviour between the various leaders involved and associated with a much greater degree of violence compared to the Italian situation.
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Catino, Maurizio. « How Do Mafias Organize ? » European Journal of Sociology 55, no 2 (août 2014) : 177–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975614000095.

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AbstractThis article looks at three Italian mafia organizations (Cosa Nostra, Camorra, and ‘Ndrangheta). It applies an organizational approach to the understanding of violence in mafia organizations by studying the relationship between their organizational orders and their criminal behavior. The article identifies two different organizational orders, vertical and horizontal, and demonstrates that Italian mafias, although operating in similar environments, can greatly differ from each other, and over time, in terms of their organizational model. Findings suggest that mafias with a vertical organizational order, due to the presence of higher levels of coordination, (1) have greater control over conflict, as proved by the lower number of “ordinary” murders; and (2) have greater capacity to fight state repression, as testified by the greater number of “high-profile” assassinations (e.g. politicians, magistrates, and other institutional members) that they carry out. Evidence is provided using a mixed-methods approach that combines a qualitative, organizational analysis of historical and judiciary sources, in order to reconstruct the organizational models and their evolution over time, with a quantitative analysis of assassination trends, in order to relate organizational orders to the use of violence.
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Santoro, Marco. « Mafiacraft, witchcraft, statecraft, or the politics of mafia knowledge and the knowledge of mafia politics ». HAU : Journal of Ethnographic Theory 9, no 3 (décembre 2019) : 631–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/707726.

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Jamieson, Alison. « Mafia and Political Power 1943-1989 ». International Relations 10, no 1 (mai 1990) : 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711789001000102.

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Delmas, Ana Carolina Galante. « “Meu querido mano” : a política nas cartas de D. Maria Teresa e D. Maria Francisca de Bragança ». Topoi (Rio de Janeiro) 23, no 51 (septembre 2022) : 825–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2237-101x02305108.

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RESUMO As comemorações acerca dos 200 anos da Independência do Brasil nos dão a chance de revisitar esse momento histórico em todos os seus aspectos: acontecimentos, personagens envolvidos, reverberações. Se a dinâmica entre D. Pedro e D. João já começou a ser explorada por meio de documentos oficiais e de correspondências, ainda há muito a ser descortinado no próprio seio da Família Real. Aos poucos, com novos olhares e novas abordagens, abre-se espaço para conhecer o papel desempenhado pelas infantas filhas de D. João e D. Carlota Joaquina no contexto político do Brasil, de Portugal e da Espanha, especialmente D. Maria Teresa e D. Maria Francisca. Em cartas que amalgamavam o público e o privado, o familiar e o político, é possível observar a representação de diferentes pensamentos, tão característicos do fervilhante século XIX.
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Diniyanto, Ayon. « Can School Day Policy Have an Impact for Indonesia ? Response to Maria Dita Kristiana’s article, “Politics of Law on School Days Policy : Legal Reform on Indonesian Education Policy”, Journal of Law and Legal Reform, 1(1), pp. 5-24 ». Journal of Law and Legal Reform 1, no 2 (19 janvier 2020) : 197–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jllr.v1i2.36268.

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This paper is a commentary on Maria Dita Kristiana's article, entitled Politics of Law on School Days Policy: Legal Reform on Indonesian Education Policy, published in Journal of Law and Legal Reform, 1 (1), pp. 5-24 (previous edition). The author emphasizes this comment on aspects relating to the method used by the author, and criticism of the relevance of the theory used. The article, written by Maria Dia Kristiana, can be used as reference material for further research relating to the political politics of education in Indonesia
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Germanou, Maria. « ‘The Dead are Still Looking at Us’ : Harold Pinter, the Spectral Face, and Human Rights ». New Theatre Quarterly 29, no 4 (novembre 2013) : 360–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x13000687.

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In his essays and speeches, Harold Pinter addressed issues that are central in political and philosophical debates: national identity and the other, the ethics of responsibility, the relational nature of human rights, the politics of death. Discussing his treatment of these issues, Maria Germanou sees Pinter as a Foucauldian intellectual engaged in the politics of truth, and argues that in these texts the postmodern writer enables the political activist. Pinter subjects to scrutiny naturalized political rhetoric, discloses the affinity between meaning and power, and challenges the legitimacy of established hierarchies and their practices. His ultimate purpose is to restore ethics to politics. To this end, he places responsibility for the other at the core of his problematic in ways similar to Emmanuel Levinas, and invites western democracies to redefine ‘humanity’ and the ‘international’ community by taking into consideration accountability for those allowed to die in the name of an alleged justice. Maria Germanou is Professor in English Drama at the University of Athens. She has published in Modern Drama, Comparative Drama, Arbeiten aus Anglistik und Amerikanistik, Gramma, and elsewhere. Since 2008 she has been co-editor of Synthesis, an e-journal of comparative literature.
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Manly, Susan. « Maria Edgeworth’s Political Lives ». European Romantic Review 31, no 6 (1 novembre 2020) : 767–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509585.2020.1831131.

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Tantimin, Tantimin. « COUNTERING THE JUDICIAL MAFIA FROM THE POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE OF NATIONAL LAW ». Mizan : Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 11, no 1 (14 juin 2022) : 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32503/mizan.v11i1.2385.

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Judicial mafia is a crime of abuse of office or can be said to be a dirty game in law enforcement and involves law enforcement officials. From the political aspect of national/criminal law, the judicial mafia can be an abuse of office that causes a violation of the law. The policy of developing the justice system is defined as a reasonable effort to develop and improve its quality. The effort to eradicate the judicial mafia is essentially to restore public trust and respect for the judicial system. The purpose of this study is to analyze and describe the efforts to overcome the judicial mafia in law enforcement and review the law enforcement process carried out by law enforcement officers in achieving justice. This research uses normative legal research methods. The data is based on secondary data obtained from library sources or legislation. This study shows that overcoming the judicial mafia requires a policy in the development of the justice system, which is defined as part of reasonable efforts to develop and improve the quality of the justice system. The effort to eradicate the judicial mafia is essentially an effort to restore public trust and respect in the judicial system.
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Smeriglio, Gabriele Paolo. « ¿Adónde se habrá metido Mafiopoli ? Las mafias italianas según La Gente d’Italia ». Comparative Cultural Studies - European and Latin American Perspectives 7, no 15 (22 février 2023) : 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/ccselap-14281.

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Generalisations can never tend to be exhaustive, nor can they claim to represent all subjectivities and the diverse and consequent political-ideological narratives that are part of them. But they also describe social and behavioural propensities present in the cultural folds of a specific social group. The role of newspapers, sounding boards for certain ethnic, political, economic and social sentiments, is fundamental to study the rapid consumption of these communicative processes whose contents end up being internalised even before they are processed. Beyond the level of scientific substance of which they are composed. In relation to the treatment of Italian mafias in the press, this manuscript aims to analyse, based on a selection of articles published between 2018 and 2022, the narratives produced by “La Gente d’Italia”, an Italian-language ethnic newspaper based in Uruguay, on the combination between persistence and change, between maintaining consolidated structures and adapting to the changes in the economic and social context in which the mafia is present today.
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Hamudy, Moh, et Ahmad Rais. « Political Broker and Budget Mafia in Indonesian Parliament ». Jurnal Bina Praja 06, no 03 (septembre 2014) : 213–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.06.2014.213-219.

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Potter, Gary W. « Philadelphia's “Black Mafia” : A Social and Political History ». Contemporary Sociology : A Journal of Reviews 33, no 5 (septembre 2004) : 596–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610403300556.

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Abadinsky, Howard. « Philadelphia's “black mafia” : A social and political history ». Trends in Organized Crime 8, no 1 (septembre 2004) : 67–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12117-004-1004-6.

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Vesco, Antonio. « The cultural foundations of political support in eastern Sicily : Mafia clans, political power and the Lombardo case ». Modern Italy 22, no 1 (février 2017) : 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.1.

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From 2008 Sicily’s president was Raffaele Lombardo, leader of the Movimento per le Autonomie (MpA), a party founded by politicians who were already well established in the city of Catania and its province. In the summer of 2012 Lombardo’s government was forced to resign following an investigation that exposed the connections between the president and Mafia families in eastern Sicily. This article draws on two ethnographic studies carried out in Catania between 2009 and 2013: in describing the political behaviour and power relations between voters, local councillors and MpA executive officers, the research examined the tendency to internalise the widely understood narrative about politics and patronage in Sicily that Lombardo and his colleagues embodied. By relating ethnographic data to the legal documents showing the links between MpA leaders and Cosa Nostra bosses, I argue that social and cultural support for the party will have included support from local Mafia members.
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Wall, Andrew. « Merger mania - politics before patients ? » British Journal of Healthcare Management 5, no 10 (octobre 1999) : 387–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/bjhc.1999.5.10.19470.

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Roots, Roger. « Mafia Brotherhoods ». Contemporary Sociology : A Journal of Reviews 34, no 1 (janvier 2005) : 67–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610503400145.

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Kuttig, Julian. « Labour power and bossing : Local leadership formation and the party-state in ‘middle’ Bangladesh ». Contributions to Indian Sociology 54, no 2 (juin 2020) : 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0069966720911732.

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Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, this article focuses on how public order and authority is produced in ‘middle Bangladesh’ by investigating the political emergence and political persona of a bus labour federation (BLF) leader in Rajshahi city. The BLF is an important source for ‘muscle’ and ‘money’ power and is commonly denoted as ‘labour mafia’. Its leaders, often referred to as mastan (gangster, enforcer) or neta (leader, career politician), hold considerable power, especially where buses are the most important mode of transport. Having the capacity to bring the city to a standstill makes leaders conspicuous actors in the political power structure across the country. I examine how such leaders manoeuvre in a political system referred to as a ‘party-state’. Unlike most other labour unions, the BLF is not an organisational wing of political parties or the state, but an ‘autonomous’ and rather capricious power base that is nonetheless inextricably linked with local politics, crime, and ‘the state’.
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Kusumah, Fabian Pratama. « Ekonomi Politik dalam Kebijakan Impor Beras : Membaca Arah Kebijakan Pemerintah 2014-2019 ». Politika : Jurnal Ilmu Politik 10, no 2 (31 octobre 2019) : 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.10.2.2019.135-156.

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Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pemetaan aktor pro dan kontra kebijakan impor beras dalam era pemerintahan Jokowi. Dari pemetaan aktor tersebut menunjukkan kepentingan para aktor yang terlibat. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah studi pustaka yang didapat dari jurnal, dokumen pemerintah dan berita secara online. Kebijakan impor beras di era pemerintahan Jokowi merupakan hasil dari pertarungan empat aktor yaitu Kementerian Perdagangan, Kementerian Pertanian, Bulog, serta Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat. Penelitian ini menemukan adanya dinamika pro dan kontra pada Kementerian Perdagangan saat reshuffle, serta Menteri Perdagangan dan Bulog saat pergantian direktur utama. Sedangkan Kementerian Pertanian dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat cenderung konsisten dalam menyikapi kebijakan impor beras. Terjadinya dinamika pro dan kontra membuktikan bahwa setiap aktor memiliki kepentingan yang ingin ditransformasikan menjadi sebuah kebijakan. Perbedaan data digunakan oleh Kementerian Perdagangan dan Kementerian Pertanian sebagai dasar legitimasi untuk mencapai kepentingan dalam kebijakan impor beras. Polemik impor beras yang terjadi pada era pemerintahan Jokowi tidak menutup kemungkinan terjadinya kasus korupsi maupun kasus mafia pangan seperti pada kasus impor beras sebelum era pemerintahan Jokowi.
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Moro, Francesco N., Andrea Petrella et Salvatore Sberna. « The Politics of Mafia Violence : Explaining Variation in Mafia Killings in Southern Italy (1983–2008) ». Terrorism and Political Violence 28, no 1 (15 juillet 2014) : 90–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2014.880835.

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Colussi, Giovanni. « Trent'anni dopo. Com'è mutata l'azione delle mafie al Nord ». TERRITORIO, no 63 (décembre 2012) : 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tr2012-063004.

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Is there any question over the hypothesis of a mafia pandemic? In disagreement with the conviction that the mafia is spreading constantly, the author considers the affairs of the last thirty years in a dynamic perspective of economic, social and political variables and makes some initial considerations on the possibility that the power of the mafia to expand in communities in Northern Italy is contracting.
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Stępień, Stanisław. « Kazimir Maria Szeptytskyi (the blessed F. Klymentii, M.S.U) : politician, land owner, public and economic figure ». Proceedings of Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv, no 12(28) (2020) : 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0315-2020-12(28)-2.

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The paper on the background of heritage of the clergy of both nations (Ukrainian and Polish), the figure of Father Klemens (Kazimir) and his activities are presented, as a layperson and later a cleric. Particular attention was paid to the nature of the implementation of Sheptytskyi in several social sectors — politics, economy, public activity and education. The paper gives an overview of Szeptytskyi’s public responsibilities, his parliamentary involvement and work in many professional organizations, as well as the exemplary running of his own farm in Deviatnyki and engaging in matters of the local community. With so much experience and authority in Galician and general Austrian economic spheres, Kazimir Sheptytskyi was able to achieve a significant position not only in economic but even political life. However, at the age of 42, he decided to give up secular life and dedicate himself to the clerical state.
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Muzalevskiy, V. A. « Algorithm of archaization in contemporary world politics (desynchronization) ». Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series : History. Political science 46, no 4 (30 décembre 2019) : 766–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-766-773.

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The article analyzes the phenomenon of archaization in world politics and identifies its algorithm in contemporary circumstances. It studies two main modes of archaization – dissociative (archaization as fragmentation and/or decay) and temporal (archaization as synchronization with past political practices and conditions). The paper makes a conclusion that it is impossible to use each of these logics separately due to limitations in their heuristic value. During the synthesis of dissociative and temporal modes, it emphasizes the complexity of the design of the archaization as a two-stage process – the temporal order desynchronization with subsequent disintegration trends and its synchronization with the patterns and practices of the past, broadcast through the institutional memory of polities. The work builds a model of desynchronization in world politics, which is tested on the case of the concept of Hungarian mafia state. This model can become a relevant explanatory framework for both state and societal actors of contemporary world politics.
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Cixous, Hélène. « ‘Humanity Doesn’t Exist Yet’ : Democracy as a Kind of Prophecy ». New Theatre Quarterly 33, no 3 (10 juillet 2017) : 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x17000252.

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This roundtable discussion with Hélène Cixous took place at St John's College, Cambridge, on 20 September 2014 as part of the Cambridge ‘Conference for a Poetics of Critical Political Theatre in Europe’. It was subsequently transcribed and prepared for publication by Joseph Long and Eva Urban to pay homage to the acclaimed critical theorist, novelist, and dramatist Hélène Cixous on her eightieth birthday on 5 June 2017, and to celebrate her important contribution in particular to political European theatre. The conversation centres on the recurring themes of her major plays, many of which were written in creative collaboration with Ariane Mnouchkine and the Théâtre du Soleil, where they were performed. Her epic modern tragedies are deeply concerned with ethics, politics, social criticism, and ideas of utopian social projects and their tragic failures. Here Cixous, with Maria Shevtsova, Joseph Long, Eric Prenowitz, Marta Segarra, and Eva Urban highlight both the passionate political commitment of her plays and their innovative textual and poetic forms within the wider context of Cixous's writings for the theatre.1 The conversation followed a keynote address by NTQ co-editor Maria Shevtsova, attended by Hélène Cixous, prior to the roundtable discussion, and published as ‘Political Theatre in Europe: East to West, 2007–2014’, in New Theatre Quarterly, XXXII, No. 2 (May 2016).
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Varese, Federico. « Mafia movements : a framework for understanding the mobility of mafia groups ». Global Crime 12, no 3 (août 2011) : 218–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17440572.2011.589597.

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Menditto, Francesco. « L'Agenzia per i beni sequestrati e confiscati : quale futuro per i beni sottratti alle mafie ? » QUESTIONE GIUSTIZIA, no 2 (juin 2010) : 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/qg2010-002004.

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Gli interventi cd. di riduzione del danno sono da oltre vent'anni al centro del dibattito e del conflitto sulla politica delle droghe. In questo arco di tempo il contesto storico-politico ha suběto trasformazioni di grande intensitŕ. Ciň pone alcune domande a cui si cerca qui di dare risposta: quali sono i punti forza che guidano la capacitŕ di espansione, ben oltre il continente europeo, delle politiche di riduzione del danno? E quali i punti critici che provocano le perduranti resistenze ad abbandonare la retorica bellica della lotta alla droga, per abbracciare la via pragmatica del contenimento dei rischi legati al consumo. La questione aperta č - e resta - quella di ri-orientare la politica delle droghe, passando dalla "soluzione finale" del problema alla "convivenza" con i consumi (e con i consumatori) di sostanze psicoattive.1. L'impatto delle norme processuali sulle sorti della giustizia civile2. Due approcci3. Aspetti critici4. Il protocollo di "Valore Prassi" di Verona5. Osservazioni conclusive.
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Coco, Vittorio. « Christopher Duggan, the mafia and Fascism ». Modern Italy 22, no 4 (27 septembre 2017) : 371–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.58.

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This article starts by discussing aspects of Christopher Duggan’s first book La mafia durante il fascismo, published in 1986, whose main topic was the anti-mafia campaign led by the prefect Cesare Mori in the latter half of the 1920s. The book’s distinctive features were its rigorous historical approach and use of archival sources: these set it apart from most other work on these topics at the time, when the idea that the mafia could be subjected to historical research had not yet been properly established. In its central thesis Duggan’s book was influenced by previous interpretations of the mafia, then still widely shared, that denied its nature as a structured organisation. Duggan argued here that Fascism used accusations of mafia involvement essentially as a way of attacking its political opponents. The final part of the article presents key aspects of a newer area of research on the mafia and Fascism, the 1930s, when a new campaign to suppress the mafia was not made use of for propaganda purposes.
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Gonzalez-Sobrino, Bianca. « Puerto Rico’s Politics of Exclusion ». Contexts 17, no 1 (février 2018) : 80–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536504218766545.

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Knowles, Richard. « Fascism and the Mafia ». International Affairs 66, no 3 (juillet 1990) : 596. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623119.

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Johnson, Pauline. « Learning from the Budapest School women ». Thesis Eleven 151, no 1 (avril 2019) : 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619839245.

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What can Western feminism hope to learn from women whose feminisms were originally shaped by experiences behind the ‘Iron Curtain’? In the first instance, an acute sensitivity to the importance of a politics that is responsive to needs. In its social democratic heyday, Western feminism had embraced a politics of contested need interpretation. Now, though, a neoliberal version has converted feminism into an attitudinal resource for the individual woman who is bent upon success. The takeover was made easy by the poor self-understanding of social democratic feminism. My paper will compare Agnes Heller’s theory of ‘radical needs’ and Maria Márkus’s account of the ‘politicization of needs’ and apply both to the normative clarification of endangered feminist agendas. We look to the Budapest School women for more than just a way of conceptualizing the political radicalism of modern feminism as a social movement. Women need heroes too and a reflection upon the dignified and admirable lives of Agnes Heller and Maria Márkus has much to contribute to an ongoing search for a feminist ethic of the self.
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Varese, Federico. « Is Sicily the future of Russia ? Private protection and the rise of the Russian Mafia ». European Journal of Sociology 35, no 2 (novembre 1994) : 224–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600006858.

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It is difficult to discuss a phenomenon when one does not know precisely what it is. This problem is particularly vexing in the case of the Mafia. It has been argued that ‘the need for a definition [of the Mafia] is crucial; not just for any definition with some degree of contingent empirical plausibility, but for a definition with some analytical clout’. The word ‘Mafia’ itself has travelled far to distant lands, such as the former Soviet Union. For instance, according to Arkadii Vaksberg, Russian journalist and author of The Russian Mafia, the Mafia is ‘the entire soviet power-system, all its ideological, political, economical and administrative manifestations’. In an article published in a magazine for British executives dealing with Russia, the label Mafiosi is used to lump together bureaucrats, smugglers from the Caucasus, the cpsunomenklatura accused of embezzling state funds, the late British businessman Robert Maxwell and many others.
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Finckenauer, James O. « The Russian “mafia” ». Society 41, no 5 (juillet 2004) : 61–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02688220.

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Oosterbaan, Martijn. « Batman Returns ». Conflict and Society 1, no 1 (1 juin 2015) : 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2015.010115.

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This article explores the aesthetic elements of sovereignty. Building on the anthropological literature on sovereignty and on contemporary work on the politics of aesthetics, the article analyzes contemporary appearances of Batman symbols and figures in Rio de Janeiro. Despite political debate and academic discussion about the Batmen appearing in mafia-like militias and popular street protests in Rio, the question of what these appearances tell us about the relations between popular imagery and political contestation has remained untouched. This article supports the work of writers who argue that superhero comics and movies present fierce figures that operate in the zone of indistinction, at the crossroads of lawful order and its exception. However, it adds to this literature an analysis that shows in what kind of sociopolitical contexts these figures operate and how that plays itself out. To understand the contemporary appearances and force of figures of the entertainment industry better, this article proposes the concept “popular culture of sovereignty.”
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Berezin, Mabel, et Christopher Duggan. « Fascism and the Mafia. » Contemporary Sociology 19, no 1 (janvier 1990) : 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2073465.

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Granata, Elena, et Paolo Pileri. « La forza delle mafie è fuori dalle mafie ». TERRITORIO, no 63 (décembre 2012) : 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tr2012-063005.

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The mafia in Northern Italy has been able to consolidate its presence by counting on the advantages offered by impoverished contexts with weak social relationships and weak economic and political structures. On the other hand, the mafia itself has been at the centre of processes that have impoverished and weakened communities in a vicious circle, which people have only recently become aware of. The authors reflect on the habitats of the mafia, alluding to those conditions which afford opportunities and to the fragility, porosity and permeability of institutions and to the legal and procedural uncertainties, which facilitate ambiguous and at times criminal behaviours.
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Pizzini-Gambetta, Valeria. « Mafia Women In Brooklyn ». Global Crime 8, no 1 (février 2007) : 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17440570601121878.

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Saguaro, Shelley. « Maria Edgeworth and the Politics of Commerce ». Moderna Språk 92, no 2 (1 décembre 1998) : 147–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.58221/mosp.v92i2.9766.

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Jackson, Paul Nicholas. « Debate : Donald Trump and Fascism Studies ». Fascism 10, no 1 (24 juin 2021) : 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-10010009.

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Abstract Since coming to prominence, Donald Trump’s politics has regularly been likened to fascism. Many experts within fascism studies have tried to engage with wider media and political debates on the relevance (or otherwise) of such comparisons. In the debate ‘Donald Trump and Fascism Studies’ we have invited leading academics with connections to the journal and those who are familiar with debates within fascism studies, to offer thoughts on how to consider the complex relationship between fascism, the politics of Donald Trump, and the wider maga movement. Contributors to this debat are: Mattias Gardell, Ruth Wodak, Benjamin R. Teitelbaum, David Renton, Nigel Copsey, Raul Cârstocea, Maria Bucur, Brian Hughes, and Roger Griffin.
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Varese, Federico. « Is Sicily the future of Russia ? Private protection and the rise of the Russian Mafia ». European Journal of Sociology 42, no 1 (mai 2001) : 186–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600008225.

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It is difficult to discuss a phenomenon when one does not know precisely what it is. This problem is particularly vexing in the case of the Mafia. It has been argued that ‘the need for a definition [of the Mafia] is crucial; not just for any definition with some degree of contingent empirical plausibility, but for a definition with some analytical clout’ (1). The word ‘Mafia’ itself has travelled far to distant lands, such as the former Soviet Union. For instance, according to Arkadii Vaksberg, Russian journalist and author of The Russian Mafia, the Mafia is ‘the entire soviet power-system, all its ideological, political, economical and administrative manifestations’ (2). In an article published in a magazine for British executives dealing with Russia, the label Mafiosi is used to lump together bureaucrats, smugglers from the Caucasus, the CPSU nomenklatura accused of embezzling state funds, the late British businessman Robert Maxwell and many others (3).
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Violante, Luciano. « Es ist nicht die Krake. Die Mafia als Sammelbecken von kriminellen und politischen Organisationen ». PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 25, no 98 (1 mars 1995) : 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v25i98.970.

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The rise of the mafia was very substantially fostered by the specific development policy for the Mezzogiorno. Uncontrolled financial transfers, rapid urbanization processes leading to land and bulding speculation, and weak state structures enabled extensive corruption practices. An effective combat against the mafia can therefore not only rely on police repression, but must also include a political change as well as socialsecurity measures which revoke the mafia's social hotbed.
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Stewart, Maria W., et Eric Gardner. « Two Texts on Children and Christian Education ». PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no 1 (janvier 2008) : 156–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.1.156.

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The known biography of the early african american writer and lecturer Maria W. Stewart (1803–79) is as brief as it is fascinating. After the childhood loss of her parents, she married James W. Stewart, a Boston shipping agent, in 1826. The Stewarts had close ties with the black radical David Walker, whose fiery 1829 Appeal kindled fears of slave rebellion and was in its third edition when Walker died under suspicious circumstances in August 1830. After James Stewart's own untimely death, in December 1829, his executors swindled Maria Stewart out of her inheritance, and she turned to the church and to writing and lecturing. Revising Walker's combination of jeremiad and Enlightenment-influenced political argument to reflect her own sense of faith, racism and racial uplift, and gender politics, Stewart became one of the first American women to address “promiscuous” audiences. She published a series of probing meditations as well as a set of her lectures—texts still startling for their power and bluntness—in pamphlets and, later, as Productions of Mrs, Maria Stewart (1835).
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Sabetti, Filippo. « The Mafia misunderstood – again ». Journal of Modern Italian Studies 11, no 2 (juin 2006) : 232–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710600658651.

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Rosengarten, Frank. « History of the Mafia ». Journal of Modern Italian Studies 18, no 3 (juin 2013) : 373–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2013.780361.

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