Bibliographies thématiques / Mafia e politica

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Mafia e politica »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Mafia e politica"

1

Fioretti, Fabrizio. « Il termine "mafia" ». Tabula : periodicus Facultatis philosophicae Polensis ; rivista della Facoltà di lettere e filosofia ; Journal od the Faculty of Humanities No. 9 (2011) : 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/tab.09.2011.4.

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Data la confusione venutasi a creare nel corso della storia passata e recente, si propone uno studio incentrato sulla questione relativa al termine "mafia". Contrariamente a quanto si potrebbe immaginare, "mafia" oggi è un termine polisemico che non significa solo criminalità organizzata o stragi ma anche lealtà, giustizia, coraggio, potere, intrigo. Compito di questo breve saggio è di capire quali sono gli eventi che hanno contribuito a fare di "mafia" un termine polisemico. In questo senso, dopo una prima parte introduttiva volta a chiarire l’introduzione di questo termine nel vocabolario italiano, sono stati individuati tre principali punti di svolta. Il primo riguarda la delicata situazione politica italiana di fine Ottocento quando il termine, trovatosi in mezzo alle dispute politiche e culturali tra meridione e settentrione, si fece carico di numerosi significati e interpretazioni, che ne alterarono irrimediabilmente sia l’uso sia la funzione. Il secondo riguarda l’introduzione del concetto di "Cosa Nostra", che trasformò il termine in una sorta di sinonimo universale di criminalità organizzata senza nessun tipo di differenziazione concettuale o regionale. Il terzo riguarda l’utilizzo del termine nel ramo cinematografico, televisivo e di conseguenza in quello pubblicitario e virtuale che sta portando il termine verso significati sempre più lontani da quello originario.
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Allum, Felia S. « La Voce del padrino. Mafia, cultura, politica, by Marco Santoro ». Global Crime 12, no 3 (août 2011) : 232–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17440572.2011.589598.

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Guido, Melis. « Il potere dei giudici e la latitanza della politica ». PASSATO E PRESENTE, no 85 (février 2012) : 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2012-085001.

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The power of judges and the default of politics. Since 1861 the High Court of Magistrates has been part of the top level of the Italian state. It was the task of the Court to turn into jurisprudence the great bourgeois laws, when Italy was still rural and old regime. However the judges held power: internally, as the High Court ruled judicial careers; and externally, because judges protected their privileges. Fascism restricted the liberty of judges, but at the same time allowed them to retain their power of control of careers. In the post-war Republic, the judges discovered the newborn Constitution only in the 1950s and started to defend it. In more recent times, the judges have taken a leading role in the three "emergencies": against terrorism, mafia, and corruption. In all three of these situations they have acted as proxies, given the lack of accountability of politicians.
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Violante, Luciano. « INTRODUZIONE ». Il Politico 251, no 2 (3 mars 2020) : 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/ilpolitico.2019.233.

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La storia delle istituzioni repubblicane è caratterizzata da profonde fratture, a partire dalla nascita della Repubblica. Il regime democratico nasce e si afferma sulla base di tre radicali discontinuità. La prima fu la guerra di Liberazione dal nazismo e dal fascismo che fu anche guerra tra italiani. La seconda fu il referendum tra monarchia e repubblica, che mise fine alla dinastia sabauda. La terza frattura nacque dalla prima decisione della Corte Costituzionale, che, respingendo le istanze dell’Avvocatura dello Stato, intervenuta in difesa dell’art.113 TULPS, affermò la propria competenza a giudicare della conformità alla Costituzione di tutte le leggi, comprese quelle precedenti alla sua istituzione, riconfermando la felice frattura tra fascismo e Repubblica. Negli anni successivi, il paese è stato colpito da undici stragi politiche, due opposti terrorismi con 460 uccisi in quindici anni (1969-1984), due stragi di mafia, tre tentativi di rovesciamento violento del governo, l’omicidio di un uomo di Stato, di 24 magistrati e di 11 giornalisti. A queste tragedie possono aggiungersi l’autodistruzione di una classe politica dirigente incapace di assumersi le proprie responsabilità in seguito alle vicende di Tangentopoli, il processo di crescente denigrazione [Continua]
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Martin, Nicolas, et Lucia Michelutti. « Protection Rackets and Party Machines ». Asian Journal of Social Science 45, no 6 (2017) : 693–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04506005.

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Control over means of violence and protection emerge as crucial in much research on corruption in non-South Asian contexts. In the Indian context, however, we still know little about the systems of organised violence that sustain the entanglement of crime, capital and democratic politics. This timely comparative ethnographic piece explores two different manifestations of what our informants identify as “Mafia Raj” (“rule by mafia”) across North India (Uttar Pradesh and Punjab). Drawing on analytical concepts developed in the literature on bossism and “mafias”, we explore protection and racketeering as central statecraft repertoires of muscular styles of governance in the region. We show how a predatory economy together with structures of inter- and intra-party political competition generate the demand for and the imposition of unofficial and illegal protection and shape different manifestations of Mafia Raj. In doing so, the paper aims to contribute to debates on the relationship between states and illegalities in and beyond South Asia.
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Dickie, John. « Leopoldo Franchctti, Politica e mafia in Sicilia. Gli inediti del 1876, edited and with an introduction by Antonio Jannazzo, Bibliopolis, Naples, 1995, 277 pp., ISBN 88-7088-355-8 pbk, 30,000 Lire ». Modern Italy 3, no 1 (mai 1998) : 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400006712.

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Setton, Román Pablo. « 50 años de La maffia (1972), de Leopoldo Torre Nilsson : representaciones de la mafia ítalo-rosarina. Interacciones entre narrativas periodísticas, literarias y cinematográficas ». Comparative Cultural Studies - European and Latin American Perspectives 7, no 15 (22 février 2023) : 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/ccselap-14279.

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The following article analyzes the film La maffia (1972), by Leopoldo Torre Nilsson. I try to show how the film configures a representation of the Sicilian mafia of the 1930s less from the historical facts than from the speech of the journalistic chronicle of the time, of the Hollywood and Argentine cinematographic tradition and also from the literary tradition and the political imaginary linked to Peronism. In turn, the film itself – enormously successful with critics and audiences alike – goes on to feed the Argentine imaginary of that mafia, which continues to operate largely as an important influence on the political imaginary.
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Collins, Randall. « Patrimonial Alliances and Failures of State Penetration ». ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 636, no 1 (22 juin 2011) : 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716211398201.

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The historical shift from patrimonialism to bureaucracy is the key organizational transformation of the past thousand years. Classically, patrimonialism was organization based on private households, plus alliances among them. But there are two types of patrimonial organization: expanded households and patrimonial alliances or pseudo-tribes. The latter include ad hoc warrior coalitions, frequently organized as fictive kin. The main historical cause of the shift from patrimonialism to bureaucracy was the military-fiscal revolution and ensuing state penetration into society. But patrimonial politics did not entirely disappear. In some areas, the state fails to penetrate, leaving the possibility of mafia-style organization. Elsewhere, political machines are a mixed form of incomplete bureaucracy. Gangs are patrimonial organizations, growing in dialectical conflict with bureaucratic penetration and efforts at control. Through a comparison of American, Sicilian, and Russian mafias, the questions considered are whether crime organization recapitulates the history of the state, why some gangs become bigger than others, and why organized crime succeeds or fails in varying degrees.
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Armao, Fabio. « Mafia-Owned Democracies. Italy and Mexico as patterns of criminal neoliberalism ». Tiempo devorado 2, no 1 (17 avril 2015) : 4–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.11.

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The paper is based on two preliminary hypothesis: the first is that when Organised Crime (OC) encounters politics, a third type of system emerges and this is called the mafia. The second assumption is that the mafias, particularly following 1989, greatly benefitted from the neoliberal globalisation processes. Nowadays, the mafias tend to replace the State as the privileged partners of capitalism; and, with greater efficiency than the State, are able to combine the local dimension of control (plundering or appropriation) of the territory with the global dimension of the transnational markets (particularly but not exclusively with the illicit trades). We assume that Italy and Mexico, among the consolidated democracies, are the most largely affected by the diffusion of criminal powers, to such a degree that two different patterns of mafia-owned democracy have developed: consociational in Italy, based on cooperative attitudes and behaviour between the leaders of the different groups involved – mafiosi, politicians and entrepreneurs – and therefore, characterised by greater stability; centrifugal for Mexico characterised on the other hand by strongly competitive behaviour between the various leaders involved and associated with a much greater degree of violence compared to the Italian situation.
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Catino, Maurizio. « How Do Mafias Organize ? » European Journal of Sociology 55, no 2 (août 2014) : 177–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975614000095.

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AbstractThis article looks at three Italian mafia organizations (Cosa Nostra, Camorra, and ‘Ndrangheta). It applies an organizational approach to the understanding of violence in mafia organizations by studying the relationship between their organizational orders and their criminal behavior. The article identifies two different organizational orders, vertical and horizontal, and demonstrates that Italian mafias, although operating in similar environments, can greatly differ from each other, and over time, in terms of their organizational model. Findings suggest that mafias with a vertical organizational order, due to the presence of higher levels of coordination, (1) have greater control over conflict, as proved by the lower number of “ordinary” murders; and (2) have greater capacity to fight state repression, as testified by the greater number of “high-profile” assassinations (e.g. politicians, magistrates, and other institutional members) that they carry out. Evidence is provided using a mixed-methods approach that combines a qualitative, organizational analysis of historical and judiciary sources, in order to reconstruct the organizational models and their evolution over time, with a quantitative analysis of assassination trends, in order to relate organizational orders to the use of violence.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Mafia e politica"

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ACETO, ZUMBO DANILO. « Politica di coesione fondi strutturali e criminalità organizzata ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Roma "Tor Vergata", 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2108/92707.

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European cohesion policy is realised through Structural Funds. Current programming 2007-2013 has a budget of €347 billions, 34% of EU budget. €201bn are for the ERDF, €76bn for the ESF, and €70bn for the Cohesion Fund. Italy receives €28,8bn, Calabria receives €3 bn, meaning 428 millions average per year (EU 2012). When exploited in efficient and effective way, SF produce a considerable impact on territorial development, as in Andalusia, Spain. When appropriate management, investment on infrastructures and capacity building is in place, the socio-economic scene changes in the medium term. Territorial governance is key to success (ESPON 2013). This is not occurring in Calabria. 'Ndrangheta (Calabria's mafia) does not seem to be interested in taking advantage of SF money. The annual turnover of 'ndrangheta is around €44 billions, obtained through criminal activities like drug, smuggling, extorsion, trafficking etc. (Eurispes 2008). Those criminal activities generate tax-free black money. Participating to the SF calls, managing and reporting results and expenditure to the financing entities requires specific skills and administrative burden. 'Ndrangheta creates obstacles and slows to the use of SF by independent third parties since it has an interest in mantaining socio-economic underdevelopment in Calabria, in order to control territory and economic dynamics. Technical assistance and highly-qualified staff providing support to stakeholders increase Territorial capital (ESPON 2012) and are key to success in the management of SF. By means of SF, in particular using extensively the ESF for capacity building of local entities' staff and stakeholders, 'ndrangheta bottle neck could be bypassed.
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DOVIZIO, CIRO. « SCRIVERE DI MAFIA. «L¿ORA» DI PALERMO TRA POLITICA, CULTURA E ISTITUZIONI (1954-75) ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/739673.

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Questa ricerca ripercorre la vicenda del quotidiano palermitano «L’Ora» sotto la direzione di Vittorio Nisticò (1954-75), indagando, specificamente, il ruolo ch’esso ebbe nel dibattito sulla mafia. La prima parte delinea un quadro della convulsa situazione siciliana post-bellica, segnata, fra l’altro, dalla creazione della Regione autonoma e dalle lotte popolari per la terra. Fu in tale clima di mobilitazioni collettive e di innovazioni istituzionali che il gruppo storico del giornale svolse il proprio apprendistato politico e che il futuro editore, il Partito comunista, si attestò su una linea accesamente regionalista. Nel 1954 i comunisti acquisirono l’antico giornale dei Florio con l’intento di portare consensi alle sinistre, allora deboli e isolate sia a Palermo sia nelle altre città siciliane. L’idea era quella di impiegare l’istituto autonomistico come luogo d’interlocuzione politica, promuovendo larghe intese in nome del rinnovamento e dello sviluppo dell’isola, ovvero della difesa dei comuni interessi siciliani. È in quest’ottica che viene spiegata l’opzione “sicilianista” del quotidiano, venuta alla ribalta in concomitanza dell’Operazione Milazzo (ottobre 1958), quando in Sicilia si formò un governo anomalo che comprendeva dissidenti democristiani (a cominciare dal presidente Silvio Milazzo), la destra monarchica e quella neofascista, e che si reggeva sull’appoggio esterno di socialisti e comunisti. «L’Ora», che da sin dall’arrivo di Nisticò alla direzione propugnava soluzioni di unità autonomistica, sostenne con determinazione il milazzismo, assumendo un protagonismo politico senza precedenti. Contestualmente viene delineata la figura del direttore, Nisticò, il quale ebbe dai vertici del Pci il mandato di non uniformarsi al dogmatismo comunista, evitando dunque chiusure settarie e pregiudiziali. Nisticò si attenne all’incarico, muovendosi in verità con più autonomia di quanta il Partito volesse concedergli, reclutando giornalisti e collaboratori di vaglia in una logica professionale più che di appartenenza politica. Ne discese un rapporto non semplice con l’editore-partito, come testimonia l’esame dei carteggi tra Nisticò e il responsabile della stampa comunista, Amerigo Terenzi. La tesi traccia dunque una distinzione tra la linea “sicilianista”, che ebbe modo di accentuarsi durante i governi Milazzo (1958-60), e quella propriamente antimafia che il giornale percorse con enfasi crescente a partire dalla prima inchiesta organica dell’autunno 1958. L’analisi permette di comprendere come la seconda si sia sviluppata in forza delle circostanze e, segnatamente, dell’escalation di violenza registratasi in quel periodo tra Palermo e provincia. L’elaborato tratteggia le figure dei giornalisti e intellettuali impegnati nel primo e più rilevante tentativo postbellico d’interpretazione del fenomeno mafioso; esamina, anche sulla base di documenti d’archivio, i reportage a puntate realizzati dal quotidiano, registrandone talora gli aspetti contraddittori e mitologici; si sofferma, fra l’altro, sulla pubblicazione di testimonianze d’eccezionale valore conoscitivo come la confessione del medico mafioso Melchiorre Allegra, rinvenuta dal cronista Mauro De Mauro, le memorie del capomafia italo-americano Nick Gentile, curate da Felice Chilanti, e il Rapporto del tenente dei carabinieri Mario Malausa. Ciò che emerge è un originale modello di giornalismo investigativo, imperniato sulla critica delle fonti, sul coraggio professionale e su una forte spinta etico-politica. La ricerca mostra come la circolarità di conoscenze promossa dal giornale e, più in generale, il suo appoggio ai reparti investigativi e alla Commissione parlamentare d’inchiesta sulla mafia – istituita nel 1963 – abbiano alimentato un virtuoso meccanismo di sensibilizzazione, concorrendo peraltro a fondare il concetto di “antimafia” nell’accezione che assunse nei decenni successivi: quella di un sostegno di gruppi politici e opinione pubblica alle forze dell’ordine e alla legalità.
This research retraces the history of the Palermitan newspaper «L’Ora» under the Vittorio Nisticò’s direction (1954-75) and investigates its role in the public debate on the Mafia. The first part outlines a view of the convulsive Sicilian post-war situation, distinguished, among other things, by the creation of the Autonomous Region and the popular struggles for the land property. In this season of collective mobilization and high expectations the newspaper’s historical group carried out its political apprenticeship and the future publisher, the Italian Communist Party, lined up on a strong regionalist policy. In 1954 the Communists acquired the Florios’ ancient newspaper, aiming to bring consensus to the left-wing parties, weak and isolated both in Palermo and in the other Sicilian cities. The goal was to use the Autonomous Region concept as a place for political dialogue and to promote crossing alliances in the name of the renovation and development of the island and in defence of the common Sicilian interests. In this perspective, the thesis explains the newspaper’s distinct Sicilianist option. This policy particularly emerged in conjunction with the Operation Milazzo (October 1958), when an anomalous government, which included Christian Democrat dissidents (as the President Silvio Milazzo himself), the monarchist and the neo-fascist right-wings and which stood on the external support of Communists and Socialists, was formed in Sicily. «L’Ora», which had been advocating autonomist unity solutions since the beginning of Nisticò’s direction, strongly supported the milazzism and took on a political role with no precedents. At the same time, a specific attention is dedicated to the figure of the director, Nisticò, who had the mandate from the PCI’s leaders to not conform the newspaper policy to the communist dogmatism, to avoid detrimental closures. Nisticò complied with the assignment, acting with more autonomy than the Party wanted to grant him, and co-opted worthy journalists and collaborators in more professional than political logic. It resulted in a difficult relationship with the party-publisher, as highlighted by the correspondence with the head of the communist press, Amerigo Terenzi. Therefore, the thesis draws a distinction between the Sicilianist line, intensified during the Milazzo’s governments (1958-60), and the properly anti-Mafia one that the newspaper had been following with increasing emphasis from the first organic investigation series in autumn 1958. The analysis allows us to understand how the anti-Mafia line evolved under the particular circumstances of the escalation of violence which occurred in that period in Palermo and its province, and especially in Corleone. The thesis outlines the figures of journalists and intellectuals involved in the first and most important post-fascism attempt to represent the Mafia phenomenon; it examines, evaluating archival documents too, the reports made by the newspaper, sometimes recording their contradictory and mythological aspects; it focuses on the publishing of impressive documents such as the confession of the mobster doctor Melchiorre Allegra found by the journalist Mauro De Mauro, the memories of the Italian-American Mafia boss Nick Gentile edited by Felice Chilanti and the Report of the lieutenant of the Carabinieri Mario Malausa. The research shows how the circularity of the knowledge promoted by the newspaper and, more generally, its support to the investigative departments and to the Parliament Commission of Inquiry on the Mafia – established in 1963 – fuelled a virtuous awareness-raising mechanism, contributing to set up the concept of anti-Mafia in the meaning that it would assume in the following decades: a support by the political groups and the public opinion to the forces of law and order.
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ACETO, DANILO. « Politica di coesione fondi strutturali e criminalità organizzata Cohesion policy structural funds and organized crime ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Roma "Tor Vergata", 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2108/111505.

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European cohesion policy is realised through Structural Funds. Current programming 2007-2013 has a budget of €347 billions, 34% of EU budget. €201bn are for the ERDF, €76bn for the ESF, and €70bn for the Cohesion Fund. Italy receives €28,8bn, Calabria receives €3 bn, meaning 428 millions average per year (EU 2012). When exploited in efficient and effective way, SF produce a considerable impact on territorial development, as in Andalusia, Spain. When appropriate management, investment on infrastructures and capacity building is in place, the socio-economic scene changes in the medium term. Territorial governance is key to success (ESPON 2013). This is not occurring in Calabria. 'Ndrangheta (Calabria's mafia) does not seem to be interested in taking advantage of SF money. The annual turnover of 'ndrangheta is around €44 billions, obtained through criminal activities like drug, smuggling, extorsion, trafficking etc. (Eurispes 2008). Those criminal activities generate tax-free black money. Participating to the SF calls, managing and reporting results and expenditure to the financing entities requires specific skills and administrative burden. 'Ndrangheta creates obstacles and slows to the use of SF by independent third parties since it has an interest in mantaining socio-economic underdevelopment in Calabria, in order to control territory and economic dynamics. Technical assistance and highly-qualified staff providing support to stakeholders increase Territorial capital (ESPON 2012) and are key to success in the management of SF. By means of SF, in particular using extensively the ESF for capacity building of local entities' staff and stakeholders, 'ndrangheta bottle neck could be bypassed.
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Bolzan, Gilmar Tadeu. « Participação e meio ambiente ». reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2013. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/handle/123456789/106613.

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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2008
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Este trabalho tem como tema central a análise acerca do Conselho Municipal de Defesa do Meio Ambiente da cidade de Santa Maria - RS. Apresentando as origens, estruturas e especificidades destes mecanismos de ingerência da administração pública, consolidados pela constituição de 1988, buscamos, a partir de um estudo empírico, avaliar sobre sua real capacidade deliberativa e democrática deste importante espaço público na elaboração e no controle das políticas ambientais no município de Santa Maria. Para isso, apresentamos, primeiramente, um histórico da formação política brasileira, bem como, uma retrospectiva acerca do surgimento e participação de novos atores, arenas e mecanismos que se consolidaram ao longo desse período. Elementos que, em conjunto com a análise dos conceitos que gravitam em seu redor, foram indispensáveis para a realização da presente pesquisa e que estão intrinsecamente vinculados com este novo mecanismo de gestão, fiscalização e deliberação de políticas ambientais. A presente pesquisa detectou as dificuldades deste Conselho em se afirmar institucionalmente frente às instâncias tradicionais de gestão do Estado, assim como, perpassou analiticamente, nos âmbitos interno e externo, a sua própria questão relacional e de atuação.
This work has as central theme the analysis on the Municipal Council for the Defense of the Environment of Santa Maria - RS. Introducing the origins, structures and characteristics of these mechanisms of interference of government, bound by the constitution of 1988, we sought from an empirical study to evaluate about its real capacity to act. To do so, we present, first, a history of the Brazilian political formation, and a retrospective on the rise and participation of new actors, arenas and mechanisms that have consolidated over the same period. Elements that, in set with the analysis of the concepts that gravitating in its redor, they had been indispensable for accommplishment of the present reserarch and are intrinsically linked with this new mechanism for management, monitoring and resolution of environmental policies. To present research it detected the difficulties of this Council in affirming institucionalmente front to the traditional instances of administration of the State, as well as, perpassou analytically, in the extents intern and external, his/her own subject relacional and of performance.
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Pinheiro, Alessandra do Carmo. « Participação popular e política pública habitacional ». Florianópolis, SC, 2004. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/87564.

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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-graduação em Geografia
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A pesquisa busca analisar o nível da participação efetiva dos conselheiros na formulação e gestão de política pública de moradia de interesse social nos Conselhos Municipais de Habitação, Desenvolvimento Urbano, Defesa do Meio Ambiente e do Orçamento Participativo no município de Santa Maria, RS. Para tanto, utilizamos a proposta de "escala de avaliação da participação" que Souza (2002) inspirou de Sherry Arnstein (1969) que consiste em 8 categorias, que vão da coerção a delegação de poder por parte do Estado. Para obtenção do nível de participação nos Conselhos, adotamos alguns indicadores que a caracterizam na dimensão institucional, decisória, de representação e de qualificação. Buscamos realizar uma análise da problemática habitacional no município de Santa Maria, no período de 1970 a 2000, utilizando como fonte histórica o jornal local "A Razão". Bem como uma descrição analítica das principais intervenções do Estado em política pública habitacional em âmbito federal e estadual, principalmente a partir da criação do Banco Nacional de Habitação - BNH (1964). E ainda, realizar uma sucinta contextualização dos antecedentes da participação institucionalizada anterior a constituição de 1988. Observamos que mesmo com alguns avanços, a participação popular nos Conselhos analisados não tem sido capaz de exercer o controle social sobre as políticas públicas. Embora estes conselhos sejam paritários, as lideranças populares não estão preparadas para questionar decisões ou disputar alternativas de políticas públicas com os representantes do Governo.
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Vaccaro, Luca <1987&gt. «  e : Francesco Maria Vialardi, fra filosofia, storia, politica e teatro ». Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2018. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/8614/1/Luca%20Vaccaro.%20Tesi%20di%20dottorato%20in%20Culture%20letterarie%20e%20filologiche.%20Ciclo%20XXX.pdf.

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Questo lavoro ha l’obiettivo di descrivere la poco conosciuta biografia e attività letteraria del vercellese Francesco Maria Vialardi, attraverso documenti nuovi ed inediti. L’organizzazione formale dell’elaborato è suddivisa in tre parti: Una vita immaginata nella gloria dell’araldica imperiale (Parte I), Gli anni prima e dopo il carcere (Parte. II) e Lei che «spia sin quel, che si fa nel globo della Luna». Un esploratore del mondo sociale e politico (Parte. III). La prima prima parte del lavoro racchiude la descrizione degli anni dalla nascita alla maturità dell’autore. La seconda parte, costituita da cinque capitoli, affronta l’ingresso dell’autore nella prestigiosa Accademia della Crusca e il commento alla Conquistata del Tasso, terminando con il resoconto della prigionia dell’autore presso le carceri del Santo Uffizio di Roma. Il secondo e terzo capitolo della terza parte sono dedicati all’analisi del vivere politico-letterario dell’autore. Rimanendo nel contesto letterario dell’Accademia degli Umoristi, l’ultimo capitolo «AMOR SOL MERTA Amore» si distacca dalla biografia del Vialardi per abbracciare la relazione tra l’ambiente letterario romano e quello bolognese. Protagonisti di quest’ultimo capitolo sono l’inedito carteggio tra il cardinale M. Barberini e il poeta R. Campeggi e lo spettacolo teatrale bolognese dei Quattro elementi.
The objective of this doctoral thesis is to trace, by using new and unpublished documents, the less-known biography and literary work of Vercelli’s writer Francesco Maria Vialardi. The work is presented in three main Parts: Part 1. A life in the glory of imperial heraldry, Part 2. The years before and after imprisonment, and Part 3. Lei che «spia sin quel che si fa nel globo della Luna». An explorer of the social and political life. The first Chapter covers the author’s life from his birth to his transition to adulthood. The second five-Chapter Part elaborates the period when the author was accepted in the prestigious Accademia della Crusca and his comment to the Tasso’s Conquistata, closing up with the period of his imprisonment in the Rome’s Santo Ufficio Prison. The second and third Chapters of the last part are dedicated to the analysis of Vialardi’s political and literary work. Faithful to the literary context of the Accademia degli Umoristi, his latest contribution «AMOR SOL MERTA Amore». Among the letters of Ridolfo Campeggi to Maffeo Barberini, the revision of the poem of the Lagrime di Maria Vergine and the wonderful theatrical representation in Bologna of the Quattro elementi (Four Elements) is a distinguished piece of work that creates a literary bridge between the settings of Rome and Bologna. Key elements of this last chapter are the unpublished correspondence between Cardinal M. Barberini and the poet R. Campeggi, as well as the Bologna’s play Quattro elementi (Four Elements).
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Holdaway, Dominic. « A Return to Cinema d’Impegno ? Cinematic Engagements with Organized Crime in Italy, 1950-2010 ». Doctoral thesis, Università di Warwick, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11576/2673362.

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Walston, J. « Mafia and clientelism : Roads to Rome in post war Calabria ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384551.

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BESSI, DANILO. « CARLO MARIA MARTINI EDUCATORE ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/117566.

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L’elaborato intende studiare la figura di Carlo Maria Martini educatore con particolare riferimento all’episcopato milanese (1980-2002) attraverso fonti bibliografiche e di archivio in buona parte inedite. L’ipotesi è che Martini sia andato oltre il semplice magistero del vescovo e la tradizionale pedagogia gesuitica per rispondere alle domande dell’uomo contemporaneo ed ai mutamenti socio-culturali in atto. Il lavoro è articolato in tre aree di interesse: l’educazione alla fede dei giovani; l’educazione alla solidarietà sociale e politica; l’educazione al dialogo ecumenico e interreligioso. Ogni parte esamina l’azione educativa a livello teorico e pratico, focalizzando iniziative concrete e contesti educativi specifici. Lo studio mette in luce come Martini ha interpretato la missione educativa con originalità e strumenti nuovi. Egli traduce il Concilio Vaticano II sul piano pastorale, attraverso la centralità della Parola e del Popolo di Dio. Per lui l’azione educativa deve inserire la persona nella comunità cristiana, luogo educativo per eccellenza, dove la Parola di Dio viene letta e interpretata alla luce dello Spirito Santo e delle domande che esso suscita. Nella comunità il singolo è educato a leggersi interiormente, ad aprirsi al mondo con la solidarietà e il dialogo, a trasformare la realtà con l’esercizio della carità e la comunione fraterna.
The paper intends to study the figure of Carlo Maria Martini as educator with particular reference to the Milanese episcopate (1980-2002) through bibliographic and archival sources largely unpublished. The hypothesis is that Martini went beyond the simple magisterium of the bishop and the traditional Jesuit pedagogy to answer the questions of contemporary man and the socio-cultural changes taking place. The work is divided into three areas of interest: faith education for young people; education in social and political solidarity; education in ecumenical and interreligious dialogue. Each part examines the educational action on a theoretical and practical level, focusing on concrete initiatives and specific educational contexts. The study highlights how Martini has interpreted the educational mission with originality and new tools. He translates the Second Vatican Council on a pastoral level, through the centrality of the Word and of the People of God. For him, educational action must insert the person into the Christian community, the educational place par excellence, where the Word of God is read and interpreted to the light of the Holy Spirit and of the questions it raises. In the community, the individual is educated to read himself internally, to open up to the world with solidarity and dialogue, to transform reality with the exercise of charity and fraternal communion.
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Spedalieri, Francesca. « Seeing the Unseen, Staging the Unspoken : The Gender Politics and Political Language of Emma Dante’s Theatre in the Berlusconi Era (1994-2011) ». The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1480594504188268.

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Livres sur le sujet "Mafia e politica"

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Galasso, Alfredo. La Mafia politica. Milano : Baldini & Castoldi, 1993.

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ARCI (Association). Confederazione regionale della Sicilia. et Lega per l'ambiente--Sicilia, dir. Mafia, politica, affari : Rapporto 1992. Palermo : Edizioni La Zisa, 1992.

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Ruta, Carlo. Politica e mafia negli Iblei. Pioppo (Palermo) : La Zisa, 1997.

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La voce del padrino : Mafia, cultura, politica. Verona : Ombre corte, 2007.

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Luciano, Violante, dir. Mafia e politica in Italia (1984-1990). Roma : Edizioni associate, 1990.

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Agasso, Renzo. Il caso Ambrosoli : Mafia, affari, politica. Cinisello Balsamo, (Milano) : San Paolo, 2005.

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L' opposizione mafiosa : Mafia, politica, stato liberale. 2e éd. Palermo : S.F. Flaccovio, 1986.

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La convergenza : Mafia e politica nella seconda Repubblica. Milano : Melampo, 2010.

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Mafia e politica : Relazione del 6 aprile 1993. Roma : Laterza, 1993.

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Tranfaglia, Nicola. Mafia, politica e affari nell'Italia repubblicana, 1943-1991. Roma : Laterza, 1992.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Mafia e politica"

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Favarel-Garrigues, Gilles. « Mafia Violence and Political Power in Russia ». Dans Organized Crime and States, 147–71. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230110038_7.

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Coluccello, Rino. « Mafia and Politics in Sicilian Society at the End of the 19th Century : The Notarbartolo Affair, the Formation of ‘Sicilianism’ and Consolidation of the Mafia Mystique ». Dans Challenging the Mafia Mystique, 59–69. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137280503_5.

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Marquardt, Regine. « Maria Ansorge (1880–1955) ». Dans Das Ja zur Politik, 45–67. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-93353-9_8.

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Parton, Nigel. « The Social Reaction to Maria Colwell ». Dans The Politics of Child Abuse, 69–99. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17830-8_4.

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Persson, Fabian. « Navigating in a Changing Political Landscape – The Königsmarcks at the Dawn of Swedish Absolutism ». Dans Maria Aurora von Königsmarck, 165–82. Köln : Böhlau Verlag, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/boehlau.9783412217754.165.

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Birkinshaw, Matt. « ‘Water mafia’ politics and unruly informality in Delhi’s unauthorised colonies ». Dans Water, Creativity and Meaning, 188–203. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | : Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315110356-12.

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Gilmer, Brittany. « Pirate Mania : Global Discourse, Unlikely Partnerships, and New Strategies ». Dans Political Geographies of Piracy, 49–67. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137434234_4.

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Conte, Maria. « Gli “Ammaestramenti degli Antichi” di Bartolomeo da San Concordio. » Dans The Dominicans and the Making of Florentine Cultural Identity (13th-14th centuries) / I domenicani e la costruzione dell'identità culturale fiorentina (XIII-XIV secolo), 157–91. Florence : Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-046-7.11.

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Bartholomew of San Concordio translated his Documenta antiquorum into the vernacular presumably around 1297-1302, during his stay at the convent of Santa Maria Novella. Cesare Segre suggested such a date based on the dedication of the translation to Geri Spini, a Florentine banker and politician who was a supporter of the Black Guelfs and a close friend of Corso Donati. However, the relationships between the Dominican Friar and the Commune of Florence, as well as the potential connections between Bartholomew’s self-translation and Florentine political contingencies, are still to be investigated.
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Stalpaert, Christel. « Maria Lucia Cruz Correia’s Urban Action Clinic GARDEN ». Dans The Routledge Companion to Theatre and Politics, 203–6. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series : Routledge theatre and performance companions : Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203731055-51.

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Carron, Delphine. « Influences et interactions entre Santa Maria Novella et la commune de Florence. » Dans The Dominicans and the Making of Florentine Cultural Identity (13th-14th centuries) / I domenicani e la costruzione dell'identità culturale fiorentina (XIII-XIV secolo), 53–68. Florence : Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-046-7.06.

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At the turn of the fourteenth century (1295-1301), the Florentine Dominican Remigio de’ Girolami produced a collection of essential texts connected to events in Florentine politics that present the testimony of a well-informed intellectual directly involved in the Communal crises. This article proposes to analyze, as a case study, the influence of Remigio’s five sermons on Florentine communal life. His preaching in reaction to the crises shaking Florence happened in dialogue with the institutions and citizens of the Commune. It bears witness to the interactions between Santa Maria Novella and the city of Florence and contributes to the development of the political philosophy of its time.
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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Mafia e politica"

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Sinenkov, Vladimir Viktorovich. « MARIA EVA DUARTE DE PERON IS A SYMBOL OF POLITICS OF ARGENTINA ». Dans Международный педагогический форум "Стратегические ориентиры современного образования". Уральский государственный педагогический университет, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26170/kso-2020-163.

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« Geschlecht, Beziehung, Politik. Welche Möglichkeiten und Grenzen „erfolgreichen“ Handelns hatte Bianca Maria Sforza ? » Dans Visions of Community. Vienna : Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/0x00376ea5.

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Virella, Patricia. « "We Were Expecting More" : The "Influx" of Puerto Rican Students Post–Hurricane Maria, a Political Spectacle ». Dans 2020 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC : AERA, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1576725.

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Caldas, Nisimar, Tarsila Kato Barbosa de Oliveira et Maria Silva. « Conflitos na política de intervenção nas áreas centrais de São Paulo : o caso de Campos Elíseos ». Dans VI Seminário Internacional da LARES. Latin American Real Estate Society, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.15396/lares_2006_artigo-maria-da-gr-a-e-nisimar-conflitos-na-politica-vfinal.

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Bauer, Thomas. « Sport in Paolo Sorrentino’s Movies ». Dans Les journées de l'interdisciplinarité 2022. Limoges : Université de Limoges, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25965/lji.238.

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While sport is a popular theme for film directors, it is all too rarely studied by social science researchers. This is all the more true when it is considered as just one of the many narrative or decorative elements of the film and is not at the heart of the story. Such is the case for academic studies related to Italian director Paolo Sorrentino’s work, in which the easily identifiable theme of sport is surprisingly nowhere to be found. Indeed, while reference to the body periodically occurs, most of the work conducted on his feature films focuses on the recurrent themes of politics and the quest for power, loneliness and isolation, the flâneur in post-industrial society, sexism, irony, and of course the mafia. The sporting occurrences (including footballer Antonio Pisapia in L’Uomo in più, Cheyenne’s ping-pong match in This Must Be the Place, as well as Fred Ballinger and Mick Boyle’s alpine treks in Youth, etc.) cannot be missed. Why then does Sorrentino choose to refer to sport: for societal, narrative or nostalgic reasons? These questions and more invite us to identify the “constants” and “variables” of this theme, so as to highlight a strong element of his style.
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W. Pidluzny, Jonathan. « The Roots of Self-Doubt (and Self-Loathing) in the West ». Dans Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics Conference. AHFE International, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe100193.

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Democratic self-doubt is manifest in many ways, some of them a threat to the perpetuation of the very political orders responsible for the exceptional appeal of life in Western societies. This paper begins by defining the phenomenon and proceeds to examine its roots. Five contributing factors are identified, all of them in some way a constituent element of the very way of life, our confidence in which they threaten to erode. The factors discussed are the following: first, the value neutral nature of experimental natural science and its effect on the liberal arts; second, European romanticism and its suffusion through the entire cultural life of the West; third, a mania for equality which, although a fundamental principle of healthy republicanism, can (when pushed to the extreme) erode citizens’ pride in their own regime; fourth, materialism and material abundance, which distract citizens from the innately human longings and cut them off from participation in public life; fifth, egalitarianism desiccates the liberal arts—one of the greatest legacies of the West—and enervates the democrat’s capacity to be moved by them. The paper ends by considering a more insidious form of self-hatred that emerged from the thought of Friedrich Nietzsche and Karl Marx.
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Cmeciu, Camelia. « SOCIAL MEDIA FOR MEDICAL AWARENESS SERVICES - EVIDENCE FROM ROMANIAN PR AWARDS WINNING CAMPAIGNS ». Dans eLSE 2018. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-18-111.

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Employing a collective case study approach, I intend to assess the degree in which the PARC principles for successful social media strategies have been implemented in two Romanian PR Awards winning campaigns, at the medical services section, in 2017 (Votez pentru sănătate/ I vote for health - Asociaţia Română a Producătorilor Internaţionali de Medicamente, Golden Award for Excellence, and Laboratorul Central – arta diagnosticelor precise/ Central Laboratory – the art of precise diagnostics - Regina Maria Reţeaua Privată de Sănătate, Silver Award for Excellence). The four PARC principles that I will take into account refer to: participatory (interaction with users), authentic (engaging in conversation), resourceful (providing audience with helpful information) and credible (valuable and trustworthy information). Besides the four PARC principles, offline engagement will be also considered since it may generate viral effects. The research questions will focus on the online strategies used in the campaigns, the use of authentic and credible digital story telling for medical services, the degree to which offline engagement is activated in the awareness campaigns, and the extent to which online and/or offline engagement involve the sharing of content on medical services. The findings of this study revealed two main aspects: a) the target audience’s degree of participation throughout the public campaigns for medical services under analysis does not depend on the number of posts, but on the content of posts and on the political situational context; b) Romanian health-care organizations should be more aware of the advantages of the social media role of a community-builder.
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Montoya, Catalina, Lina María Escobar-Ocampo et Claudia María Vélez-Venegas. « Marinilla´s cultural landscape and spacial characterization (Colombia) ». Dans 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia : Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6201.

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Marinilla´s cultural landscape and spacial characterization (Colombia). Catalina Montoya Arenas¹, Lina María Escobar Ocampo¹, Claudia Maria Venegas Velez¹ ¹Facultad de Arquitectura, UPB. Circular 1 N°70-01 Medellin, Colombia. E-mail: catalina.montoyaarenas@upb.edu.co, lina.escobar@upb.edu.co, claudia.ve7@gmail.com Keywords (3-5): Cultural landscape, social management, heritage, spacial transformations, tourism Conference topics and scale: Stages in territorial configuration The historic center of Marinilla, National Monument since 1959, is located sixty minutes from Medellin at San Nicolas Valley. It has exceptional landscape conditions, highly productive lands, and a large percentage of the water reserve that supplies the region and the country, giving the territory an economic center character since the colony. These physical values make part of collective imagination as a recreation area and an opportunity for development in the 1960s, according to the construction of large national infrastructure works. At the same time, it was object of armed conflict in the 1980s and 1990s, and more recently, directly related to the spatial dynamics of the region: unplanned urban expansion, changes in land use and vegetation cover, with effects on the cultural landscape. In a post-conflict situation, the economic strategies of different actors trust on tourism as a social-spatial management strategy to improve the territory. However, the identity of rurality shows spatial imbalances without recognizing elements of historical construction whose legacies must be revealed to ensure equitable development. To do this, we propose an approach from the cultural landscape in a revision of the historical, symbolic and relational transformation through five systems (anthropic, productive, political, symbolic and spatial), analyzing competitiveness, tourism, landscape and social management, in different scales and during three historical moments. References (100 words) Busquets, J., and Cortina, A. (2009). Gestión del paisaje: Manual de protección, gestión y ordenación del paisaje. Ariel, Barcelona. Sierra, P. A. (2003). Periferias y nueva ciudad: el problema del paisaje en los procesos de dispersión urbana. Universidad de Sevilla. Barrera, S. (2014). Consideraciones teóricas para el análisis del paisaje. La Metodología de Los eventos relacionales. Perspectivas sobre el paisaje. Varón, D. C. Z. (2015). El derecho al paisaje en Colombia.: Consideraciones para la definición de su contenido, alcance y límites. U. Externado de Colombia. Olmo, R. M. (2008). El paisaje, patrimonio y recurso para el desarrollo territorial sostenible. Conocimiento y acción pública. Arbor, 184(729).
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Mafia e politica"

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Cogburn, Richard. The Political Reception of Erich Maria Remarque's Im Westen Nichts Neues in the Late Weimar Republic. Portland State University Library, janvier 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6447.

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Tosold, Léa. The Quilombo as a Regime of Conviviality Sentipensando Memory Politics with Beatriz Nascimento. Maria Sibylla Merian International Centre for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, décembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/tosold.2021.41.

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Aiming at (re)thinking memory politics in contexts of ongoing total violence against non-white bodies, I propose, in this working paper, to engage with Maria Beatriz Nascimento’s multifaceted notion of quilombo. Once understood as alternative regimes of conviviality that entail existential (beyond material) aspects, Nascimento’s notion of quilombo enables critical access to the onto-epistemological basis on which memory politics generally takes place. After primary considerations about violence and the archives, I highlight three main aspects of Nascimento’s notion of quilombo to (re) think memory politics: (1) the introduction of a temporality that displaces underlying analytical assumptions of a linear, progressive and sequential time; (2) the idea of paz quilombola, which allows analytical space for “opacity” in the generation of knowledge; (3) the link between personal and collective intergenerational memory that, for Nascimento, requires the fostering of spaces of body encounters.
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Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, Maria Sibylla Merian Centre. Conviviality in Unequal Societies : Perspectives from Latin America Thematic Scope and Preliminary Research Programme. Maria Sibylla Merian International Centre for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/mecila.2017.01.

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The Maria Sibylla Merian International Centre for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America (Mecila) will study past and present forms of social, political, religious and cultural conviviality, above all in Latin America and the Caribbean while also considering comparisons and interdependencies between this region and other parts of the world. Conviviality, for the purpose of Mecila, is an analytical concept to circumscribe ways of living together in concrete contexts. Therefore, conviviality admits gradations – from more horizontal forms to highly asymmetrical convivial models. By linking studies about interclass, interethnic, intercultural, interreligious and gender relations in Latin America and the Caribbean with international studies about conviviality, Mecila strives to establish an innovative exchange with benefits for both European and Latin American research. The focus on convivial contexts in Latin America and the Caribbean broadens the horizon of conviviality research, which is often limited to the contemporary European context. By establishing a link to research on conviviality, studies related to Latin America gain visibility, influence and impact given the political and analytical urgency that accompanies discussions about coexistence with differences in European and North American societies, which are currently confronted with increasing socioeconomic and power inequalities and intercultural and interreligious conflicts.
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Lyzanchuk, Vasyl. THE CHARITABLE ENERGY OF THE JOURNALISTIC WORD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11415.

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The article investigates the immortality of books, collections, including those, translated into foreign languages, composed of the publications of publications of worldview journalism. It deals with top analytics on simulated training of journalists, the study of events and phenomena at the macro level, which enables the qualitative forecast of world development trends in the appropriate contexts for a long time. Key words: top, analytics, book, worldview journalism, culture, arguments, forecast.The article is characterized intellectual-spiritual, moral-aesthetic and information-educational values of of scientific and journalistic works of Professor Mykola Hryhorchuk “Where are you going, Ukraine?” and “Freedom at the Barricades”. Mykola Ivanovych’s creative informational and educational communication are reviews, reviews, reviews and current works of writers, poets, publicists. Such as Maria Matios, Vira Vovk, Roman Ivanychuk, Dmytro Pavlychko, Yuriy Shcherban, Bohdan Korsak, Hryhoriy Huseynov, Vasyl Ruban, Yaroslav Melnyk, Sofia Andrukhovych. His journalistic reflections are about memorable events of the recent past for Ukrainians and historical figures are connected with them. It is emphasized that in his books Mykola Hryhorchuk convincingly illuminates the way to develop a stable Ukrainian immunity, national identity, development and strengthening of the conciliar independent state in the fight against the eternal Moscow enemy. Among the defining ideological and political realization of the National Idea of Ukrainian statehood, which are mentioned in the scientific and journalistic works of M. Hryhorchuk, the fundamental ones – linguistic and religious – are singled out. Israel and Poland are a clear example for Ukrainians. In these states, language and religion were absolutized and it is thanks to this understanding of the essence of state-building and national identity that it is contrary to many difficulties achieve the desired life-affirming goal. The author emphasizes that any information in the broadest and narrow sense can be perceived without testing for compliance with the moral and spiritual mission of man, the fundamental values of the Ukrainian ethnic group, putting moral and spiritual values in the basis of state building. The outstanding Ukrainian philosopher Hryhoriy Skovoroda emphasized: “Faith is the light that sees in the darkness…” Books by physicist Mykola Hryhorchuk “Where are you going, Ukraine?” and “Freedom at the Barricades” are illuminated by faith in the Victory over the bloody centuries-old Moscow darkness.
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