Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Local welfare services, neighborhoods, volunteering »

In recent years, the Chinese government has changed the one-child policy that was implemented more than 3 decades ago and has began encouraging couples to have 2 children. However, this cannot quickly change people’s reproductive concepts after more than 30 years of low fertility rate and birth control. In this context, the aim of our study was to assess the effect of neighborhood environment on Chinese women’s fertility-willingness for a second child. Our results show that there is a statistically significant relationship between neighborhood environment and women’s fertility-willingness for a second child. Women living in affluent neighborhoods with better living environments have lower fertility-willingness for a second child than those in poor neighborhoods. However, childcare institutions (such as kindergartens) provide shared childcare and improve women’s fertility-willingness. We suggest that to encourage more couples to have a second child, it is necessary to increase the number of neighborhood kindergartens. In addition, local governments must improve the social welfare of migrant households and loosen the requirements for migrant households to obtain local hukou, which will allow migrant children to enjoy local public services, especially education services.

While poverty has been growing and becoming manifest in new forms of segregation in US cities, welfare reform has been accompanied by intensified efforts to enhance social control of urban space. In parallel with the shrinkage of social services and the erosion of job security, the (public, private, and third sector) provision of services have exploded - with detrimental impacts on the fabric of urban democracy and citizen participation. By looking at developments in Los Angeles, this article analyzes the implementation of a new generation of "social cohesion" policies in US cities. Community development and empowerment programs as well as welfare-to-work programs involve non profits such as community-based organizations and development corporations in the implementation of these services, who are tasked with the activation of marginalized groups and neighborhoods, and with the provision of local security. Their practice has transformed the quality of urban participation: while invoking empowerment and cohesion, it has reduced participation to minor issues and restricted access to the relevant decision-making arenas.

Based on qualitative interviews conducted with local guilds, charities and community groups in England, this article highlights the public service older women provide for their communities by volunteering their labour to local textile craft groups. Driven by an ethics of care, they make up for a lack of services formerly provided by the welfare state, such as public transport and mental health support. We mobilise existing literature on ‘quiet activism’ to argue that their community work constitutes a form of political activism, albeit one that stops short of overtly challenging the political system. While highlighting the ways in which older women quietly go about helping their communities, we argue that by being ‘louder’ about the public service they provide, they could help disrupt the narrative of a system that has failed their communities and exploits their free labour.

Why should international educators encourage research abroad? The work of the students represented in this Special Volume of Frontiers exemplifies the best of undergraduate research abroad. Their research shows an achievement of one, or all, of the goals international educators typically set for learning abroad: linguistic competence, cross-cultural skills, cultural competence, and disciplinary learning. Research abroad often holds strong incentives for successful student learning. Students choose their own research topics, providing intrinsic motivation to move beyond superficial explorations of their topic. Fulfilling faculty expectations for student learning, whether in the form of a paper, thesis, data collection or ethnographic study provides extrinsic motivation. The value of disciplinary learning abroad, especially in course-based programs, disputed on home campuses. Undergraduate research abroad can demonstrate that the cultural context of learning enhances the disciplinary knowledge gained. Disciplinary learning in another cultural context can correct culturally-ingrained research biases. Students gain knowledge difficult to capture without the cultural exposure provided by the experience abroad, which informs their work with nuances of first-hand research, moving it beyond the intellectual. Home-campus faculty may be less skeptical of the merits of sending students abroad for disciplinary learning if that experience results in an increase in knowledge or a demonstration of the application of previously gained disciplinary knowledge in a new context. Developing research skills in an international context means that students must learn how to navigate in another culture. Students must interact with people who are not their peers and who are outside a traditional classroom setting. By approaching organizations and individuals that inform their research, students learn much about the workings of the culture. And success in one attempt to navigate a host-culture can lead to success in further attempts. For the student-researcher, persistence is necessary because their research goal depends on successfully gaining access to the information they require. Cross-cultural skills are the tools that enable student-researchers to accomplish their goals and finish their projects. In order to achieve this in non-English language locations, students must develop a certain level of linguistic competence or, if using an interpreter, basic forms of communication in the host language. They must develop these competencies not only in everyday topics, but also in their fields of research. How will they ask about their topic if they do not learn some of the vocabulary? How will they obtain the help or information they need if they cannot ask people for it in appropriate forms? Since a research project typically requires a number of weeks to complete, student-researchers are likely to use these linguistic skills on an on-going basis. As a result, the linguistic competency gained is reinforced, and becomes more permanent. This cultural and linguistic learning can lead students to develop generalized cross-cultural skills with the assistance of international educators. We can provide valuable help to students doing research by asking them questions that will encourage them to realize that these skills transfer into other cultural situations. Often it requires simple queries: “What did you do to get this information? Did you have someone specific in the culture that gave you good advice? How did you find this person? What steps did you take when you succeeded in doing a piece of your research? When you did not succeed how did you figure out what went wrong? What did you do to try again? Beyond these basic questions, there are larger ones that can spur on student learning: “What did you learn from doing this project that would allow you to do another one in a completely different culture? How did you make sure your project was culturally appropriate? Did you think about making your project useful for local people? How would you share these results in the most effective way?” In posing these questions, we encourage students to examine the specific context of their research, and also to consider a meta-level analysis that places their research in a broader context. The hope is that students will see these skills in the wider global context, and that future cultural learning will be analyzed in a similar manner and transferred into other cross-cultural situations. If we achieve this, then we have certainly met the highest goals of encouraging students to learn to transcend cultural differences in constructive ways and to adapt to differing cultural modes as appropriate. Student research abroad can be a powerful way to accomplish all types of cultural learning. Supporting Undergraduate Research Abroad Even with these benefits, not many undergraduate students undertake research opportunities abroad. Faculty may advise students that research in their chosen discipline is better done at home, given the resources of the home campus. Students may be told that their language skills are not strong enough or that they are simply not mature enough as scholars in their disciplines to conduct relevant research. Students may be encouraged to conduct research or participate in directed study, but not to do field work or participate in experiential learning. A student may be able to receive credit for an internship that requires a substantial paper, but not for an ethnographic study. Moreover, the very idea of conducting research may be daunting to some students. Efforts should be made to advertise existing research opportunities abroad and to encourage new ideas for conducting research. If undergraduate research is endorsed by the highest academic officers of our institutions, our Presidents, Provosts and Academic Deans, faculty are more likely to provide encouragement and support, and then students will be more likely to pursue these options. International educators can assist these efforts by creating programs that offer research options, advertising such programs, and, most importantly, finding funding sources for such efforts. In order for students to take advantage of possible opportunities, it may be necessary to find ways to register students who might otherwise travel abroad independently (and thereby not be registered at their home institutions) in credit-bearing programs that would make them eligible for funding. The National Security Education Program David L. Boren Undergraduate Scholarships provides a model that allows advanced undergraduates with strong language skills to apply for funding for individually-arranged, supervised independent study. International educators may also help by designing processes on the home campus that support student research abroad. Research can take many forms, from the use of original documents and artifacts in libraries, archives, and museums, to service-learning, conducting field work, joining a research group, conducting interviews, doing a creative project, or interning or volunteering for an organization. On-campus administrative processes should make clear to students what types of projects are eligible to receive credit. If a student expects to receive credit at their home institution, they need to be able to review easily the criteria for determining whether credit will be granted with the appropriate on-campus authority (e.g. academic dean, department head, or registrar). Receiving credit helps to motivate the student and to validate the undertaking; making the credit-granting process clear can make a big difference to students exploring these options. It also assures that there will be faculty input, if not throughout the project, at least in the determination of granting credit on the home campus. In designing programs abroad with research components, faculty involvement is essential. Indeed, faculty supervision and support can make or break such projects for students. Faculty supervisors on the home campus or abroad will be more likely to agree to support a student researcher if they feel that this is a recognized part of their teaching. The supervision of an independent study can be time-consuming. Do departments consider this supervision when assigning workloads? Is extra compensation provided? Should these financial concerns be addressed in the budgets of the abroad programs? Can students continue follow-up work with faculty after they return home? Faculty supervision of student research abroad may follow various models. In some cases, research is an integral part of a study abroad program. Arrangements may be made to train the student on-site, perhaps as part of a course. The student conducts the research on-site, under the supervision of a resident director, or an on-site faculty member, and the course ultimately becomes a part of the student’s academic record, along with all other courses taken abroad. Another model has a faculty member at the student’s home institution supervising the student, along with some support given by a local faculty member. This model requires effective communication between the student and the faculty member on the home campus. In both cases clear goals need to be established about the nature of the project, research methods, and the final product. Fortunately, many of these formats can follow timelines and processes already developed on the home campus. However, once in the host country, parameters may change. Students may discover new opportunities, or their original ideas and plans may not be feasible. The logistics of conducting research in an international setting may make it impossible to keep to the original goals. In addition to guiding research and assessing the final product, faculty can serve in other important roles. They may introduce students to opportunities to submit their work for publication, present it at professional conferences, or compete for academic awards. Undergraduate research funding from the home institution might require a student to present their findings. Some institutions organize annual opportunities for students to give oral presentations or poster sessions during research fairs or conferences on campus. Others have a journal of student research. Resources and opportunities that are provided to students who conduct research on campus should also be extended to those whose work is done overseas. In many cases students may use the research conducted abroad as the foundation for a senior thesis. Students may choose to conduct independent research abroad. If students do research and are not enrolled in a program (e.g., during the summer) and have been encouraged to do so by their institution, have received funds from their institution, and will perhaps receive credit, their home institution should prepare them for the experience. Faculty and administrators should conduct seminars, orientation programs, and research methodology sessions to prepare students. Institutions should consider offering benefits to individual students that they would normally offer to students going abroad on registered study abroad programs (i.e., access to emergency services). By regularizing these aspects of going abroad, even to conduct independent research, institutions will be better able to track students who are conducting research abroad. At the minimum, students going abroad independently should be directed to information sources on health, safety, and security preparations when traveling to the host country. Additionally, students should be made aware of any legal issues related to doing research, and have their proposals vetted through the usual campus channels such as institutional review boards. Outcomes of Student Research Little data exists on how many students conduct research abroad, or on how this experience affects their academic work when they return to campus as well as their career decisions after graduation. Currently the national data on study abroad from the Institute of International Education’s annual Open Doors report documents only participation in credit-bearing programs. No statistics are kept on the numbers of students conducting research abroad who will not receive credit for their research. Among the questions this lack of data raises are: Are these students more likely to attend graduate school in their major discipline and to look for opportunities to conduct research abroad? Are they more likely to pursue independent research in sites that are less common as study abroad destinations? If they conducted research in a foreign language, are they more likely to study this language at an advanced level? The Lincoln Commission articulates the need for more in-depth international educational experiences, of which research can play an important part: An understanding of the diverse cultures of the world, especially those of developing countries, should be an essential component of the 21st-century education of our nation’s students. Direct exposure to foreign languages and other aspects of these cultures can best be achieved through a meaningful study abroad experience. Broader global awareness among America’s future leaders will, in turn, lead to more effective U.S. foreign policy, greater security from terrorism and economic resilience in the increasingly competitive world of trade. The research benefits discussed above mesh well with the current national interests that call for broader global awareness, and international educators should seriously consider designing and supporting research opportunities as one of their efforts to increase such competencies. Conducting research abroad can be one of the most personally satisfying parts of a student’s undergraduate academic career. These undertakings can also be frustrating and fraught with difficulties unless there is good planning and communication with a students’ academic advisors. International educators can assist in making these opportunities as effective, safe, and rewarding as possible. Faculty and administrators should look for ways to help students overcome the potential barriers to a successful experience, including the credit-approval process, organizing faculty supervision, and accessing information about opportunities, as well as funding. Since undergraduate student research abroad can lead to improved linguistic competence, cross-cultural skills, cultural competence, and disciplinary knowledge, we should do everything we can to develop and promote it. Mell C. Bolen~ Brown University Pat Martin~ University of Pennsylvania About the IFSA Foundation: The IFSA Foundation was founded to assist the continuing advancement of international education through direct and indirect support of study abroad by undergraduate students from U.S. colleges and universities. This is the first foundation whose mission focuses exclusively on the advancement of study abroad as a major component of higher education in the United States The Directors of the Foundation believe that effective study abroad for U.S. students involves minimally a semester length experience and, wherever possible, close academic integration with recognized universities abroad and, in all cases, the provision by the program sponsors of comprehensive student services to maximize the academic and cultural benefit of the experience and provide for the welfare and security of students. The IFSA Foundation intends to concentrate on projects that will provide muchneeded strength to undergraduate study abroad in the United States: scholarships to extend opportunities (particularly among underrepresented groups); start-up funding for underdeveloped areas of semester and full year study abroad programs; and support for the development of innovative projects designed to broaden the scope of the undergraduate study abroad experience. The IFSA Foundation grants are given only to institutions; scholarship grants are not tied to participation of students on any particular program. For more information: http://www.theifsafoundation.org

Abstract We examine the recent rise of institutional investment in the single-family home rental market and its implications for renters’ welfare. Using institutional mergers to identify local exogenous variation in institutional landlords’ scale and market share, we show that rents increase in neighborhoods where both merging firms owned properties (i.e., overlapped neighborhoods) relative to other nonoverlapped neighborhoods. Meanwhile, the crime rate also significantly decreases in overlapped neighborhoods after mergers. Our findings suggest that while institutional landlords leverage their market power to extract greater surplus from renters, they also improve the quality of rental services by enhancing neighborhood safety.

Spatial assimilation theory claims that immigrants’ acculturation and socioeconomic progress will lead to converging neighborhood attainment relative to non-migrant natives. Recently, it has been argued that equalization of local services and life chances across neighborhoods in egalitarian welfare states may delay spatial assimilation by reducing immigrants’ incentives to move out of low-income areas with many (co-ethnic) immigrant neighbors. In this article, we extend this argument to study whether neighborhood equalization also contributes to intergenerational persistence in neighborhood contexts among descendants of immigrants in Norway. Using administrative data, we find that immigrant descendants as adults often remain in neighborhood contexts that resemble their childhood neighborhoods, characterized by relative economic disadvantage and comparatively few ethnic majority residents. Intergenerational persistence in neighborhood contexts is strongest among descendants of immigrants from Pakistan, the Middle East, and Africa. The remaining immigrant–native gaps in spatial economic inequality largely reflect differences in individuals’ education and earnings, family background, and childhood neighborhood context, but these factors matter less for ethnic neighborhood segregation. For both economic and ethnic dimensions of neighborhood attainment, childhood neighborhood context is the factor that matters most in accounting for immigrant–native gaps, whereas individual socioeconomic attainment is the least important. Overall, our findings point to a pattern of “uneven assimilation” among immigrant descendants, where spatial assimilation is slow despite rapid socioeconomic progress across immigrant generations in the egalitarian Norwegian welfare state.

For the past twenty years, academics and other social commentators have, by and large, shared the view that the phase of modernity through which we are currently passing is defined by two interrelated catalysts of change: the physical movement of people and the virtual movement of information around the globe. As we enter the second decade of the new millennium, it is certainly a timely moment to reflect upon the ways in which the prognoses of the scholars and scientists writing in the late twentieth century have come to pass, especially since—during the time this special issue has been in press—the revolutions that are gathering pace in the Arab world appear to be realising the theoretical prediction that the ever-increasing “flows” of people and information would ultimately bring about the end of the nation-state and herald an era of transnationalism (Appadurai, Urry). For writers like Arjun Appadurai, moreover, the concept of diaspora was key to grasping how this new world order would take shape, and how it would operate: Diasporic public spheres, diverse amongst themselves, are the crucibles of a postnational political order. The engines of their discourse are mass media (both interactive and expressive) and the movement of refugees, activists, students, laborers. It may be that the emergent postnational order proves not to be a system of homogeneous units (as with the current system of nation-states) but a system based on relations between heterogeneous units (some social movements, some interest groups, some professional bodies, some non-governmental organizations, some armed constabularies, some judicial bodies) ... In the short run, as we can see already, it is likely to be a world of increased incivility and violence. In the longer run, free from the constraints of the nation form, we may find that cultural freedom and sustainable justice in the world do not presuppose the uniform and general existence of the nation-state. This unsettling possibility could be the most exciting dividend of living in modernity at large. (23) In this editorial, we would like to return to the “here and now” of the late 1990s in which theorists like Arjun Appaduri, Ulrich Beck, John Urry, Zygmunt Bauman, Robert Robertson and others were “imagining” the consequences of both globalisation and glocalisation for the twenty-first century in order that we may better assess what is, indeed, coming to pass. While most of their prognoses for this “second modernity” have proven remarkably accurate, it is their—self-confessed—inability to forecast either the nature or the extent of the digital revolution that most vividly captures the distance between the mid-1990s and now; and it is precisely the consequences of this extraordinary technological revolution on the twin concepts of “glocality” and “diaspora” that the research featured in this special issue seeks to capture. Glocal Imaginaries Appadurai’s endeavours to show how globalisation was rapidly making itself felt as a “structure of feeling” (Williams in Appadurai 189) as well as a material “fact” was also implicit in our conceptualisation of the conference, “Glocal Imaginaries: Writing/Migration/Place,” which gave rise to this special issue. This conference, which was the culmination of the AHRC-funded project “Moving Manchester: Literature/Migration/Place (2006-10)”, constituted a unique opportunity to gain an international, cross-disciplinary perspective on urgent and topical debates concerning mobility and migration in the early twenty-first century and the strand “Networked Diasporas” was one of the best represented on the program. Attracting papers on broadcast media as well as the new digital technologies, the strand was strikingly international in terms of the speakers’ countries of origin, as is this special issue which brings together research from six European countries, Australia and the Indian subcontinent. The “case-studies” represented in these articles may therefore be seen to constitute something of a “state-of-the-art” snapshot of how Appadurai’s “glocal imaginary” is being lived out across the globe in the early years of the twenty-first century. In this respect, the collection proves that his hunch with regards to the signal importance of the “mass-media” in redefining our spatial and temporal coordinates of being and belonging was correct: The third and final factor to be addressed here is the role of the mass-media, especially in its electronic forms, in creating new sorts of disjuncture between spatial and virtual neighborhoods. This disjuncture has both utopian and dystopian potentials, and there is no easy way to tell how these may play themselves out in the future of the production of locality. (194) The articles collected here certainly do serve as testament to the “bewildering plethora of changes in ... media environments” (195) that Appadurai envisaged, and yet it can clearly also be argued that this agent of glocalisation has not yet brought about the demise of the nation-state in the way (or at the speed) that many commentators predicted. Digital Diasporas in a Transnational World Reviewing the work of the leading social science theorists working in the field during the late 1990s, it quickly becomes evident that: (a) the belief that globalisation presented a threat to the nation-state was widely held; and (b) that the “jury” was undecided as to whether this would prove a good or bad thing in the years to come. While the commentators concerned did their best to complexify both their analysis of the present and their view of the future, it is interesting to observe, in retrospect, how the rhetoric of both utopia and dystopia invaded their discourse in almost equal measure. We have already seen how Appadurai, in his 1996 publication, Modernity at Large, looks beyond the “increased incivility and violence” of the “short term” to a world “free from the constraints of the nation form,” while Roger Bromley, following Agamben and Deleuze as well as Appadurai, typifies a generation of literary and cultural critics who have paid tribute to the way in which the arts (and, in particular, storytelling) have enabled subjects to break free from their national (af)filiations (Pearce, Devolving 17) and discover new “de-territorialised” (Deleuze and Guattari) modes of being and belonging. Alongside this “hope,” however, the forces and agents of globalisation were also regarded with a good deal of suspicion and fear, as is evidenced in Ulrich Beck’s What is Globalization? In his overview of the theorists who were then perceived to be leading the debate, Beck draws distinctions between what was perceived to be the “engine” of globalisation (31), but is clearly most exercised by the manner in which the transformation has taken shape: Without a revolution, without even any change in laws or constitutions, an attack has been launched “in the normal course of business”, as it were, upon the material lifelines of modern national societies. First, the transnational corporations are to export jobs to parts of the world where labour costs and workplace obligations are lowest. Second, the computer-generation of worldwide proximity enables them to break down and disperse goods and services, and produce them through a division of labour in different parts of the world, so that national and corporate labels inevitably become illusory. (3; italics in the original) Beck’s concern is clearly that all these changes have taken place without the nation-states of the world being directly involved in any way: transnational corporations began to take advantage of the new “mobility” available to them without having to secure the agreement of any government (“Companies can produce in one country, pay taxes in another and demand state infrastructural spending in yet another”; 4-5); the export of the labour market through the use of digital communications (stereotypically, call centres in India) was similarly unregulated; and the world economy, as a consequence, was in the process of becoming detached from the processes of either production or consumption (“capitalism without labour”; 5-7). Vis-à-vis the dystopian endgame of this effective “bypassing” of the nation-state, Beck is especially troubled about the fate of the human rights legislation that nation-states around the world have developed, with immense effort and over time (e.g. employment law, trade unions, universal welfare provision) and cites Zygmunt Bauman’s caution that globalisation will, at worst, result in widespread “global wealth” and “local poverty” (31). Further, he ends his book with a fully apocalyptic vision, “the Brazilianization of Europe” (161-3), which unapologetically calls upon the conventions of science fiction to imagine a worst-case scenario for a Europe without nations. While fourteen or fifteen years is evidently not enough time to put Beck’s prognosis to the test, most readers would probably agree that we are still some way away from such a Europe. Although the material wealth and presence of the transnational corporations strikes a chord, especially if we include the world banks and finance organisations in their number, the financial crisis that has rocked the world for the past three years, along with the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the ascendancy of Al-Qaida (all things yet to happen when Beck was writing in 1997), has arguably resulted in the nations of Europe reinforcing their (respective and collective) legal, fiscal, and political might through rigorous new policing of their physical borders and regulation of their citizens through “austerity measures” of an order not seen since World War Two. In other words, while the processes of globalisation have clearly been instrumental in creating the financial crisis that Europe is presently grappling with and does, indeed, expose the extent to which the world economy now operates outside the control of the nation-state, the nation-state still exists very palpably for all its citizens (whether permanent or migrant) as an agent of control, welfare, and social justice. This may, indeed, cause us to conclude that Bauman’s vision of a world in which globalisation would make itself felt very differently for some groups than others came closest to what is taking shape: true, the transnationals have seized significant political and economic power from the nation-state, but this has not meant the end of the nation-state; rather, the change is being experienced as a re-trenching of whatever power the nation-state still has (and this, of course, is considerable) over its citizens in their “local”, everyday lives (Bauman 55). If we now turn to the portrait of Europe painted by the articles that constitute this special issue, we see further evidence of transglobal processes and practices operating in a realm oblivious to local (including national) concerns. While our authors are generally more concerned with the flows of information and “identity” than business or finance (Appaduri’s “ethnoscapes,” “technoscapes,” and “ideoscapes”: 33-7), there is the same impression that this “circulation” (Latour) is effectively bypassing the state at one level (the virtual), whilst remaining very materially bound by it at another. In other words, and following Bauman, we would suggest that it is quite possible for contemporary subjects to be both the agents and subjects of globalisation: a paradox that, as we shall go on to demonstrate, is given particularly vivid expression in the case of diasporic and/or migrant peoples who may be able to bypass the state in the manufacture of their “virtual” identities/communities) but who (Cohen) remain very much its subjects (or, indeed, “non-subjects”) when attempting movement in the material realm. Two of the articles in the collection (Leurs & Ponzanesi and Marcheva) deal directly with the exponential growth of “digital diasporas” (sometimes referred to as “e-diasporas”) since the inception of Facebook in 2004, and both provide specific illustrations of the way in which the nation-state both has, and has not, been transcended. First, it quickly becomes clear that for the (largely) “youthful” (Leurs & Ponzanesi) participants of nationally inscribed networking sites (e.g. “discovernikkei” (Japan), “Hyves” (Netherlands), “Bulgarians in the UK” (Bulgaria)), shared national identity is a means and not an end. In other words, although the participants of these sites might share in and actively produce a fond and nostalgic image of their “homeland” (Marcheva), they are rarely concerned with it as a material or political entity and an expression of their national identities is rapidly supplemented by the sharing of other (global) identity markers. Leurs & Ponzanesi invoke Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of the “rhizome” to describe the way in which social networkers “weave” a “rhizomatic path” to identity, gradually accumulating a hybrid set of affiliations. Indeed, the extent to which the “nation” disappears on such sites can be remarkable as was also observed in our investigation of the digital storytelling site, “Capture Wales” (BBC) (Pearce, "Writing"). Although this BBC site was set up to capture the voices of the Welsh nation in the early twenty-first century through a collection of (largely) autobiographical stories, very few of the participants mention either Wales or their “Welshness” in the stories that they tell. Further, where the “home” nation is (re)imagined, it is generally in an idealised, or highly personalised, form (e.g. stories about one’s own family) or through a sharing of (perceived and actual) cultural idiosyncrasies (Marcheva on “You know you’re a Bulgarian when …”) rather than an engagement with the nation-state per se. As Leurs & Ponzanesi observe: “We can see how the importance of the nation-state gets obscured as diasporic youth, through cultural hybridisation of youth culture and ethnic ties initiate subcultures and offer resistance to mainstream cultural forms.” Both the articles just discussed also note the shading of the “national” into the “transnational” on the social networking sites they discuss, and “transnationalism”—in the sense of many different nations and their diasporas being united through a common interest or cause—is also a focus of Pikner’s article on “collective actions” in Europe (notably, “EuroMayDay” and “My Estonia”) and Harb’s highly topical account of the role of both broadcast media (principally, Al-Jazeera) and social media in the revolutions and uprisings currently sweeping through the Arab world (spring 2011). On this point, it should be noted that Harb identifies this as the moment when Facebook’s erstwhile predominantly social function was displaced by a manifestly political one. From this we must conclude that both transnationalism and social media sites can be put to very different ends: while young people in relatively privileged democratic countries might embrace transnationalism as an expression of their desire to “rise above” national politics, the youth of the Arab world have engaged it as a means of generating solidarity for nationalist insurgency and liberation. Another instance of “g/local” digital solidarity exceeding national borders is to be found in Johanna Sumiala’s article on the circulatory power of the Internet in the Kauhajoki school shooting which took place Finland in 2008. As well as using the Internet to “stage manage” his rampage, the Kauhajoki shooter (whose name the author chose to withhold for ethical reasons) was subsequently found to have been a member of numerous Web-based “hate groups”, many of them originating in the United States and, as a consequence, may be understood to have committed his crime on behalf of a transnational community: what Sumiala has defined as a “networked community of destruction.” It must also be noted, however, that the school shootings were experienced as a very local tragedy in Finland itself and, although the shooter may have been psychically located in a transnational hyper-reality when he undertook the killings, it is his nation-state that has had to deal with the trauma and shame in the long term. Woodward and Brown & Rutherford, meanwhile, show that it remains the tendency of public broadcast media to uphold the raison d’être of the nation-state at the same time as embracing change. Woodward’s feature article (which reports on the AHRC-sponsored “Tuning In” project which has researched the BBC World Service) shows how the representation of national and diasporic “voices” from around the world, either in opposition to or in dialogue with the BBC’s own reporting, is key to the way in which the Commission has changed and modernised in recent times; however, she is also clear that many of the objectives that defined the service in its early days—such as its commitment to a distinctly “English” brand of education—still remain. Similarly, Brown & Rutherford’s article on the innovative Australian ABC children’s television series, My Place (which has combined traditional broadcasting with online, interactive websites) may be seen to be positively promoting the Australian nation by making visible its commitment to multiculturalism. Both articles nevertheless reveal the extent to which these public service broadcasters have recognised the need to respond to their nations’ changing demographics and, in particular, the fact that “diaspora” is a concept that refers not only to their English and Australian audiences abroad but also to their now manifestly multicultural audiences at home. When it comes to commercial satellite television, however, the relationship between broadcasting and national and global politics is rather harder to pin down. Subramanian exposes a complex interplay of national and global interests through her analysis of the Malayalee “reality television” series, Idea Star Singer. Exported globally to the Indian diaspora, the show is shamelessly exploitative in the way in which it combines residual and emergent ideologies (i.e. nostalgia for a traditional Keralayan way of life vs aspirational “western lifestyles”) in pursuit of its (massive) audience ratings. Further, while the ISS series is ostensibly a g/local phenomenon (the export of Kerala to the rest of the world rather than “India” per se), Subramanian passionately laments all the progressive national initiatives (most notably, the campaign for “women’s rights”) that the show is happy to ignore: an illustration of one of the negative consequences of globalisation predicted by Beck (31) noted at the start of this editorial. Harb, meanwhile, reflects upon a rather different set of political concerns with regards to commercial satellite broadcasting in her account of the role of Al-Jazeera and Al Arabiya in the recent (2011) Arab revolutions. Despite Al-Jazeera’s reputation for “two-sided” news coverage, recent events have exposed its complicity with the Qatari government; further, the uprisings have revealed the speed with which social media—in particular Facebook and Twitter—are replacing broadcast media. It is now possible for “the people” to bypass both governments and news corporations (public and private) in relaying the news. Taken together, then, what our articles would seem to indicate is that, while the power of the nation-state has notionally been transcended via a range of new networking practices, this has yet to undermine its material power in any guaranteed way (witness recent counter-insurgencies in Libya, Bahrain, and Syria).True, the Internet may be used to facilitate transnational “actions” against the nation-state (individual or collective) through a variety of non-violent or violent actions, but nation-states around the world, and especially in Western Europe, are currently wielding immense power over their subjects through aggressive “austerity measures” which have the capacity to severely compromise the freedom and agency of the citizens concerned through widespread unemployment and cuts in social welfare provision. This said, several of our articles provide evidence that Appadurai’s more utopian prognoses are also taking shape. Alongside the troubling possibility that globalisation, and the technologies that support it, is effectively eroding “difference” (be this national or individual), there are the ever-increasing (and widely reported) instances of how digital technology is actively supporting local communities and actions around the world in ways that bypass the state. These range from the relatively modest collective action, “My Estonia”, featured in Pikner’s article, to the ways in which the Libyan diaspora in Manchester have made use of social media to publicise and support public protests in Tripoli (Harb). In other words, there is compelling material evidence that the heterogeneity that Appadurai predicted and hoped for has come to pass through the people’s active participation in (and partial ownership of) media practices. Citizens are now able to “interfere” in the representation of their lives as never before and, through the digital revolution, communicate with one another in ways that circumvent state-controlled broadcasting. We are therefore pleased to present the articles that follow as a lively, interdisciplinary and international “state-of-the-art” commentary on how the ongoing revolution in media and communication is responding to, and bringing into being, the processes and practices of globalisation predicted by Appadurai, Beck, Bauman, and others in the 1990s. The articles also speak to the changing nature of the world’s “diasporas” during this fifteen year time frame (1996-2011) and, we trust, will activate further debate (following Cohen) on the conceptual tensions that now manifestly exist between “virtual” and “material” diasporas and also between the “transnational” diasporas whose objective is to transcend the nation-state altogether and those that deploy social media for specifically local or national/ist ends. Acknowledgements With thanks to the Arts and Humanities Research Council (UK) for their generous funding of the “Moving Manchester” project (2006-10). Special thanks to Dr Kate Horsley (Lancaster University) for her invaluable assistance as ‘Web Editor’ in the production of this special issue (we could not have managed without you!) and also to Gail Ferguson (our copy-editor) for her expertise in the preparation of the final typescript. References Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalisation. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1996. Bauman, Zygmunt. Globalization. Cambridge: Polity, 1998. Beck, Ulrich. What is Globalization? Trans. Patrick Camiller. Cambridge: Polity, 2000 (1997). Bromley, Roger. Narratives for a New Belonging: Diasporic Cultural Fictions. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2000. Cohen, Robin. Global Diasporas. 2nd ed. London and New York: Routledge, 2008. Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Trans. Brian Massumi. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1987. Latour, Bruno. Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network Theory. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1995. Pearce, Lynne, ed. Devolving Identities: Feminist Readings in Home and Belonging. London: Ashgate, 2000. Pearce, Lynne. “‘Writing’ and ‘Region’ in the Twenty-First Century: Epistemological Reflections on Regionally Located Art and Literature in the Wake of the Digital Revolution.” European Journal of Cultural Studies 13.1 (2010): 27-41. Robertson, Robert. Globalization: Social Theory and Global Culture. London: Sage, 1992. Urry, John. Sociology beyond Societies. London: Routledge, 1999. Williams, Raymond. Dream Worlds: Mass Consumption in Late Nineteenth-Century France. Berkeley: U of California P, 1982.

This dissertation investigates the Dutch policy turn towards more volunteering in neighborhood-based welfare services, and its effects on poorer and wealthier urban neighbourhoods. Over the last two decades, various Western European governments have become more attentive and supportive to citizens’ voluntary organisations in the fields of social cohesion, care and emancipation in the neighbourhood. In the UK, the so-called ‘Big Society’ policy frame has become very influential. Inspired by this example, the Dutch national government has expressed that the Dutch welfare state is to transform into a ‘participation society’. The dissertation project empirically tests one of the critiques on the Dutch participation society. This critique holds that deprived urban areas have less potential to self-organize welfare services and that, consequently, the level and quality of welfare services will be lower in these neighborhoods than in richer neighborhoods. Therefore it is feared that more support for welfare self-organisation will eventually exacerbate existing social inequality in the city. The research has consisted of interviews and observations of almost all year-round welfare service providing volunteer groups in four Rotterdam neighbourhoods. This showed that the groups are actually more numerous in the poorer than in the wealthier research neighbourhoods: the deprived areas have twice as many groups. Analysis of all 2014 funding applications to the Rotterdam Resident Initiative fund, also shows that deprived boroughs have more groups than wealthier boroughs. To understand deprived neighbourhoods’ higher number of groups per inhabitant, it proves necessary to look also at self-organization leaders’ motivations for volunteering. My interview data indicate that for many higher educated leaders, volunteering is related to paid work. In the second place, higher educated leaders working in low-income neighbourhoods are quite often ethnic minority volunteers who work to help their own ethnic group. Thirdly, I found that many volunteers are non-working citizens (retired or unemployed) who are motivated by the opportunities for social contact and useful or pleasurable occupation of their leisure time. The motivation perspective helps to explain why more groups were found in the deprived research neighbourhoods: in these areas also more un(der)employed people and ethnic minority communities are present. Furthermore, the research investigates how the socio-economic profile of the neighbourhood influences volunteer groups’ opportunities to acquire material resources they need. It finds that the municipality strongly supports that residents make application to its funding program, especially in the deprived neighbourhoods, but that due to budget cuts this funding is often less generous than before. Together, the empirical data show that the relatively large number of self-organizations in the lower income research neighborhoods is mostly due to higher activation. It also indicates that the services that are self-organised in Rotterdam’s participation society are often well adapted to local welfare needs. At the same time, this self-organised welfare landscape is quite fragmented along ethnic lines and sometimes also class lines. Furthermore, the supply of welfare services is difficult to supervise or steer for local government. Lastly, even though deprived neighborhoods have relatively more welfare service groups, this is still a very small number in absolute terms, and the losses that come with Rotterdam’s participation society policies are most tangible in these areas. They used to have much more state-funded welfare services than the wealthier areas of the city. The fact that these have been largely scaled down in budget cut operations, impacts residents’ daily life more strongly in the deprived than in the wealthier neighbourhoods.