Thèses : « Local politic »

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Swanepoel, Jan-Hendrik. « Global and local identities : screening the body (politic) in the medical drama series ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20209.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation investigates the medical drama series as a television phenomenon which foregrounds the body as central narrative device. By considering House M.D. and Jozi H as global and local manifestations of this genre, transnational, spatial and metafictional categorisations of the body are traced to reveal its nature as social spectacle, and meaningbearing corporeal text. The body and its concomitant identities are exposed as continually and continuously screened inside, outside and, moreover, in relation to the hospital. As an institutional space, the hospital is (re)positioned in national and transnational discourses as nexus for personal and public, individual and societal, as well as local and global truths about the body (politic). Michel Foucault’s understanding of the human body, its position as part of the larger body politic, and its control by the state is employed to foreground the bio-political classification of the (ab)normal body. Both the hospital, as space for healing, controlling and containing the body, as well as the body, as a corporeal and a psychic space itself, are signified as heterotopic spaces: part of, but also outside other places and bodies.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling ondersoek die mediese dramareeks as televisie-fenomeen wat die liggaam as sentrale narratiewe middel aanwend. Deur House M.D. en Jozi H as globale en plaaslike uitbeeldings van hierdie genre in oënskou te neem, word transnasionale, ruimtelike en metafiksionele kategoriserings van die liggaam nagespoor om die aard daarvan as sosiale verskynsel en betekenisdraende liggaamlike teks te onthul. Die liggaam en sy verwante identiteite word aaneenlopend en aanhoudend beskou binne, buite en, verder, in verhouding tot die hospitaal. Die hospitaal as institisionele ruimte word (her)posisioneer in nasionale en transnasionale diskoerse as skakel tussen persoonlike en openbare, individuele en sosiale, asook plaaslike- en globale waarhede oor die (staats)liggaam. Michel Foucault se beskouing van die liggaam en die groter staatsliggaam, asook die staat se beheer daaroor beklemtoon die bio-politiese klassifisering van die (ab)normale liggaam. Sowel hospitaal, as helingsruimte, ruimte van beheer en inperkende ruimte, as die liggaam, as ’n materiële en ’n psigiese ruimte, word voorgestel as heterotopias: deel van, maar ook verwyder van, ander ruimtes, plekke en liggame.

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Dall, igna Sirlene Fagundes. « A emancipação politico-administrativa de Bom Jesus - SC e seus efeitos no desenvolvimento local ». Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Parana, 2011. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/138.

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This research presents as main objective to analyze in what degree the emancipation of Bom Jesus SC city, made possible conditions viable to the local development. In this way, an evaluation of the movement of emancipation is considered, understood as a strategy for the development, stand out the involved motivations, objectives and actors in the process. At the same time, we intend to analyze the performance of the State, the local public administration and the civil society, in order to verify the directioned actions to social, economic, cultural, ambient and politic in the city in question. Moreover, we verified the degree of satisfaction of the local population how much to the occurred improvements after the emancipation, emphasizing the participation of the same one in the quarrel spaces, elaboration and execution of programs and public politics tied with the local development. For such, we carried through bibliographical research, collect and data handling secondary collection of historical information and we carry though interviews with inhabitants of the place.
Esta pesquisa apresenta como objetivo principal avaliar em que grau a emancipação do município de Bom Jesus-SC, possibilitou condições viáveis ao desenvolvimento local. Deste modo, propõe-se uma avaliação do movimento de emancipação, compreendido como uma estratégia para o desenvolvimento, ressaltando as motivações, objetivos e os atores envolvidos no processo. Ao mesmo tempo, pretendemos analisar a atuação do Estado, da gestão pública local e da sociedade civil, a fim de verificar as ações direcionadas à transformação social, econômica, cultural, ambiental e política no município em questão. Além disso, verificamos o grau de satisfação da população local quanto às melhorias ocorridas após a emancipação, enfatizando a participação da mesma nos espaços de discussão, elaboração e execução de programas e políticas públicas vinculadas ao desenvolvimento local. Para tal, realizamos pesquisa bibliográfica, coleta e tratamento de dados secundários, coleta de informações históricas e realizamos entrevistas com moradores do local.

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Pinho, Raquel Dora Moreira Dias Castro. « Regeneração e elementos culturais : desenho urbano e autenticidade em contexto de globalização ». Master's thesis, Faculdade de Arquitectura de Lisboa, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/1504.

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Mestrado em Regeneração Urbana e Ambiental
Actualmente, no contexto da globalização, ocorrem novas tendências nas cidades, as quais ameaçam a qualidade do espaço público e a identidade local. A regeneração urbana, dominada por modas e determinados nichos de mercado, resulta na criação de projectos emblemáticos de grande dimensão e espectacularidade, mas que se repetem, levando à multiplicação de paisagens comuns. Embora com uma imagem atractiva, funcionando como verdadeiros “catalisadores”, estes novos projectos são independentes do lugar, não criam ligações e vivências urbanas. A cultura gera e aglutina vínculos de identidade nos espaços públicos, alem de dar legibilidade à cidade, com capacidade de recuperar valores perdidos ou “congelados”; a cultura assume um papel de destaque no processo de regeneração urbana, assentando numa política local integrada na economia global competitiva. As paisagens culturais, como espaços comunicativos, são lugares que transmitem historias e mensagens, contribuindo para preservar a memoria das tradições, sendo igualmente um factor de qualificação do espaço público. Com o presente trabalho pretende – se identificar os contributos para a definição de uma estratégia de regeneração urbana, baseada na cultura como elemento portador de autenticidade, capaz de assegurar a valorização do espaço público e a legibilidade da estrutura urbana, através de uma política de equidade e diversidade. Para tal, é feita uma abordagem à evolução urbana da cidade de Aveiro a fim de avaliar as características associadas às principais transformações que ocorreram na estrutura urbana: os elementos que orientam as intervenções; consequências ao nível da identidade local; alterações no espaço público e sua valorização; o papel da população; em suma, a importância dos elementos culturais e patrimoniais na política e desenho urbano.

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MENICHELLI, FRANCESCA. « What's crime got to do with it ? CCTV, urban security and governing elites ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/31295.

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The implementation of an open-street CCTV system is usually accompanied by bold claims on the increase in efficiency – faster deployments of patrols – and in efficacy – prevention through normalisation – that it will bring about in day-to-day policing. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in two medium-sized Italian cities where such systems have been recently implemented, the research sets out to challenge these assumptions by offering a backstage view of how surveillance is actually carried out on a day-to-day basis. Using the political and legislative changes that have taken place in Italy since the end of the ‘90s as a backdrop, the work supports the conclusion that, rather than for crime control, for which they were almost never used, cameras end up serving other goals, for the benefit of constituencies other than the residents of the two cities. Thus, CCTV needs to be understood as a device for the circulation of resources - monetary, discursive and normative - between different institutions and levels of government, part of a wider discursive regime that is only incidentally related to how crime actually affects a given city.

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Bonagura, Antonio <1958&gt. « WELFARE MUNICIPALE “Politica Locale, tra politics e Policy” ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/7231.

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La dimensione delle politiche pubbliche locali e con esse le politiche sociali sono state sempre oggetto di particolare attenzione per la qualità dei servizi erogati a favore dei cittadini. Certamente in un clima di "austerità permanente " coniugare risorse erogate e qualità dei servizi non è certo facile per i decisori politici locali che si trovano ad affrontare problemi connessi con la gestione delle scuole, sostegno alle famiglie, accesso ai servizi socio-sanitari, politiche abitative di sostegno ai cittadini in difficoltà economiche. In quest'ottica il ruolo strategico delle politiche locali sono fondamentali per delineare come le ideologie e l'appartenenza partitica dei decisori politici locali incidono nella effettiva pratica delle costruzione del welfare locale. Questo lavoro cercherà di mostrare come le politiche pubbliche locali possono essere influenzate dall'appartenenza politica dei decisori politici. Le complessità delle congiunture economiche attuali non permettono politiche pubbliche espansive e di conseguenza le politiche sociali pongono seri problemi ai politici sul territorio. Partendo da questi assunti, in questo lavoro, cercherò di far emergere le dinamiche che sottintendono il rapporto tra il livello politico e la comunità locale e se il colore politico e l'ideologia di appartenenza hanno influenzato nel corso degli anni le politiche pubbliche locali nel loro complesso e in particolare le politiche sociali sul territorio.

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Elefelt, Alexander. « Den lokala ideologin : - En analys av Falupartiets ideologi ». Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Sociologi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-27962.

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Falupartiet anser sig själva att inte styras av någon av de klassiska ideologierna, de anser då att de styrs av något annat som har att göra med vad som är det bästa för Falu kommun, men vad betyder det och vad innebär det ideologiskt? Det bör innebära att Falupartiet är styrda av en lokal ideologi? Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera fram Falupartiets lokala ideologi för att skapa en större förståelse för den. Uppsatsens frågeställningar vill besvara vilka av de klassiska ideologierna som styr de nationella partierna som även styr Falupartiet, även om Falupartiet förnekar sig styrda av dem. Frågeställningarna vill även undersöka om det kan finnas spår av lokalpopulistiska drag i att endast påstå sig styras av lokala intressen. Detta kommer att göras med en kvalitativ diskursanalytisk metod och med hjälp av teorier om ideologisk analys där ideologin delas upp i huvudpunkter för att analyseras separat. Analysen kommer att göras endast på Falupartiets textmaterial från deras hemsida. Analysresultaten visar att Falupartiets ideologi innehåller en stor blandning av flera olika ideologier vilket samtidigt kan ses som populistiskt. Falupartiet har ingen extrem ideologi men deras ideologiska kärna bör ses som högerkonservativ, med vissa populistiska drag.
The local Falun party is claiming not to be steered by any of the classical ideologies that the national parties have, they claim that they are steered by something else that has to do with what is the best for Falun community, but what does that mean and what kind of ideology is that about? It must be some kind of local ideology? The purpose of this paper is to analyse the Falunparty’s ideology to create a bigger understanding about it. It will do that thru the method of discourse analysis and with help of theories about ideological analysis where you separate the ideology into different headlines. And this analyse will only be done on the Faluparty’s text material from their website. The questionnaire’s in this paper wants to answer to what kind of ideology the local ideology is made of by comparing it to the national classical ideologies that the party is claiming not to be steered by. This paper is also questioning if this local ideology has populistic undertones. The results show that the Faluparty has a mix of all kinds of ideologies, which in itself can be seen as populistic. They do not have any extreme ideology, but their primary ideological nature is slightly right-wing conservative, thus with a populistic behaviour.

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Madeira, Neto Acilino Alberto. « A experiência participativa de João Pessoa Paraíba : potencialidades e limites ». Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2013. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/7300.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
The present work is intended to analyze the potential and limits of new municipal governance agenda of João Pessoa (PB) with the participation and citizen for the expansion of participatory democracy and improve the system representative democratic in theoretical approach by the public deliberation. The tender of analysis is to answer how the new agenda for municipal governance of João Pessoa (PB) contributes to the transformation of local government in a power connected to the social composition in an administration that universalize the rights of citizenship. From a theoretical reflection and criticism, will be examined the construction and development of that shared governance agenda of João Pessoa (PB), that these developments of the survey factors that contributed to the emergence of this new agenda, analysis and evaluation of participatory institution structuring and guiding the new governance agenda of the normative criteria of public deliberation, in consideration of the qualitative aspects of participation and deliberative effectivety.
O presente trabalho se destina à análise das potencialidades e dos limites da nova agenda de governança municipal de João Pessoa (PB) com a participação popular e cidadã para a ampliação da democracia participativa e o aperfeiçoamento do sistema democrático-representativo pelo enfoque teórico da deliberação pública. O propósito da análise é responder de que forma a nova agenda de governança municipal de João Pessoa (PB) contribui para a transformação do poder local em um poder articulado com o corpo social numa gestão que universalize os direitos da cidadania. A partir de uma reflexão teórica e crítica, serão examinados a construção e o desenvolvimento da referida agenda de governança compartilhada de João Pessoa (PB), tendo como desdobramentos o levantamento dos fatores determinantes que contribuíram para a emergência dessa nova agenda, a análise e a avaliação da instituição participativa estruturante e condutora da nova agenda de governança pelos critérios normativos da deliberação pública, na consideração dos aspectos qualitativos da participação e da efetividade deliberativa.

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Martins, Thais Cavalcante. « Organização e funcionamento da política representativa local : o caso do município de São Carlos ». Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2015. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/7518.

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This research aims to examine the organization and functioning of representative politics in São Carlos between the years 2001-2008, including the way that political representation is exercised at the local level. We seek to identify and analyze the profile of local political elites, the strategies adopted by councilors in the performance of representation as well as the relationship established with the executive. To this end, we look back on the local scene from the resumption of the political divide, the rules of the legislative process, in addition to the agenda approved by the mayor and the City Council. The study seeks to demonstrate that the choice made by political actors would be related, as far as possible, to the unique dynamics of county policy. Although individuals are the basic unit of analysis, they operate according to the parameters set by the institutional environment in which they operate. Are the preferences of the actors as well as its position in the political game that make these opt for a strategy or other possibilities in the field of institutional rules.
Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a organização e o funcionamento da política representativa no município de São Carlos entre os anos de 2001 a 2008, compreendendo o modo que a representação política é exercida em nível local. Buscamos identificar e analisar o perfil das elites políticas locais, as estratégias adotadas pelos vereadores no exercício da representação, bem como a relação estabelecida com o poder Executivo. Para tanto, nos debruçamos sobre o cenário local a partir da retomada da disputa política, das regras do processo legislativo, além da agenda aprovada pelo prefeito e pela Câmara Municipal. O estudo busca demonstrar que a escolha feita pelos atores políticos estaria relacionada, na medida do possível, às singularidades da dinâmica política do município. Embora os indivíduos sejam a unidade básica de análise, estes operam de acordo com os parâmetros estabelecidos pelo ambiente institucional em que atuam. São as preferências dos atores, bem como o seu posicionamento no jogo político que fazem com que estes optem por uma estratégia ou outra no campo das possibilidades das regras institucionais.

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Ford, E. J. « Life on the Campaign Trail : The Political Anthropology of Local Politics ». [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002610.

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WORRAKITTIMALEE, Thawatchai. « Change and Continuity of Political Networks through the Direct Local Elections : Case Study of Ubon Ratchathani, Udon Thani and Khon Kaen Provinces ». Doctoral thesis, Kyoto University, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/253392.

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京都大学
0048
新制・課程博士
博士(地域研究)
甲第22556号
地博第259号
新制||地||98(附属図書館)
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科東南アジア地域研究専攻
(主査)教授玉田芳史, 教授岡本正明, 准教授中西嘉宏
学位規則第4条第1項該当
Doctor of Area Studies
Kyoto University
DFAM

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Freier, Ronny. « Incumbency, divided government, partisan politics and council size : Essays in local political economics ». Doctoral thesis, Handelshögskolan i Stockholm, Institutionen för Nationalekonomi, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hhs:diva-2221.

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This thesis comprises four empirical papers, each devoted to a specific topic in local political economics. Paper one and two evaluate the importance of the mayor position to the future electoral success of the mayor’s party. In the first paper, the focus is on the party’s electoral outcome in subsequent mayoral elections, while the second paper is concerned with the interdependencies between the mayor’s office and elections on other levels of government. The third paper investigates the causal effect of individual parties on policy in the context of German town council politics. The objective is to measure the impact of political representation in a proportional election system on core fiscal decisions of the municipalities. The final paper studies the specific concerns when using population thresholds in regression discontinuity designs for causal inference (in the German case). The analysis reviews the German evidence on the link between the size of the legislation and government spending.

Diss. Stockholm : Stockholm School of Economics, 2011. Introduction together with 4 papers.

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MONTEIRO, José Marciano. « Família, poder local e dominação : um estudo sobre os processos de disputas políticas da(s) família(s) Ernesto-Rêgo em queimadas - PB ». Universidade Federal de Campina Grande, 2009. http://dspace.sti.ufcg.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/riufcg/1328.

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A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar os discursos e as práticas que permitiram a perpetuação do poder local da família Ernesto-Rêgo no município de Queimadas – PB. Analisa o exercício do domínio político por mais de quatro gerações no município e as razões pelas quais a política queimadense, desde o seu processo de emancipação, tem apresentado em suas disputas eleitorais ao cargo executivo, uma forte presença e definindo, a seu favor, a continuidade do poder no interior do grupo familiar ou de seus prepostos. Objetiva-se responder às seguintes questões: Através de que práticas se instituíram tal dominação? Qual a origem genealógica dessa família e seus ramos parentais? Quais as formas ou maneiras dessas famílias realizarem as ações políticas locais? Para responder a estas questões, em termos metodológicos, fez-se uso do trabalho de campo e da história oral, recorrendo principalmente, à memória, através de entrevistas abertas; outra fonte de pesquisa foram os jornais, vídeos e pesquisa bibliográfica. E como fio teórico condutor da análise, a abordagem de Pierre Bourdieu, a partir de sua proposta de Sociologia da Prática, pautada na noção de campo, habitus e capitais, atravessa todo o texto analítico. O texto assim, discorre sobre a genealogia desta família, tentando compreender os capitais que, historicamente, foram sendo construídos. E associado a isto, a dominação política que esta família foi exercendo através dos capitais construídos historicamente e das práticas e ações desenvolvidas localmente. Capitais estes que estão relacionados ao “nome da família”, a posse de terras, as práticas e ações que dizem respeito às relações de compadrio e as trocas de favores na sociedade queimadense. Desta feita, constatou-se que a dominação política local se estabelece a partir das ações de dependência construídas por aqueles que são detentores de um maior quantum de capital possível em relação àqueles que são desprovidos de capital. Fato que permite concluir que a dominação política exercida por esta família a partir das relações de compadrio e das relações de favores, é quem constroem os laços sentimentais e pragmáticos que ligam as pessoas à liderança, e a dependência política se traduz na triste frase “eu devo favor”, o que significa uma forma de gratidão, uma dívida cujo preço é a fidelidade sem limites, que pode resultar na possibilidade constante de subordinação pessoal e familiar, ou seja, na mais profunda violência simbólica.
The present dissertation objectives to analyze the discourses and the practices that allowed the perpetuation of local power of the family Ernesto-Rêgo in the city of Queimadas - PB. Analyzes the exercise of politic domain extended for more than four generations in the city and the reasons why politic of Queimadas, since its process of emancipation, has presented on its electoral disputes for executive loads, an strong presence and defined on its favor, the continuity of power in the interior of familiar groups or its functionaries. We objective to answer the following questions: Which practices instituted this domination? What are the genealogic origin of this family and its parental branches? How does this family realizes local politic actions? To answer these questions, in methodological terms, we did a camp work and oral history, appealing mainly to memory, through open interviews; another font of researches were the newspapers, videos and bibliographic research. And conducing this analyze, the boarding of Pierre Bourdieu, from his propose of Sociology of Practice, following the notions of campo, habitus e capitais, pass through the analytic text. The text discuss about the genealogy of this family, trying to understand the capitais that historically, were being build. And, associated to this, the politic domination that this family was doing through capitals historically constructed and the practices and actions developed locally. These capitals are related to “family name”, land ownership, the practices and actions that are related to proximal relationships and exchanged favors on the society. We contacted that local politic domination is established from actions of dependency built for those who detain the biggest quantity of possible capital in relation to that who are disproved of that. Fact that allows to conclude that politic domination exerted for this family of proximal relationships and favors relationships, build sentimental bows and pragmatics that link people to leadership, and political dependency is traduced in the sad statement: “I must reattribute a favor”, what means a way of gratitude, one bill that price is the fidelity without limits, that can result on the possibility of personal subordination and familiar, that is, the deepest symbolic violence.

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Granville-Self, Edward. « Hållbar utveckling i kommunalt beslutsfattande : En studie om integrering och prioritering ur fritidspolitiskt perspektiv ». Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för ekonomi och teknik (SET), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-22597.

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The concept of sustainable development is a challenge that demands cooperation from all levels of society for it to be successful. The focus for this thesis is how politicians within the local councils understand the concept of sustainable development and how they implement it in political decision-making. The basis for the study is a questionnaire that was distributed to 303 local politicians in three municipalities of varying size in Southern Sweden. The study concentrates on departments within the local councils that are directly connected to the Swedish environmental law and the Swedish planning and construction law. One of the primary goals with the aforementioned laws is the achievement of sustainable development within one generation. The outcome of the study was that over half of the local politicians could correctly define sustainable development according to the World Commission on Environment and Development’s (WCED) definition. Two thirds of them prioritised the concept and were motivated to take it into serious consideration when making political decisions. With regard to the local councils documentation for decision-making, the respondents were not in agreement as to whether clear associations to sustainable development and the Swedish environmental objectives were present. The study also revealed both statistical differences and correlations in relation to several statements regarding aspects of sustainable development. Further education within sustainable development and clearly defined connections to documentation from the local councils can conceivably increase its acceptance and integration amongst local politicians.
Begreppet hållbar utveckling är en utmaning som kräver samarbete från alla nivåer i samhället för att det ska lyckas. Det innebär tre olika dimensioner som ska samstämmigt och ömsesidigt stödja varandra. Hänsyn måste tas till ekonomiska, miljömässiga och sociala dimensioner för att främja en hållbar utveckling. Många av de slutgiltigt offentliga besluten gällande verksamheter som påverkar medborgarnas vardag ligger hos kommunerna. Dessa kommuner styrs av politiker vars påverkan, genom sina beslut, på samhället är mycket omfattande. Fokus på denna uppsats ligger på hur de kommunala politikerna uppfattar begreppet hållbar utveckling och hur de integrerar begreppet hållbar utveckling i sitt politiska beslutsfattande. Utgångspunkten för studien är en enkät som delades ut till 303 lokala politiker i tre kommuner av varierande storlek i södra Sverige. Studien koncentrerar sig på avdelningar inom kommuner som är direkt kopplade till Miljöbalken (SFS 1998:808) och Plan- och bygglagen (SFS 2010:900). Ett av de primära målen med de ovan nämnda lagar är att uppnå en hållbar utveckling inom en generation. Resultatet av studien visade att över hälften av de undersökta förtroendevalda kunde definiera hållbar utveckling på ett korrekt sätt och enligt världskommissionen för miljö och utvecklings (WCED) definition. Två tredjedels av respondenterna prioriterade begreppet högt och integrerade det i sitt beslutsfattande. När det gäller beslutsunderlagen, framtagna av kommunala tjänstemän, ansåg större delen av respondenterna att tydliga kopplingar till hållbar utveckling eller de nationella miljömålen inte fanns. Vidare visade det sig även att en signifikant statistisk skillnad förekom i hur de olika åldersgrupperna upplevde kopplingar till de ovannämnda aspekterna. Ytterligare statistiskt säkerställda skillnader och samband uppkom i förhållande till påståenden gällande olika dimensioner av hållbar utveckling. Vidareutbildning inom hållbar utveckling och tydligt definierade kopplingar till hållbar utveckling, de nationella miljömålen och kommunala handlingsplaner kan möjligtvis öka begreppens integration och uppfattning bland de förtroendevalda.

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Souza, Samuel Candido de. « Elites legislativas comparadas : Caraguatatuba, São Sebastião e Ubatuba ». Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2015. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/8271.

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This research analyzes comparatively the social profile of council members from the cities of Caraguatatuba, São Sebastião and Ubatuba, located on the north coast of São Paulo, in the period that includes the 2000, 2004 and 2008 elections, with the aim of verify what the similarities and differences in the local political elite. Considering that cities have similar socioeconomic characteristics, the profile of political elite will be similar as well. The hypothesis is based on the assumption that the social, economic and institutional characteristics impose certain conditions for entry and success in the political field, compelling politicians to acquire certain types of capital, this favoring the recruitment in the social strata that have greater possibilities to acquire such capital, constituting a particular social profile of political elite. The professional category was the main feature of political agents to be compared by allowing us to identify the social insertion of politicians. The analysis found that there are many similarities in the political elite of the cities, and the few differences are explained by the particular way that each city fits into the regional economy.
Esta pesquisa analisa comparativamente o perfil social dos vereadores dos municípios de Caraguatatuba, São Sebastião e Ubatuba, localizados no Litoral Norte do Estado de São Paulo, no período que envolve as eleições de 2000, 2004 e 2008, com a finalidade de verificar quais as semelhanças e diferenças existentes na elite política local. Considerando-se que os municípios possuem características socioeconômicas semelhantes, o perfil da elite política também será semelhante. A hipótese baseia-se no pressuposto de que os elementos social, econômico e institucional impõem certas condições para a entrada no campo político e para o sucesso dentro dele, obrigando os agentes políticos a adquirirem determinados tipos de capital, favorecendo o recrutamento nos estratos sociais com maiores possibilidades de acesso a esses capitais, conformando um determinado perfil social de elite política. Tomou-se como base comparativa a categoria profissional dos agentes políticos pelas possibilidades de, através dela, se identificar a inserção social dos agentes. A análise constatou que há muitas semelhanças na elite política dos municípios, sendo as poucas diferenças explicadas pela maneira distinta que cada município se insere na economia regional.

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Hameiri, S., Caroline Hughes et F. Scarpello. « International Intervention and Local Politics ». Cambridge University Press, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17583.

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No
International peace- and state-building interventions have become ubiquitous in international politics since the 1990s, aiming to tackle the security problems stemming from the instability afflicting many developing states. Their frequent failures have prompted a shift towards analysing how the interaction between interveners and recipients shapes outcomes. This book critically assesses the rapidly growing literature in international relations and development studies on international intervention and local politics. It advances an innovative approach, placing the politics of scale at the core of the conflicts and compromises shaping the outcomes of international intervention. Different scales - local, national, international - privilege different interests, unevenly allocating power, resources and political opportunity structures. Interveners and recipients thus pursue scalar strategies and socio-political alliances that reinforce their power and marginalise rivals. This approach is harnessed towards examining three prominent case studies of international intervention - Aceh, Cambodia and Solomon Islands - with a focus on public administration reform.

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16

Manning, Nathan Paul, et nathan manning@adelaide edu au. « Young People and Politics : Apathetic and Disengaged ? A Qualitative Inquiry ». Flinders University. Sociology, 2007. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20070903.180304.

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This thesis is an examination of the prominent discourse which claims young people are apathetic and disengaged from politics. It is argued that this discourse is based upon two faulty conceptual assumptions, firstly, that youth is a period of linear transition to adulthood, and secondly, that the discourse unreflexively applies an unproblematised notion of politics which has its origin in the eighteenth century Scottish Enlightenment. The research used in-depth qualitative interviews to explore the ways in which young people operating across the political spectrum understand and practice politics. These qualitative findings add to existing studies of young people and politics, which are predominantly quantitative in approach. The findings suggest that the Scottish Enlightenments narrow, regulatory, liberal model of politics is the hegemonic model of politics for participants. However, this hegemony is challenged by participants own political practices, the collapse of liberalisms public/private divide under conditions of late modernity, and an interconnected sense of self. Moreover, contrary to the discourse of apathetic and disengaged youth, that there are a number of ways of understanding and practicing politics, particularly in light of social processes such as individualisation, new social movements, and consumerism driving recent social change.

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17

Gross, Deanna Katherine, et deanna gross@adelaide edu au. « POLITICS AND PLUNDER : Civil war and regional intervention in Africa ». Flinders University. School of Political and International Studies, 2007. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20080502.111658.

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Over recent decades, civil wars in Africa have taken millions of lives and caused widespread destruction of whole states and regions. The living standards of peoples residing in such states in Africa which have been devastated by war are often deplorable, with violence, disease and poverty characterising life there. Lawlessness is another feature of such wars, making these states optimal places for international terrorist groups to operate in, and from. For both the above reasons, the West should not turn a blind eye to this issue. These wars that have occurred in a number of African states, including Rwanda, Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Sudan, have often become regionalised with surrounding states increasingly becoming involved. This is particularly the case when economic gain can be sought through involvement in the civil war. The introduction of regional actors into domestic civil wars frequently serves to intensify and prolong the conflict, through an increase of arms and troops entering the fighting. The surrounding state actors largely claim to be involved for political reasons, namely to provide security to their own state. However, numerous credible reports have shown that vast plundering of natural resources has been carried out in war-time by surrounding states in the war-torn state. Consequently, this thesis examines the motives of surrounding state actors when deciding to participate in domestic civil wars of their neighbours. To do this, I compile case studies on both Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo since both states had been ravaged by violent and drawn-out civil wars involving regional actors. Furthermore, the regional actors in both cases (Liberia in Sierra Leone, and particularly Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe in the DRC) have been accused of participating in the wars for economic gain. The case studies showed that while political motivations largely drive the initial decision by regional actors to participate in civil wars in their region, it is subsequently economic gain that both allows and compels them to continue their involvement in the civil war. Henceforth, in the final chapter, I put investigate policy suggestions for the future including: prevention of resources being used to fuel warfare through controlling their access to legitimate channels; the use of aid to reduce the likelihood of those in poverty turning to war in pursuit of sustenance, including opportunities to target aid and use compliance with particular peace agreements as a prerequisite for attaining the funding; diversification of the economies of these weak states through development assistance to reduce risks produced by a high dependency on primary commodity exports for income and financial sanctions in the form of freezing of assets or asset blocking. These policy suggestions seek to address both the political and economic motivations of the surrounding state actors in participating in civil wars in Africa.

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Alcantara, Jose Carlos [UNESP]. « O dualismo partidário no período de 1966 a 1982 e sua representação local ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103178.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá.
An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced.

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Battams, Samantha Jane, et sam battams@flinders edu au. « Housing for people with a psychiatric disability ; community empowerment, partnerships and politics ». Flinders University. Public Health, 2008. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20080926.215213.

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This research examined intersectoral relationships and community participation in policy processes across the mental health and housing sectors. The focus was on the development of suitable housing options for people with a psychiatric disability. The study period covered five years of mental health system reform in South Australia (2000-2005). The research found a shortage of housing and support options for people with psychiatric disability and lack of significant strategic policy coordination or ongoing cross-sectoral programmes. The problems faced by people in gaining access to housing and disability support services and the ways in which families provide housing or support in the absence of public services are documented. This case study used qualitative research methods which were triangulated across four stages: 1) a thematic analysis of national and state policies in the health, housing and disability sectors; 2) participant observation of NGO activity, a thematic analysis of NGO documents, and interviews and focus groups with NGOs; 3) interviews and focus groups with consumer and carer representatives and a thematic analysis of the minutes from state-level groups; 4) interviews with professionals from the health, housing and disability sectors The housing situation for people with psychiatric disability was explained in terms of a number of key issues in the policy environment; X The overarching neo-liberal policy context synonymous with a decline in public housing resources and increasing tension between NGOs service provider and advocacy roles. X The political nature of the local mental health policy context and lack of political commitment to ongoing resources. Broad community stigma reflected in the media and government, affecting ongoing political commitment to mental health and housing and the introduction and progress of housing ¡¥projects¡¦. X The slow development of peak NGO and consumer organisations and alliances in South Australia which affected access to policy networks and contributed to the dominance of professional interests within policy processes. X The separation of health, housing and disability policy and networks within and across levels of government. This was associated with bilateral agreements (between Australian and state governments) tied to resources within departments, the programme objectives and the goals of bureaucrats. X The separation of policy networks by sector was also connected to the dominance of bio-medical discourses and interventions and associated professional interests in the health policy sector. Medical discourses on health and disability and ¡¥consumerist¡¦ discourses on participation also led to social determinants of health such as housing being overlooked within policy processes. X Governance reform at a state level contributed to organisational instability within departments, causing some problems for cross-sectoral initiatives and protocols. Kingdon¡¦s (2003) multiple streams analysis of policy helped to explain what missed or reached political agendas within each policy sector of the case study. Kingdon predicts that the unity of policy networks is important for the realization of policy solutions, and the lack of unity in policy sectors was an obstacle to policy agendas on housing for people with a psychiatric disability. However, the way in which problems were being represented (Bacchi 1999) was also important to understanding this policy environment. For example, a medical discourse on disability (Fulcher 1989) tied to the health sector led to a narrow focus on clinical mental health services. Similarly, neo-liberal discourse (Dean 1999) supported private housing solutions and resources or NGOs advocating ¡¥within sectors¡¦ for the types of services they already provided or wished to provide. The case study suggested strategies for ¡¥policy change¡¦ need to address a number of factors across service delivery, policy and political realms. Firstly, better recognition is warranted of the difficulty experienced by many people with psychiatric disability in achieving stable housing, and the need for indicators on housing access and stability for this group. Secondly, processes to address stigma (particularly that perpetuated in the media) will be instrumental for policy change and political commitment. Thirdly, ongoing cross sectoral advocacy and alliances require development at both a national and state level and support by a political culture which encourages advocacy. Developing processes for working across sectors such as policy learning forums involving both experts and community groups could counter problems arising from professional culture and territories that were documented in this study. Finally, the cross-sectoral development of policy, programmes and accountability mechanisms and the stability of policy networks will be important to ensuring stable housing for people with psychiatric disability.

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Dorado, Maria-Cristina. « Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.

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Boyne, George A. « The politics of local policy variation ». Thesis, University of Bath, 1989. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234636.

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Haring-Smith, Whitney. « "All conflict is local" : an empirical analysis of local factors in violent civil conflict ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:05603826-f731-4817-a6a7-965e8056b62f.

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Previous civil war analyses have approached conflict as a single category with limited exceptions, and this thesis project assesses whether differentiating conflicts by their type and intensity using a local-level geo-referenced analytical approach produces differing results for sub-groups of conflicts. The conflicts are divided into 1) governmental hostilities, where the aim of the armed non-state group is to capture the state, and 2) territorial hostilities, where the aim of the armed non-state group is to capture increased autonomy or secession for a territorial claim. The conflicts are also differentiated by intensity into 1) low-intensity conflicts, with fewer than 1000 battle-related deaths per year, and 2) civil wars, with 1000 or more battle-related deaths per year. The results demonstrate that conflicts with differing insurgent goals and intensities of battle are correlated with markedly different factors. There are three factors – local population density, change in local rainfall, and statewide GDP growth – that are significant to both governmental and territorial hostilities but have opposite signs for the two sets. Only one variable – Polity IV scores – showed a consistently significant correlation for governmental and territorial hostilities. There are no factors that are significant to both low-intensity conflict and higher-intensity civil war. These findings suggest that approaching all conflicts as a single class, particularly at the local level, may not reveal significant differences in factors correlated with conflict. Modeling of local conflict will require differentiation of conflicts into salient sub-groups. For policymakers and practitioners, this research suggests that there is not a one-size-fits-all approach for conflict prevention but that strategies need to be targeted to specific types of conflict.

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Sepulveda, David. « All Politics is Not Local : The Role of Competing Nationalisms in the Rhetoric of American Political Ideologies ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/223331.

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This dissertation addresses the different ways in which Americans define citizenship and nationhood and the associated implications for politics and political rhetoric. I argue that the contesting of the national identity--the ways in which a given image of the United Sates is privileged over other images of the nation--is central to the ideological divisions of the United States today. The dissertation begins by examining existing scholarship on the nature of ideological divisions and arguments in contemporary US politics, and the survey demonstrates that each of these approaches tells us a great deal about how certain individual factors influence ideological arguments, but these insights tend to come at the cost of minimizing the roles played by extremely powerful societal forces like race, ethnicity, gender, religion, and sexual orientation. I propose, therefore, a view of the left-center-right political spectrum in the United States as a spectrum based on competing--and sometimes overlapping--nationalist ideologies, with opposing groups competing for control of the state agencies that sustain and diffuse the national high culture. According to this view, individuals define their position in the ideological spectrum based on whom they culturally identify with, and practitioners of political rhetoric would benefit from identifying the culture of their ideology with the American "mainstream." Toward this end, the dissertation draws on nationalism theory to establish a theory to examine how competing national identities are contested both in political rhetoric and in popular media that is not explicitly political. The dissertation then concludes by identifying rhetorical strategies that have been effective at crossing ideological lines in the past and proposing new strategies that can be effective at crossing ideological lines in the future.

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Djani, Luky. « Reform movements and local politics in Indonesia ». Thesis, Djani, Luky (2013) Reform movements and local politics in Indonesia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2013. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/41576/.

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This thesis analyses the factors that have shaped conflicts over corruption in post-Suharto Indonesia and the processes by which corruption has been contained or entrenched. Contrary to mainstream theories it is argued here that institutional reforms in themselves are not sufficient factors in transforming behaviour or incentives for corruption. Most important, democratic reforms and decentralization programs introduced in the aftermath of the political reformasi do not in themselves results either in the containment of corruption or its continued entrenchment. Nor, it is proposed, institutional reforms in public administration and governance the decisive factors. Rather, it is argued here that the success or failure of reformist movements is contingent upon a range of factors that influence the relative power of contending alliances involved in the conflicts over corruption. Among these factors, it is argued that the following are critical. One is the degree to which interests and coalitions that dominate government are able to secure a degree of monopoly over access to resources and revenues. This can provide decisive economic and political leverage in their attempts to protect predatory forms of authority against reformers. A second factor is related to the way such interests distribute public resources and budgetary expenditure and how effectively these consolidate social and political support. The third factor is related to the ability of reformers to build political alliances and coalitions. These may not always include opponents of corruption or the institutions of clientalism but may include some of those currently excluded from the existing benefits of corruption. Using four case studies, the thesis examines how these factors influence the resolution of specific conflicts between reformers and incumbents. The four cases are selected to represent different ways in which elites are able to exert control over resources and how they distribute them as well as different patterns of reformist alliances. In other words, the thesis presents an argument that corruption reform is decided, not in the design and construction of institutions but in the context of constant struggles over power and how it is organised and resources are distributed.

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Harvey, Clare Lynette Eden, et clare harvey@flinders edu au. « Through the Looking Glass : The Politics of Advancing Nursing and the Discourses on Nurse Practitioners in Australia ». Flinders University. School of Nursing and Midwifery, 2010. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20100708.110421.

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Nursing has a tradition of subservience and obedience. History provides an account of secular and religious orders of nursing shaping a view of virtuous and tireless dedication in carrying out the doctors orders. Nurse Practitioners were first introduced to the health care system in the 1960s as a solution to the medical shortage being experienced in United States of America at that time. They assumed clinical tasks, traditionally regarded as doctors work. Since then the Nurse Practitioner movement has expanded globally. Australia introduced the Nurse Practitioner role in 1998, heralding a new era in the health system of that country. Its introduction has created diverging views which are influence role implementation. This study examines social and political discourses that are affecting the development of Nurse Practitioners in Australia, using text and language to identify discursive practices. It has set out to determine whether Nurse Practitioners have the autonomy that professional nursing leaders have described in policy, or whether the introduction of the role has merely shifted nursings sphere of influence within a traditional health care system. Using Faircloughs notion of power behind discourse, the language and discourses of Nurse Practitioners were explored in relation to what was happening around role development and how Nurse Practitioners positioned themselves within the environment where they worked. The use of a Critical Discourse Analysis has allowed for the various social, historical and political perspectives of nursing to be examined. Faircloughs three levels of social organisation have been used to identify the divergent discourses between the truths of implementation of the role at individual and organisational level and comparing it to that of the rhetoric of health policy. The discourses surrounding the creation of this advanced nursing role have been the focus of analysis. This analysis has revealed how role development is controlled by powerful groups external to the nursing profession. The dominant discourses use the traditional health care divisions of labour to maintain control through a financially driven focus on health care which does not necessarily revolve around clinical need. Further complicating the position of Nurse Practitioners is the internalisation of those dominant discourses by the nurses themselves. It reinforces Faircloughs view that the dominant power lies behind the discourse, using the system itself to maintain a status quo, rather than overtly opposing it. Nurse Practitioners, despite being held out by the nursing profession as clinical leaders, are not able to influence change in health care or in their own roles. The results have further shown that nursing managers do not have an influence over the direction that health care and nursing takes. Further research is necessary to examine the broader leadership role of nursing within health care nationally and internationally, in order to establish the real position of nursing within the decision making framework of health care service development.

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Alcantara, Jose Carlos 1941. « O dualismo partidário no período de 1966 a 1982 e sua representação local / ». Assis : [s.n.], 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103178.

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Orientador: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes
Banca: Clodoaldo Bueno
Banca: Áureo Busetto
Banca: Lupércio Antônio Pereira
Banca: Maria Lúcia Bertachini Nosella
Resumo: O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá.
Abstract: An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced.
Doutor

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Zhou, Yingnan Joseph. « Authoritarian governance in China ». Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2174.

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What determines governance quality in authoritarian settings? The existing literature on governance concentrates on democratic governance and provides no ready answer. By focusing on the world’s largest authoritarian country, China, this study delineates an authoritarian model of governance quality. In the model, I argue that in order for good governance to occur, an authoritarian government must have both the ability and the desire to govern well, and the current authoritarian government in China has both. Specifically, its ability to govern well comes from 1) its sovereignty within the territory, 2) its fiscal resources, and 3) its party-state structure blended with decentralization, term and age limits, and performance-based promotion. Its desire to govern well comes from 1) the regime’s need for political legitimacy; 2) good governance as an important source of political legitimacy; 3) the decay of alternative sources of legitimacy; 4) the double uncertainty of authoritarian politics that compels leaders to highly active in delivering good governance. I formulate key hypotheses and test them with a variety of original datasets. The Chinese County Governance Data are collected from county government websites. The data on county-level public opinion are constructed through Multilevel Regression and Poststratification (MRP) based on the 2010 Chinese General Social Survey and the 2000 national census data. County leader characteristics are collected from Database of Local Officials. The empirical analysis general supports the model. My study reveals an authoritarian logic of governance which centers on the party state’s top-down control and the regime’s insecurity about political legitimacy. My study also demonstrates that China’s model of governance is not shared by most authoritarian countries today.

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Halford, Susan Janine. « Local politics, feminism and the local state : women's initiatives in British local government in the 1980s ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303870.

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Hepburn, Paul Anthony. « Local governance and the local online networked public sphere : enhancing local democracy or politics as usual ? » Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/local-governance-and-the-local-online-networked-public-sphereenhancing-local-democracy-or-politics-as-usual(83706217-54a7-4314-ab58-8a583e380371).html.

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This study examines the potential for the Internet, or more specifically the World Wide Web, to enhance local democracy and local governance by providing a networked public sphere. It is located in post-industrial theories of social and political transformation, which see a new, uncertain and complex society emerging which may transform the political significance of the 'local'. Whilst a number of causes are identified as culpable in this process, it is the ICT revolution and the development of the Web in particular, that is seen as possessing a democratising potential that, if realised, may bring greater resilience to geographic localities. The potential of the Web to provide a new networked public sphere is based upon contested views that its topography, its hyperlinked structure, can enable the ordinary citizen's voice to be heard above those that traditionally dominate political discourse. However, there has been no attention paid to this potential being realised at a local governance level within which, this study argues, a favourable environment should exist for a local online networked public sphere to prosper. Accordingly, this prospect is empirically explored here through a case study of the use made of the Web by a variety of local civic, political and institutional actors during a 2008 local (Manchester, UK) referendum on introducing the largest traffic congestion charging scheme in the country. This research applies a distinctive mixed method approach within a conceptually defined internet mediated domain of local governance. Relational Hyperlink Analysis is used to analyse the structural significance of the captured congestion charge. This analysis uses Social Network Analysis (SNA) and an associated statistical technique, Exponential Random Graph Modelling (ERGM) to render the network visible and understandable. To further illuminate how the network was used by local civic and institutional actors involved in the referendum the research draws upon a network ethnography approach which uses SNA to identify subjects for qualitative investigation. The study offers some evidence of the Web providing 'just enough' links in this local context to suggest the structural existence of a networked public sphere. However, further evidence from the narratives and the statistical model paint an alternative picture. This suggests that, in the main, hyperlinking behaviour and use made of the network corresponds to a 'politics as usual' scenario where cliques are more likely to proliferate and powerful economic and media interests dominate online as they do offline. If the ordinary citizen's voice is to be heard in this context then there is a requirement for policy intervention to establish a trusted local networked public sphere or online civic space, independent of vested interests but linked to the local governance decision making process. In addition to this there is a requirement for greater education, particularly aimed at senior local governance policy makers, in the culture of online engagement.

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Aitken, Robert Martin. « Localizing politics : Cardenismo, the mexican state and local politics in contemporary Michoacán / ». [Leiden] : [Leiden university], 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39907167d.

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Trifu, Ioan. « Prefectural Governors in Post-War Japan : A Socio-Historical Approach ». Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20009.

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Le gouverneur japonais (chiji) est l’exécutif en chef du département, la plus grande division administrative au Japon. Conçue pendant l'ère Meiji comme l'un des principaux outils du contrôle central sur le Japon local, cette fonction a été radicalement modifiée après l'introduction de l'élection au suffrage universel direct comme nouveau mode de désignation par les forces d’Occupation dans la période de l'après-guerre. A la connexion entre le niveau national et local, et légitimé par le suffrage populaire, le gouverneur est doté de larges pouvoirs dans le système de gouvernement local japonais. Ces conditions ont permis de renforcer le leadership politique d’un gouverneur muni d'une forte autorité sur le département, tout en étant en contact direct avec le gouvernement central, en tant qu’exécutif en chef de la plus haute division locale du Japon. De nombreuses caractéristiques de la fonction (le succès électoral des bureaucrates et la relation particulière avec les partis politiques notamment) sont toutefois les résultats d’un phénomène de « dépendance au sentier » (path-dependence), peu à peu remodelées sous l’effet des frictions produites par les réformes décentralisatrices de la période de l'Occupation dans un cadre encore largement centralisateur.Sur la base de travaux de recherche à la fois quantitatifs et qualitatifs, cette étude analyse la transformation de la fonction de gouverneur au cours de l'après-guerre d'une position bureaucratique à une charge politique, ses évolutions et les conséquences de celles-ci sur la politique japonaise au niveau local et national
The Japanese governor (chiji) is the executive head of the prefecture, the largest administrative division in Japan. Conceived during the Meiji as one of the main tools of the central control on local Japan, this position was been radically modified after the introduction of direct election by the Allied Occupation authority in the post-war period. At the connection between the national and local level, and legitimized by public election, the governor is endowed with substantial powers in the Japanese local government system. These conditions have strengthened the capacity of local leadership of the governor provided with a strong authority over the prefecture. Numerous characteristics of the position, the success of bureaucrats and the particular relation with political parties notably, are however path-dependent elements, gradually reshaped by the frictions produced by the reforms of the Occupation period. Based on both quantitative and qualitative research works, this study analyses the transformation of the post-war governorship from a bureaucratic position to a political office, its evolution and its consequences on Japanese politics at both local and national level

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Grant, Julian Maree, et julian grant@flinders edu au. « Colliding Realities : An Ethnographic Account of the Politics of Identity and Knowledge in Intercultural Communication in Child and Family Health ». Flinders University. Nursing and Midwifery, 2008. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20081111.095203.

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ABSTRACT Cultural beliefs and values implicitly shape every aspect of the way we parent our children and how we communicate about parenting. For parents who are migrants and experiencing parenting in a new country it is essential that child and family health professionals better understand how the cultural self influences practice. Child and family health professionals work with families who come from cultures other than their own on a daily basis. How they communicate with these families is the subject of this ethnographic study into culture and communication in child and family health. Taking culture as its starting point this study explored the everyday communication experiences of child health professionals including child and family health nurses, social workers and doctors in a statewide child and family health service in South Australia. Data included participant observation, video and in-depth interview data. Drawing on insights from cultural studies including postcolonial and feminist scholarship the analysis showed that child health professionals attempted to use contemporary discourses of service provision such as partnership with enthusiasm and with genuine intent. However their application of partnership was limited by unexamined binary constructs within dominant pedagogic tools of culture and communication. Analysis showed that four key binaries structured the communication practice of participants in this study; public or private knowledge, ideologies of sameness or difference, organisational or professional philosophies of practice and the expert or partner in intercultural communication. Three body analysis is introduced as a strategy to work with these binary challenges that seem to present when practice attempts to incorporate theory without consideration of the contexts of use. The combination of postcolonial feminist critique and three body analysis stimulates an explicit examination of health care inequalities as they intersect with the ongoing effects of colonisation. Current professional strategies for working with people who are new arrivals or migrants to Australia focus on understanding differences associated with particular ethic and cultural groups. Despite much work being undertaken to understand difference, in practice this culturalist approach underpinned by a belief in the essential nature of human kind, has resulted in people who are migrants or new arrivals continuing to report poor communication by health professionals as a primary barrier to their health care. Theoretical analysis suggests that this approach ignores differences in power relations among ethnic groups and ultimately manifests in racism. Further, contemporary communication pedagogies in child and family health reinforce this inattention to relations of power when health professionals are instructed to communicate in ways that are regardless of difference. By advocating that people are treated the same, historic and situated issues of gender, race, and socioeconomic inequalities are ignored. In this way binaries of sameness/difference are perpetuated. Those parents located in marginalised positions of difference experience inequities in health care. In this study, child and family health professionals frequently drew from their own personal experiences of parenting to determine the content of information given to new parents, and to inform their approach to intercultural communication. In doing so they unselfconsciously conflated their personal and professional pedagogies and presented all information as professional. Child and family health practices are deeply cultured. Many practices are not scientifically proven and as such do not fit comfortably with the rational scientific medical paradigm with which they are aligned. Where disciplinary knowledge can be assessed and evaluated, this study found that there was no equivalent place for the evaluation of understanding of cultural knowledge it was assumed as universal. Deeply cultured personal information tendered by participants represents a normative world that is white, western, middle class and gendered. Participants did not recognise themselves as cultured, nor did they recognise the potential impact of bringing this unexamined cultural self into the professional encounter. This resulted in seepage of practice that was democratically racist. This is where outward commitments to justice equality and fairness paradoxically exist with conflicting personal ideologies of sameness. Challenged to find a place for these constructs to coexist participants outwardly identify with the organisationally preferred position of social justice or evidence-based practice. However, participant observation and discussion of practice demonstrated that when conflicting personal beliefs and values were left unattended they found ways of surreptitiously creeping into and shaping the consultation. It seems that modernist theories do not provide adequate ontological and epistemological understandings for working with, and valuing pluralism in multiculture. Rather they constrict and limit practice which leads to an unrecognised perpetuation of colonising agendas in child and family health. Findings from this study contribute to the growing need to find ways to work with and unsettle existing binaries of communication and culture. The methods also suggest ways forward to support change in practice leading to professional development that is mindful and regardful of plurality in culture and communication. Interweaving three body analyses with postcolonial feminism offers a decolonising strategy for application in the multiculture that is Australia. Due to the spatial and temporal spaces created by using three bodies alongside postcolonial feminism, this combination becomes a tangible approach to deconstruction, for child and family health professionals that is both theoretical and practical.

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Martínez, Farrero Santi. « Coalition Politics in Catalan Local Governments, 1979-2011 ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/286733.

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With the exception of the different studies performed by Márquez Cruz, and the report about local government (Magre, 2006), there is no other research, in Spain, with the level of detail of the current one, in anything relating to the portfolio distribution among the elected Councillors, covering a period of 32 years, which makes possible to formulate, not only some hypothesis about the behaviour of the parties in coalition in terms of paybacks and gender, but also to conclude some trends and facts relating the morphology of the coalition. The study concludes that within the period under study, 1979-2011, covering the catalan municipalities with more than 10.000 inhabitants and County capitals, coalition has been the norm for the local governments. The study also highlights that there are two specific coalition patterns between parties, the one based on cooperation, as they exercise the PSC and ICV, and the one based on competition, usually performed by CIU and ERC. Under the cooperation pattern, the small party is rewarded with portfolios which are relevant for the execution of his political goals, improving his visibility and the possibilities to receive more votes in the next elections. The last part of the study is about gender issues, concluding that the legal equality is not guaranteeing the effective equality, understood as the balance between the percentage of elected councillors per gender, and the representativeness and power levels attributed to them. It is evidenced that the composition of the lists is the first constraint for women in local politics, since the first positions are mainly occupied by men. It is proved that the position of a candidate within an electoral list is less respected when assigning power and representativeness, if the candidate is a woman.
Aquest estudi té dos parts diferenciades, essent la primera la creació d’una base de dades de més de 180.000 registres extrets de fons primàries, amb informació detallada de candidats, llistes electorals, càrrecs i regidories de les que han sigut responsables, de tots els municipis de més de 10.000 habitants i capitals de Comarca de Catalunya, en relació als governs formats des de 1979 fins 2011. La segona part és resultat de l’explotació d’aquesta base de dades, inexistent fins ara. Els resultats indiquen què, durant el període estudiat, la coalició de partits ha sigut la norma als governs municipals. També s’evidencia que hi ha dos formes bàsiques de cooperació entre partits quan formen coalició, com són la cooperació i la competició. La primera és la habitual entre el PSC i ICV, mentre que la segona ho és entre CIU i ERC. Quan el patró és de cooperació, el partit petit rep regidories que li permeten executar els punts més importants del seu programa electoral, aconseguint major visibilitat i, generalment, mes vots a les següents eleccions. La base de dades també ha permès demostrar que la igualtat de gènere establerta per Llei no comporta, de forma directa, la igualtat efectiva, entesa aquesta com la resultant de la distribució de càrrecs i responsabilitats un cop es formen els governs municipals, independent que siguin en forma de partit únic o en coalició. La formació de les llistes electorals és una important restricció per les dones en política local, doncs els primers llocs tenen un clar biaix masculí. En no ocupar les primeres posicions tenen menys opcions a càrrecs importants i visibilitat pública. Es demostra que en el cas de candidats masculins, els partits respecten més la posició ocupada a les llistes a l’hora d’assignar responsabilitats, i que el PSC respecta menys el llocs ocupats per dones que no pas CIU.

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Pratchett, Lawrence. « The politics of new technologies in local government ». Thesis, De Montfort University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4107.

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Betteley, David John. « Politics and institutional change in 'integrated' local strategy ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340148.

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Merridew, Tanya Suzanne. « Third sector politics in the new local governance ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10227/.

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This thesis explores the operation of third sector politics within the changing context of local governance. Throughout the history of urban policy the concept of community has fonned a recurrent, if fluctuating theme (Eisenschitz and Gough, 1993; Raco, 1998a). Recent literature has tended to assume the emergence of a new local governance characterised by restructured local political relations. A related strand of thinking suggests that within this new context, the community role has been elevated. The recent turn to community seems to present a vision in which public participation is something of a panacea to secure successful and lasting urban regeneration and more effective local governance. The tendency within the literature has been to focus on new institutional configurations rather than the detailed operation of the new arrangements. This thesis seeks to assess in detail how the third sector is engaging in processes of local governance and the mechanisms that support this. The research focuses on the fine-grain of spatial and institutional representation of community interests and the fonn and function of community politics. It develops this focus through a specific concern with the operation of community politics and the constitution of governance roles through two in-depth case studies conducted in the North-East. These provide contrasting examples of third sector organisation and coordination, thus highlighting the locally distinctive nature of third sector politics. The thesis concludes that attempts at specifying changing local governance and models of community engagement have tended to ignore the complexity of community politics. Therefore, it is argued that future theoretical developments need to address these complexities in order to capture any change in the fonn and nature of local political relations in general and third sector politics in particular.

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Monteduro, Giuseppe <1981&gt. « L'Orientamento politico come fattore di differenziazione delle politiche pubbliche locali : I casi di Modena e Verona ». Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2012. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/4540/1/Monteduro_Giuseppe_Tesi.pdf.

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La tesi ha per oggetto lo studio delle politiche pubbliche locali ed in particolare delle politiche sociali che dal 2011 sono diventate politiche esclusivamente territoriali. L’obiettivo è quello di verificare se il differente orientamento politico delle amministrazioni genera politiche differenti. Per verificare le ipotesi si sono scelti 2 Comuni simili sul piano delle variabili socio-economiche, ma guidati da giunte con orientamento politico differente: il Comune di Modena a guida Partito Democratico e il Comune di Verona con un sindaco leghista a capo di una giunta di centro-destra. Nella prima parte vengono esposti ed analizzati i principali paradigmi di studio delle politiche (rational choice, paradigma marxista, economia del benessere, corporativismo e pluralismo, neo-istituzionalismo e paradigma relazionale) e viene presentato il paradigma che verrà utilizzato per l’analisi delle politiche (paradigma relazionale). Per la parte empirica si è proceduto attraverso interviste in profondità effettuate ai due Assessori alle Politiche sociali e ai due Dirigenti comunali dei Comuni e a 18 organizzazioni di Terzo settore impegnate nella costruzione delle politiche e selezionate attraverso la metodologia “a palla di neve”. Sono analizzate le disposizioni normative in materia di politica sociale, sia per la legislazione regionale che per quella comunale. L’analisi dei dati ha verificato l’ipotesi di ricerca nel senso che l’orientamento politico produce politiche differenti per quanto riguarda il rapporto tra Pubblica Amministrazione e Terzo settore. Per Modena si può parlare di una scelta di esternalizzazione dei servizi che si accompagna ad un processo di internalizzazione dei servizi tramite le ASP; a Verona almeno per alcuni settori delle politiche (disabilità e anziani) sono stati realizzati processi di sussidiarietà e di governance. Per la fase di programmazione l’orientamento politico ha meno influenza e la programmazione mostra caratteristiche di tipo “top-down”.
My thesis deals with local public policies, with a particular focus on policies which since 2011 have acquired a mere territorial status. My aim was to verify if different political orientation of government could generate different orientation in policies. In order to test this hypothesis, I have chosen two municipalities which are very similar in terms of socio-economic variables, but with an otherwise politically orientated City Council. The cities I mean are Modena (led by Democratic Party) and Verona (led by a center-right council). Firstly, I have analyzed the major paradigms for the political study (rational choice, the Marxist paradigm, welfare economics, corporatism and pluralism, neo-institutionalism and the relational paradigm), and I have presented the paradigm used for political analysis (relational paradigm). I have applied experimental method by carrying out interviews to assessors for social policies, to municipal managers, to eighteen third-sector organizations involved in municipal policies, selected through the method called "ball of snow". Secondly, I have analyzed law provisions on social policy, both in the regional and municipal legislation, with a particular consideration to the so called “piani di zona”. To sum out, data analysis have confirmed the original research hypothesis. Political orientation has shown to produce different policies according to the relationship between Public Administration and Third Sector. Referring to Modena, it is possible to affirm a pure choice of outsourcing of services. On the other hand, referring to Verona, it is possible to verify a choice of subsidiarity and governance processes regarding to some policy areas (disabled and elderly). Finally, concerning to a planning phase, political orientation has demonstrated lower political influence with a planning of top-down type.

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Monteduro, Giuseppe <1981&gt. « L'Orientamento politico come fattore di differenziazione delle politiche pubbliche locali : I casi di Modena e Verona ». Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2012. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/4540/.

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La tesi ha per oggetto lo studio delle politiche pubbliche locali ed in particolare delle politiche sociali che dal 2011 sono diventate politiche esclusivamente territoriali. L’obiettivo è quello di verificare se il differente orientamento politico delle amministrazioni genera politiche differenti. Per verificare le ipotesi si sono scelti 2 Comuni simili sul piano delle variabili socio-economiche, ma guidati da giunte con orientamento politico differente: il Comune di Modena a guida Partito Democratico e il Comune di Verona con un sindaco leghista a capo di una giunta di centro-destra. Nella prima parte vengono esposti ed analizzati i principali paradigmi di studio delle politiche (rational choice, paradigma marxista, economia del benessere, corporativismo e pluralismo, neo-istituzionalismo e paradigma relazionale) e viene presentato il paradigma che verrà utilizzato per l’analisi delle politiche (paradigma relazionale). Per la parte empirica si è proceduto attraverso interviste in profondità effettuate ai due Assessori alle Politiche sociali e ai due Dirigenti comunali dei Comuni e a 18 organizzazioni di Terzo settore impegnate nella costruzione delle politiche e selezionate attraverso la metodologia “a palla di neve”. Sono analizzate le disposizioni normative in materia di politica sociale, sia per la legislazione regionale che per quella comunale. L’analisi dei dati ha verificato l’ipotesi di ricerca nel senso che l’orientamento politico produce politiche differenti per quanto riguarda il rapporto tra Pubblica Amministrazione e Terzo settore. Per Modena si può parlare di una scelta di esternalizzazione dei servizi che si accompagna ad un processo di internalizzazione dei servizi tramite le ASP; a Verona almeno per alcuni settori delle politiche (disabilità e anziani) sono stati realizzati processi di sussidiarietà e di governance. Per la fase di programmazione l’orientamento politico ha meno influenza e la programmazione mostra caratteristiche di tipo “top-down”.
My thesis deals with local public policies, with a particular focus on policies which since 2011 have acquired a mere territorial status. My aim was to verify if different political orientation of government could generate different orientation in policies. In order to test this hypothesis, I have chosen two municipalities which are very similar in terms of socio-economic variables, but with an otherwise politically orientated City Council. The cities I mean are Modena (led by Democratic Party) and Verona (led by a center-right council). Firstly, I have analyzed the major paradigms for the political study (rational choice, the Marxist paradigm, welfare economics, corporatism and pluralism, neo-institutionalism and the relational paradigm), and I have presented the paradigm used for political analysis (relational paradigm). I have applied experimental method by carrying out interviews to assessors for social policies, to municipal managers, to eighteen third-sector organizations involved in municipal policies, selected through the method called "ball of snow". Secondly, I have analyzed law provisions on social policy, both in the regional and municipal legislation, with a particular consideration to the so called “piani di zona”. To sum out, data analysis have confirmed the original research hypothesis. Political orientation has shown to produce different policies according to the relationship between Public Administration and Third Sector. Referring to Modena, it is possible to affirm a pure choice of outsourcing of services. On the other hand, referring to Verona, it is possible to verify a choice of subsidiarity and governance processes regarding to some policy areas (disabled and elderly). Finally, concerning to a planning phase, political orientation has demonstrated lower political influence with a planning of top-down type.

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Hoffman, Barak Daniel. « Political accountability at the local level in Tanzania ». Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3229904.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed October 11, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 223-232).

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Clark, John Andrew. « The institutionalization of local political parties / ». The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487759914758009.

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Crabb, Evelina, et Karin Bäcklund. « Hålla rågången : En kvalitativ studie av relationen mellan lokalpolitiker i Kalmar och journalister ». Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Communication and Design, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-385.

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This study focused on how local politicians in Kalmar perceive journalists and their intertwined relationship. We based our study on the theoretical understanding of today’s media-centric democratic society. The ‘adversary model’ offered an understanding of the intricate relations between politicians and journalists. The relationship builds on constant trade where both parties are dependent on each other. Politicians exchange information to gain attention in the media. Journalists needs politicians as important sources of information and have the power to control the exposure that politicians get in the public eye. This study was researched and conducted through qualitative interviews with local politicians.

We found that experienced politicians have developed an understanding for journalistic work and that it is important to have a good relationship to reach out to their constituency. This professional relationship has to be kept at arm’s length as it otherwise risks to become too muddled. We learned that politicians are well aware of the need to adapt to media conditions – there were, however, examples of breakdowns in this precarious relationship.

The politicians in our study delivered several examples of how media adaptation is managed, e g how press conferences are scheduled according to media deadlines and are held at suitable locations so that photographers can get good pictures. Trust appeared to be the crucial condition for a rewarding relationship. Every politician in our study agreed that it is all a question of trust.

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Tunc, Gulcin. « The Politics Of Local Economic Growth- A Critical Approach : The Case Of Manisa ». Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612382/index.pdf.

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The mainstream accounts on local growth politics, which generally conceptualize the current context around the globalization of investments and the prominent role of local entrepreneuralism, argue for the tendency towards local coalitions. In opposition, the main argument of the thesis is that an increasingly fragmented and conflictual local growth politics is the defining feature of the contemporary localities. Defining the current context around the increased involvement of the business actors in directing the path of local economic growth and of the local state institutions in entrepreneurial activities, it was shown in Manisa case that intra-local conflicts are likely to deepen under conditions of increased inter-urban competition. By critically employing the concept of local dependence, it was shown that different local dependence factors result in the differentiation of the local actors&rsquo
priorities and preferences with regard to the utilization of local resources. Thus, it is concluded that a common local interest is not possible and that conflicts and contentions (between different-fractions of capital and between local labor and capital) stemming from the existence of different local dependence factors mark the process of local growth politics. As a special dependence factor in terms of local politics, the generation of land-rent was identified to be a potential basis for local collaborations whereas it was also found out that such coalitions are likely to be temporary and open to political contention. On the other hand, the supra-local relations of actors, which are essential for the pursuasion of local interests, are observed to have a determinant effect on local conflicts.

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Holian, Matthew John. « Studies in the political economy of local government ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1211549099.

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Löfstrand, Cecilia. « Hemlöshetens politik : lokal policy och praktik / ». Malmö : Égalité, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/502246146.pdf.

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Kalseth, Jorid. « Politics and resource use in local government service production ». Doctoral thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-184.

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This thesis included five essays studying the performance of local governments in Norway. Four of the essays address variation in resource allocation and efficiency between the local governments, the fifth analyses variation in service level. The thesis has mainly an empirical orientation. One essay, presented in Chapter 4, provides a theoretical contribution to the study of efficiency variation in public sector service production. The empirical analyses concentrate on two spending components local government administration and long-term care. Chapter 2 and 3 study variation in the size of local government administration. Administration is a necessary input in both service provision and in the political decision-making process, and administrative spending competes with the welfare services for resources. The size of the administrative component determines the amount of resources available for the production of welfare services. Cost efficiency and service level within long-term care are the topics of Chapter 5 and 6 respectively. Long-tem care for elderly and disabled persons is, besides primary education, the major expenditure component of the municipalities.

Chapter 2 is reprinted with kind permission from Elsevier, sciencedirect.com

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Grist, Nicola. « Local politics in the Suru valley of northern India ». Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 1998. http://research.gold.ac.uk/11450/.

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This thesis addresses the politics of the yokma-pa, a Shi'ite faction in the Suru valley in the Ladakh district of Jammu and Kashmir state, in Northern India. I use the term factions as this is one of two Shi'ite religious groups in the area that between them contain the majority of the population, and are normally opposed to each other. Recently, the yokma-pa have apparently undergone a major political shift from the 1 960s, when they had a millenarian ideology and were primarily concerned with their own local religious agenda. In the 1990s, they have taken on the role of an interest group in the context of electoral politics and the local administration. Education is a major contemporary issue in the area, and through opening their own English medium private school in Suru, they are addressing the stereotype held by the administration and in popular discourse in the area that Shi'ahs in Suru are backward and irrational. The thesis demonstrates the continuity between these two phases. It also shows that the yokma-pa constitutes a legitimate political organisation, at the same time as being a religious organisation and a faction. This thesis makes an important contribution to the anthropology of Ladakh, since there is now a large amount of detailed ethnography on Buddhists, but very little on Muslims, who also remain relatively neglected in the ethnography of India more generally. It may also contribute to academic debates on political forms in India in the context of the current political crisis, especially the rise of Hindu communalism, since there is a dearth of contemporary studies of local politics.

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Wingfield, Melvin. « The politics and management of small rural local authorities ». Thesis, De Montfort University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392008.

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Arellano-Yanguas, Javier. « Local politics, conflict and development in Peruvian mining regions ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/6315/.

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This thesis examines the effects of a collection of policies that determine the mandatory distribution of mining, gas and oil revenues between national and subnational governments, and the greater involvement of mining companies in local development. I have labelled this set of policies, which aims to reduce social conflict and promote local development, the New Extractive Industry Strategy (NEIS). Chapter 1 describes the implementation of these policies in Peru and highlights their significance to the mining industry worldwide. Chapter 2 describes the methodology of the thesis and introduces the three field research regions. Chapter 3 outlines the national socio-political context for the implementation of the NEIS. Chapters 4–6 deal with the effects of the NEIS on social conflict. I argue that the implementation of the NEIS has not only failed to reduce conflict but has actually exacerbated it. After reviewing the debates linking extraction and conflict (Chapter 4), Chapter 5 demonstrates that conflict is strongly associated with the volume of mining revenue received by sub-national governments. Chapter 6 presents a typology of conflicts that helps to explain the correlation between mining revenue and unrest. In addition to well-known conflicts that are related to the adverse impact of mining on livelihoods and the environment, the study identifies two other types. In the first, peasant communities employ social conflict to increase their bargaining power with the mining companies for material compensation. In the second, the large volume of mining revenue generates disputes over access to or use of these financial transfers. Chapters 7–8 show that the NEIS has not delivered its development promises. Chapter 7 illustrates how regional and municipal governments in receipt of high per capita volumes of mining revenue transfers did not improve their economic and welfare indicators any more than the rest of the country. Chapter 8 proposes that a combination of obstructive political factors trapped regional and municipal authorities and local populations in a myopic political game that prioritised quick short-term spending over any long-term benefits to be gained from better planned expenditure. Finally, Chapter 9 draws some conclusions and makes some suggestions.

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Ferwerda, Jeremy. « The politics of proximity : local redistribution in developed democracies ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/101809.

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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2015.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 195-210).
Over the last few decades, countries across the European Economic Area (EEA) have granted local governments considerable discretion over social policy. This project examines the consequences of these reforms. Drawing on unique data from over 28,000 European local governments, it demonstrates that decentralization has not been accompanied by declining levels of provision, as predicted by extant theories, but rather by significant expansion in the scale and scope of redistributive activity. Explaining this puzzle, the dissertation argues that local government behavior is shaped by the 'politics of proximity', which provides clear incentives for incumbents to invest in redistributive policy for electoral gain. These hypotheses are tested across five empirical chapters, each of which leverages micro-level data, natural experiments, and speech evidence to explore this emerging form of redistributive politics.
by Jeremy Ferwerda.
Ph. D.

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Alcantara, Jose Carlos 1941. « Politica local (um estudo de caso : Paranavai, 1952-1982) ». [s.n.], 1987. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281897.

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Orientador : Eliezer Rizzo de Oliveira
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-14T04:18:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alcantara_JoseCarlos_M.pdf: 8369166 bytes, checksum: 0726690c48d4662e5a479effc21902ab (MD5) Previous issue date: 1987
Resumo: Não informado
Abstract: Not informed.
Mestrado
Mestre em Ciência Política

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Thèses sur le sujet « Local politic »

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