Articles de revues sur le sujet « Lingue slave »

Nella presente ricerca si è andati ad investigare in modo contrastivo quanto il comportamento e le caratteristiche degli insetti (in generale considerati universali) differiscano nelle tre lingue (italiano, croato e ceco) nelle espressioni idiomatiche. Si è partiti dalle espressioni idiomatiche italiane contenenti una componente entomologica (17 insetti), le quali cercano i loro equivalenti nel croato e nel ceco. Significa che l’analisi viene fatta soltanto unidirezionalmente dall’italiano al croato e ceco. Da un lato, la lingua croata e quella ceca, essendo della stessa origine (slava), dovrebbero accomunare equivalenti fraseologici totali (attraverso la variante protoslava), oppure attraverso i prestiti di terminologie religiose, ad esempio bibliche. D'altra parte, per via del diretto contatto italiano-croato, il croato dovrebbe avere più similarità fraseologica con l'italiano, a differenza del ceco. In base ai 4 passi della linguistica contrastiva e selezionando gli equivalenti totali, parziali e quelli diversi ci si è concentrati a spiegare (anche attraverso un’analisi concettuale) il perché delle diversità e quali siano le scelte linguistiche nei diversi equivalenti. Delle 72 espressioni in italiano, soltanto 9 (il 12%) sono equivalenti totali in tutte e tre le lingue. Differenziando le lingue, si nota un’affiliazione più stretta tra le lingue slave (24 equivalenze totali), che non tra il croato e l’italiano (15) e tra il ceco e l’italiano (11). L’analisi concettuale conferma questa affiliazione slava. Le lingue slave (croato e ceco), anche se storicamente e geograficamente più lontane, hanno conservato le loro specificità idiomatiche. D’altra parte l’italiano, essendo nell’ultimo millennio in stretto rapporto con il croato, ha sicuramente lasciato più repertorio idiomatico nel croato che nel ceco.

Come è tipico delle aree di confine tra due o più lingue, anche nel caso dello sloveno e dell’italiano si possono osservare diversi fenomeni dovuti al contatto linguistico, uno dei temi di ricerca preferiti dal nostro Festeggiato. Gli scambi interlinguistici – lessicali, morfosintattici e altri – sono infatti tra le testimonianze più profonde della convivenza tra due o più lingue, specialmente nelle situazioni caratterizzate da una antica e continua presenza di contatto. Parlando dell’italiano e dello sloveno, e limitandoci ai lessemi italiani in sloveno, tralasciando quindi gli scambi nella direzione opposta, cioè gli elementi sloveni entrati in italiano – comunque meno numerosi e per lo più limitati alle varietà dialettali dell’area di confine – possiamo osservare che si tratta di prestiti assai numerosi e semanticamente molto eterogenei. Ricordiamo che gli italianismi presenti nello sloveno moderno rappresentano il secondo strato nell’insieme dei prestiti linguistici entrati in questa lingua dalle vicine parlate romanze nei diversi periodi di contatto. infatti, prima della differenziazione linguistica dalla quale hanno avuto origine l’italiano e lo sloveno, nella parlata slava che costituiva l’antenato dello sloveno moderno erano entrati diversi lessemi di origine romanza a partire dalla seconda metà del vi secolo, periodo in cui le popolazioni slave si sarebbero insediate sul territorio delle alpi Orientali dove vennero a contatto con i vicini romanzi. tali lessemi costituiscono il primo strato del contatto e sono stati studiati in modo approfondito da diversi romanisti. tra i contributi più importanti si vogliono ricordare gli studi, ormai classici, di Fran Šturm (1927, 1928) e quelli recenti di agata Šega (1998, 2007, 2008). Rientrano nel gruppo dei più antichi elementi romanzi lessemi come pogača (FOCaCea ‘focaccia’), hlača (CaLCea ‘calza’, pl. hlače ‘pantaloni’), kudati, dial. (COGitaRe ‘pensare’) e križ (CRUCe(M) ‘croce’). è inoltre presente in sloveno qualche altro romanismo ancora più antico, come češnja ‘ciliegia’, dal latino volgare CeReSia, entrato nello slavo già prima della migrazione di una parte dei parlanti slavi sul territorio summenzionato.

L’articolo si propone di presentare una panoramica delle principali caratteristiche che riguardano l’insegnamento/apprendimento dell’italiano in Slovenia e una riflessione sull’importanza dell’educazione interculturale al fine di contribuire all’inclusione del singolo nella società che lo circonda. Dopo una sintetica illustrazione del quadro giuridico nel quale si inserisce la tutela delle lingue minoritarie in Slovenia, si presenta il percorso scolastico e le caratteristiche dell’insegnamento/apprendimento della lingua italiana come lingua materna (L1) e lingua seconda (L2) nel territorio bilingue nonché come lingua straniera (LS) nel resto della Slovenia. In particolare, vengono delineate le peculiarità del modello di educazione bilingue del Litorale sloveno, territorio di confine e area di contatto di culture prevalentemente romanze e slave. Infine, si evidenzia la necessità di applicare un approccio interculturale all’insegnamento in quanto il buon funzionamento della società multiculturale contemporanea dipende dalla consapevolezza della propria cultura congiuntamente all’esistenza di altre culture dell’ambiente. In questo modo sia insegnanti che studenti saranno coscienti del bisogno costante di accrescere le proprie competenze sia linguistiche che interculturali.

Multietnicità e multilinguismo contrassegnavano la vita quotidiana dei tanti popoli che vivevano nella monarchia asburgica. Non esisteva una lingua ufficiale, anche se il tedesco era la lingua più prestigiosa, e una legge del 1867 stabiliva la parità linguistica a tutti i livelli. La prassi linguistica nel Litorale austriaco (Trieste, Gorizia/Gradisca, Istria) era particolarmente ricca di conflitti perché lo status dell’italiano veniva messo in discussione dalle lingue slave. Partendo dal passato, il contributo offre spunti di riflessione sul multilinguismo del tempo presente.Wyzwania związane z wielojęzycznością wczoraj i dziś – rola języka włoskiego od monarchii Habsburgów do Unii EuropejskiejWieloetniczność i wielojęzyczność była częścią życia codziennego wielu ludów mieszkających na terytorium cesarstwa Habsburgów. Nie było języka urzędowego: chociaż język niemiecki cieszył się największym prestiżem, ustawa z 1867 roku stanowiła o równości językowej na wszystkich poziomach. Praktyka codziennego użycia języka na wybrzeżu Adriatyku (Triest, Gorycja / Gradisca, Istria) jednak obfitowała w konflikty, ponieważ status języka włoskiego był podważany przez użytkowników języków słowiańskich. Wychodząc od sytuacji historycznej, artykuł zajmuje się kwestią wielojęzyczności w dzisiejszych czasach.

Romanzo vs slavo= passivo vs attivo = Art(icolo) vs Des(inenza) = AUX "avere" vs "essere". È in corso un vivace dibattito sulla categoria semantica della definitezza (Def) e sul grado e le modalità del suo esplicitarsi come determinante. Nel presente lavoro ci concentreremo sulla categoria dell 'articolo (Art), in prima istanza su quello Det(erminativo), elaborando alcuni spunti ricavati da disamine sul­ l'argomento compiute su versanti differenti, come quello dell'indoeuropeistica (p. es. Nocentini 1996), della germanistica (p. es. Ramat 1984b) e della slavistica (p. es. Benacchio l 996a e 1996b; Gebert 1996, Parenti 1996). Interessanti spunti di riflessio L’articolo del romanzo ‘Figlio’ della diatesi passiva? Un’inpotesi inspirata a montague e sviluppata in chiave contrastive slavo-romanza ne sono offerti anche da opere di carattere monografico sulla deissi (cfr. Vanelli 1992), sulla sintassi dei determinanti (G. Giusti 1993), sull'articolo italiano (cfr. i due voll. di Korzen 1996), o da rassegne come quella relativa alle diverse interpretazioni del rapporto Nome/Riferimento (Bersani-Berselli 1995)- intendendo per Nome il SN rappresentato dalla sola testa nominale - o quella sul passivo nelle lingue slave (Fici-Giusti 1994), che supporta non poco l'ipotesi da cui muovono queste pagine.

L’obiettivo di questo lavoro è quello di identificare il contributo degli slavismi croati, serbi e sloveni penetrati in italiano, partendo dall’etimologia connessa alle tre lingue slave appartenenti al gruppo meridionale oggetto di indagine (oltre che dall’origine genericamente slava riportata dai dizionari). In un secondo tempo, l’attenzione è focalizzata sui prestiti che si affermano come regionalismi (in particolare quelli del nord-est), in cui si definisce il passaggio dall’italiano regionale all’italiano standard. Il corpus, ricavato in prevalenza dallo spoglio del GRADIT (2007) e dello Zingarelli (2021), si rivela cospicuo e, dal punto di vista quantitativo, i dati relativi all’influsso serbo e croato sono senza dubbio quelli più numerosi: si tratta di 48 lemmi nel solo GRADIT, etichettati in prevalenza come tecnicismi. Tra le aree geografiche maggiormente influenti, il contributo friulano e veneto occupa un posto di primo piano. Così, se l’influsso serbo e croato appare più marcato nell’area legata alla terminologia storica e politica (si tratta soprattutto di tecnicismi), le interferenze slovene, che si realizzano principalmente nel friulano, forniscono in primo luogo gastronimi (ma non solo); l’area veneta, invece, si contraddistingue per i contatti tra veneto e croato.

Nel lontano 1802, a Trieste, dove ha raggiunto la comunit? serba che guidata dall?illustre scrittore Dositej Obradovic cercava di assorbire la cultura razionalistica europe per trapiantarla poi, almeno in parte, nell? tesssuto della cultura serba, Joakim Vujic studia le lingue straniere (italiano, francese, inghlese) e appena compiuto con successo i primi passi si mette a tradurre un romanzo italiano che gli ? venuto sotto mano: per esercitarsi nella lingua e per offrire al pubblico serbo un testo divertente e utile. Si tratta del romanzo di Antonio Piazza intitolato Il vero amore o sia la storia amorosa d?Irene ? Filandro, un testo linguisticamente complicato, non lontano, per stile, dalla tradizione del romanzo barocco italiano. Nella situazione culturale quando la lingua serba stava vivendo il periodo della sua lenta ed incerta maturazione, Joakim Vujic, nel tradurre, ha continuamente dovuto fare le scelte tra le soluzioni del serbo slavo, la lingua del ceto intellettuale, e del serbo volgare che in quel periodo si faceva strada per entrare nella letteratura. Il nostro lavoro cerca di descrivere e di analizzare il suo coraggioso tentativo.

AbstractBetween 1845 and 1850, the Congo coast became the most important source of slaves for the coffee growing areas in the Brazilian Empire. This essay develops a new methodology to understand the making of the ‘nations’ of 290 Africans found on the slave ship Jovem Maria, which boarded slaves in the Congo river and was captured by the Brazilian Navy near Rio de Janeiro in 1850. A close reading of such ‘nations’ reveals a complex overlapping between languages and forms of identification that alters the historian's use of concepts such as ‘ethnolinguistic group’ and ‘Bantu-based lingua franca’ in the Atlantic world. Building on recent developments in Central African linguistics, the article develops a social history of African languages in the Atlantic that foregrounds how recaptives negotiated commonalities and boundaries in the diaspora by drawing on a political vocabulary indigenous to their nineteenth-century homes in Central Africa.

European expansion from the fifteenth century produced much writing on, and sometimes in, non-European languages that served a broad array of imperial interests. Most European ventures into what one scholar has termed “colonial linguistics” were based on investigations among speakers of native tongues in the regions in which those speakers normally resided, twining language studies with observed “native” cultural qualities and setting out territories of colonial interest defined by local language and culture. Fewer colonial linguists ventured into plural societies to study the linguae francae of trade and labor that enabled communication across broad cultural and language differences, in part because such zones were considered dangerous and unstable, or lacking in mother tongues. Fewer still elected destinations of forced migration such as slave societies or freedmen's towns and villages to examine the mother tongues of persons who had come coercively from afar, though many such settings in certain periods offered a rich menu of languages for study. Those interested in the linguistic characteristics of slave societies tended to concern themselves more with the emerging European creoles, languages they could more easily understand than the native tongues of slaves or the contact languages of non-European provenance that sometimes coexisted with or preceded widespread use of European creole speeches in such locations. Today, most linguistic studies in the former slave colonies are focused exclusively on European creoles. Even recent monographs on African culture in the Americas only mention the speaking of African languages in passing, though language is a fundamental element of culture and linked in key ways to the continuity of ethnic ideas and practices. Together with the relative paucity of colonial documentation on slaves' lives and languages, the sited and topical hierarchy of colonial linguistics continues to powerfully structure historical studies of language in the former slave colonies.

Se l'Europa rappresenta il continente col maggior numero di nazioni e di minoranze etniche, il territorio situato tra le Alpi e l' Adriatico segna da un punto di vista linguistico e sociolinguistico uno degli ambienti più interessanti e più complessi del continente stesso. Qui s'incontrano infatti tre culture, la latina, la slava e la germanica e vivono a contatto numerose lingue e linguaggi. Comunità differenti e disparate interferiscono re«iprocamente, lingue maggioritarie s'intrecciano con lingue e linguaggi minoritari, il che genera problemi non facili a risolvere.

a lingua di un giornale è una lingua scritta; in generale, è lingua senza prete­ se letterarie. Il NOVI MATAJUR, la cui lingua è l'oggeto di queste pagine, è di per sé attraente, giacché si tratta di un settimanale sloveno, pubblicato a Cividale, vale a dire in un ambiente friulano; è destinato alia popolazione slovena che vive nell'estre­ mo Nord-Est dell'ltalia. Il corpus esaminato è cronologicamente limitato (novem­ bre '86-maggio '87); inoltre, linguisticamente il settimanale si articola in tre parti: ci sono contributi in italiano, in sloveno letterario e in sloveno regionale; a noi inte­ ressa appunto la lingua di questi ultimi.

[First paragraph]The question of Spanish language usage among African-born slaves (known as bozales) and their descendents in Spanish America is the subject of much controversy, and has had a major impact on theories of Creole formation and the evolution of Latin American dialects of Spanish, Portuguese and French. Briefly, one school of thought maintains that, at least during the last 150-200 years of African slave trade to Spanish America, bozales and their immediate descendants spoke a relatively uniform Spanish pidgin or creole, concentrated in the Caribbean region but ostensibly extending even to many South American territories. This creole in turn had Afro-Portuguese roots, derived from if not identical to the hypothetical maritime Portuguese creole (sometimes also identified with the medieval Sabir or Lingua Franca) claimed to be the source of most European - based Creoles in Africa, Asia and the Americas.1 The principal sources of evidence come in 19th century documents from the Caribbean region, principally Cuba and Puerto Rico, where many (but not all) bozal texts share a noteworthy similarity with other demonstrably Afro-Portuguese or Afro-Hispanic Creoles in South America, Africa and Asia.

U radu se prikazuju i komentiraju sintaktičke napomene koje Dragutin Antun Parčić zapisuje u Slaganju, prvom dijelu sintakse u Grammatici della lingua slava (illirica) (1873., 21878.). Parčićev se sintaktički nauk uspoređuje s Veberovim u djelima Skladnja ilirskoga jezika (1859.) i Slovnica hèrvatska za srednja učilišta (1871).

Nella tradizione plurisecolare della sua creazione la terminologia cristiana croata è stata permeata da tre elementi linguistici essenziali (greco, latino e slavo). Per quanto riguarda l'influenza romanza, con il latino come elemento dominante, la formazione dei nomi cristiani croati è stata influenzata anche dalla lingua italiana quale lingua di partenza e/o lingua mediatrice. Nella lessicografia contemporanea croata i termini cristiani sono stati elaborati nei manuali Hrvatska kršćanska terminologija (1976) di Jeronim Šetka e Opći religijski leksikon (2012). Lo scopo di questo saggio è quello di determinare lo stato dei termini cristiani croati formatisi sotto l'influsso della lingua italiana, nella lingua croata contemporanea. Tenuto conto dell'obiettivo summenzionato, vengono osservati i termini dei manuali lessicografici croati (specialistici e generali), coniati su modello dell'italiano. I termini cristiani di origine italiana in lingua croata sono classificati, in base alla normativa e le caratteristiche stilistiche, in gruppi diversi: i termini appartenenti alla lingua standard, i termini caratterizzati dalle designazioni regionali e i termini che oggi appartengono allo strato lessicale passivo. Con l'obiettivo di determinare l'uso dei termini cristiani di origine italiana nella lingua contemporanea, viene studiato il loro funzionamento sull'esempio del corpus di Hrvatska jezična riznica e del corpus in rete croato hrWaC. L'analisi dei termini selezionati identifica cambiamenti di significato: alcuni termini nella lingua generale assumono un nuovo significato e diventano parole universali oppure il termine viene utilizzato in più campi professionali. In questo contesto, si traggono delle conclusioni sugli spostamenti di significato dei termini selezionati nell'uso terminologico e non terminologico. I risultati della ricerca indicano l'importanza dell'influenza romanza nella formazione lessicale di concetti professionali e generali nella lingua croata.

AbstractThe so-called Mediterranean Lingua Franca is a Romance-based, only-spoken linguistic variety that in slavery and travel accounts of the 17th–18th centuries is said to have been used by Moors and Turks, mainly in North Africa and above all in Algiers, as a basic means of communication with Christian slaves. Its only lexicographic source is an anonymous dictionary printed in Marseille in 1830, which is devoted to the Lingua Franca as it was spoken in Algiers. This source is by far the richest one available, but also the most problematic, because of its many inconsistencies and contradictions. As a result, the lexical components of the Algerian Lingua Franca (mainly Italian and Spanish, but also French, Provençal, Arabic, Turkish, etc.) as well as the quantity and quality of their contributions can only be reconstructed by critically comparing the entries of the Dictionnaire of 1830 with all preceding records by former prisoners and travellers.

AbstractThe so-called Mediterranean Lingua Franca is a Romance-based, onlyspoken linguistic variety that in slavery and travel accounts of the 17th-18th centuries is said to have been used by Moors and Turks, mainly in North Africa and above all in Algiers, as a basic means of communication with Christian slaves. Its only lexicographic source is an anonymous dictionary printed in Marseille in 1830, which is devoted to the Lingua Franca as it was spoken in Algiers. This source is by far the richest one available, but also the most problematic, because of its many inconsistencies and contradictions. As a result, the lexical components of the Algerian Lingua Franca (mainly Italian and Spanish, but also French, Provençal, Arabic, Turkish, etc.) as well as the quantity and quality of their contributions can only be reconstructed by critically comparing the entries of the Dictionnaire of 1830 with all preceding records by former prisoners and travellers.

Il casciubo è una lingua slava che si è formata in Pomerania quale lingua comune nel XVI sec. e dal XIX sec. si sviluppa anche quale lingua letteraria. Le traduzioni bibliche in casciubo sono state effettuate nei due periodi. Le prime, fatte dai pastori evangelici sulla base del testo tedesco, vengono dai sec. XVI e XVII. Esse contengono singole pericopi dell’Antico e del Nuovo Testamento, soprattutto i salmi e i cantici. Dalla metà del sec. XX invece i cattolici hanno cominciato il lavoro traslatorio. Nel 1992 sono apparsi I quattro Vangeli di d. Franciszek Grucza e nel 1993 Il Nuovo Testamento di Eugeniusz Gołąbek che prima, nel 1990, ha tradotto anche Il libro dei salmi. La base di queste traduzioni era la Biblia Tysiąclecia. Nel 2001 abbiamo ricevuto Il Vangelo secondo san Marco di p. Adam R. Sikora OFM, tradotto dal testo greco. Tutte queste traduzioni sono state approvate dalla Chiesa cattolica in Polonia. Adesso si prepara la traduzione casciuba di tutto l’Antico Testamento.Questa intensa attività traslatoria testimonia la vitalità della cultura e della fede dei Casciubi.

Il presente contributo prende in esame le circostanze in cui nel 1896 fu pubblicata in Montenegro una traduzione dell'ode Piemonte di Carducci, che fino ad oggi è rimasta l'unica versione di questa poesia dal famoso poeta italiano presso gli Slavi del Sud. Inoltre, si tratta dell'unica traduzione dalla lingua italiana del professor Živko Dragović, uno dei pochi traduttori di letteratura italiana in Montenegro fino alla fine dell’Ottocento che non si era formato intellettualmente nelle Bocche di Cattaro o in Dalmazia, dove lingua, letteratura e cultura italiana erano presenti da secoli. La pubblicazione della traduzione dell'ode di Carducci che celebra la dinastia Savoia e la regione piemontese, da cui è stata avviata la lotta per l'unificazione dell'Italia, è legata all'annuncio del matrimonio della principessa montenegrina Jelena Petrovic Njegoš con l’erede al trono italiano Vittorio Emanuele di Savoia, ma anche all'idea del piemontismo montenegrino, che all’epoca era caldeggiata dall’ideologia dinastica e dall’opera poetica del principe montenegrino Nikola I. Nell’articolo approfondiamo anche altri rari contributi su Carducci pubblicati nei periodici montenegrini fino all'inizio della prima guerra mondiale.

African linguistic complexity is often defined in terms of its multilingualism and a complicated colonial sociolinguistic heritage. Tis colonial heritage is seen in the prevalence of European languages, especially English and French, in the lingual Franca of sub-Saharan states. A corollary to the latter assertion is that education in Africa, south of the Sahara, is primarily Eurocentric and quite unAfrican in context. More often than not, it is disempowering rather than empowering if we go by Paulo Freire’s notion of education as being central to empowerment and poor education as the primary agent and metaphoric vehicle for modern day disempowerment, a knowledge base that does not liberate the mind or embrace the cognitive progression of the learner.1 After all, the original goal of colonial education was to train the “natives” in European languages so as to be able to communicate with and, ipso facto, serve their colonial “masters,” and help him to rule the same “natives.” The proverbial “Food for the slave” is relevant here; and as the saying goes, “it is not given to provide the slave nourishment or enhance good growth, but to provide just enough energy to keep on serving the malevolent master.” Such is the unfortunate paradigm that captures the essence of colonial education in which the lingua franca of the indigenous learner is not only backgrounded but altogether demonized in some cases. Otherwise, how else could the common warning in the typical colonial classroom “Vernacular speaking is prohibited”? The so-called “vernacular” in question is the Yoruba language!

Língua de Preto falar Guiné In the first part of the study (sections 1–4), we substantiate our claim that such literary representations are indeed reliable renditions of the linguistic medium African slaves in Portugal actually used in their interactions with the white population and among themselves. We propose a historical scenario to account for the ‘return’ of LdP to Africa, i.e. Senegambia, where it soon became the lingua franca of trade between Portuguese expatriates and the local populations. From this lingua franca, creoles subsequently arose. In the second part (sections 5–11), we propose an extensive outline of LdP grammar such as we are able to retrieve from the corpus. Comparisons with present-day WAPCs are attempted. We conclude (sections 12–13) that the availability of such historical testimonies indeed gives us the exceptional opportunity of gaining some first-hand knowledge of the transitional medium that necessarily separates a lexifier language from ‘its’ creole(s). The fact that this transitional medium, we think, looks much more like a BV than a destructured jargon lends support to the assumption that untutored L2 acquisition by adults played a crucial role in creole formation.

In this contribution, which serves as orientation for this special edition, the accent falls chiefly on the contemporary manifestation of Kaaps as colloquial variety of Afrikaans, but also on its historic roots and the challenges regarding its future. Besides a reflection on the name “Kaaps” and other alternative names, this language form is described with reference to its origin, traditional speakers, geographic situation, sociolectic nature, linguistic character and its contextual usages. Kaaps is presented as a variety of the dialect group Southwestern Afrikaans which as a form of colloquial Afrikaans refers back historically to the seventeenth century influence of slaves on the formation of Afrikaans and which is currently chiefly manifested as a sociolect associated with the working class of the Cape Peninsula. The social assessment, lingua-political treatment and survival potential of this variety are also reviewed.

U članku se analizira jezikoslovno nazivlje u dvjema gramatikama iz 18. st., Relkovićevoj Novoj slavonskoj, i nimačkoj gramatici (<sup>1</sup>1767.) i Vinjalićevoj rukopisnoj gramatici Principi della grammatica [...] Grammatica prima in lingua slava, italiana et latina. Relkovićeva je gramatika prva vrlo opsežna gramatika hrvatskoga jezika pisana hrvatskim jezikom, i to kontrastivno, u suodnosu prema njemačkome jeziku. Rukopisna Vinjalićeva gramatika pisana je trojezično, a donedavno uglavnom nije bila predmetom interesa jezikoslovne javnosti. Kako svaki naziv u promatranim gramatikama nema uvijek svoju hrvatsku inačicu, nužno je bilo u istraživanju osvrnuti se i na latinsko nazivlje jer su promatrane gramatike pisane prema latinskomu modelu. Budući da su u postojećim potvrdama hrvatskoga nazivlja uočene sličnosti s prethodnicima (npr. s nazivljem u J. Mikalje, L. Šitovića, T. Babića, B. Tadijanovića), primjeri su stavljeni u kontekst izgradnje hrvatskoga jezikoslovnog nazivlja. Stoga se ovim radom nastoji pokazati koliko su se u izgradnji hrvatskih naziva dvojica promatranih gramatičara rukovodila uporabnom normom i već ovjerenim modelima u tvorbi novih naziva te koliko se njihovim novotvorbama koriste kasniji gramatičari.

We consider the issues of the relationship between the German language and the Sorbian language. The material of the study is the toponyms that are common in the territory that extends in the east to the course of the rivers Bober, Quays and Oder, in the north – to the vicinity of Berlin, and in the west goes beyond the Saale River. The relevance of the study is due to the desire for a more in-depth study of German-Slavic language contacts issues. The novelty of the work lies in the consideration of the issue in various aspects: language levels, sociolinguistic, areal. We study the mechanisms and properties of adaptation of Slavic toponyms at all linguistic levels, clarify the methodology for describing the integration process of borrowed toponyms, describe the phase’s characteristic of the integration process. We show that among the Slavs and Germans, semantic parallelism in the acts of nomination is often noted, due to the geographical environment. We establish that the linguo-geographic relations that developed during the German-Lusatian to-ponymic interaction are heterogeneous in nature. We conclude that interlanguage contacts in the field of toponymy were complex and did not have a monolithic character, as was previously be-lieved. As a prospect for further research, it is planned to study the Slavic Germanic place names in the Slavic languages.

Abstrakt L’autore dell’articolo si concentra sui problemi che riguardano il coronimo Italia e il suo equivalente nella lingua polacca, Włochy. Descrive i significati e le ipotesi sulle etimologie del coronimo dal punto di vista sincronico e diacronico. Confronta l’uso delle varianti Włochy e Italia in polacco con riferimenti culturali all’origine delle due forme risalenti all’antichità prelatina, nel caso d’Italia, e a quella germanica e slava, nel caso di Włochy, confuso spesso con il suo paronimo Wołochy. Segnala la problematica della transonimizzazione del coronimo Italia nei processi della formazione di antroponimi e crematonimi e del loro funzionamento pragmatico nella comunicazione. Estrae un campione di antonomasie classiche e nuove del toponimo Italia. Nel caso di queste ultime si tratta, nella maggior parte delle occorrenze, dell’assegnazione delle valenze stereotipate all’immagine racchiusa nell’antonomasia in forma di slogan pubblicitari evocativi. Choronim Italia/Włochy: znaczenia, tymologie, ekwiwalenty, homonimy, antonomazje Artykuł przedstawia wyniki badania onomastycznego choronimu Italia i jego ekwiwalentu w języku polskim – Włochy. Autor wskazuje znaczenia onomastyczne i kulturowe oraz przywołuje hipotezy dotyczące choronimu z punktu widzenia synchronicznego i diachronicznego. Zestawia użycie wariantów Włochy oraz Italia w języku polskim z nawiązaniami kulturowymi do źródła obydwu form – w przypadku Italii sięgającego starożytności prełacińskiej, w przypadku Włoch i paronimu Wołochy – cywilizacji germańskiej i celtyckiej. Sygnalizowana jest ponadto kwestia transonimizacji choronimu Italia w procesach słowotwórczych antroponimii i chrematonimii oraz ich funkcjonowania pragmatycznego w komunikacji. Autor omawia przy tym serię antonomazji klasycznych i nowych toponimu Italia. W przypadku tych ostatnich zazwyczaj chodzi o nadanie wartości wyrażającej stereotypy dotyczące Włoch, np. poprzez treść sloganów reklamowych nawiązujących do obrazów konceptualnych kojarzonych z Włochami.

L’autore ha studiato a fondo, a cominciare dagli anni ’90, la toponomastica e l’antica antroponimia del Territorio di Monfalcone. Dopo la pubblicazione della II edizione dell’opera (P 2010) le ricerche sono continuate e hanno sempre confermato quei primi risultati. In pratica questo angolo sud-orientale del Friuli rientrò almeno fino a tutto il sec. XV nella Slavia submersa, con una maggioranza di abitanti slavofoni ed una minoranza parlante un dialetto friulano che si situava morfologicamente fra quello centrale e le antiche e scomparse parlate friulaneggianti di Trieste e Muggia. Nell’articolo si ripresentano brevemente molti nomi di persone e di luoghi di Pieris e Begliano (oggi Comune di S. Canzian d’Isonzo), con alcuni nuovi dati emersi ultimamente: per esempio sull’attuale località Isola Morosini (nel sec. XV Otoch) che apparteneva in età medievale all’Abbazia benedettina di Moggio. Viene rivista anche l’etimologia del nome della località di Begliano, lasciata in sospeso nei lavori precedenti fra l’opzione predialistica romana (*Bellius) e quella paleoslava (*Beljan o *Beljani); assegnando questo toponimo allo strato linguistico slavo. Bisogna distinguere però questo strato sloveno medievale da uno successivo, rappresentato essenzialmente da nomi e soprannomi di persone immigrate nel Monfalconese fra la fine del sec. XV e il sec. XVII. Gente di origine balcanica (sclabonus sive bisiacus) che fuggiva dalle invasioni turche ed entrava in un angolo di Friuli soggetto a Venezia. I tre villaggi erano vicini all’antico traghetto (zopum) di Pieris sul fiume Isonzo e la parte finale dell’articolo è dedicata alla discussione sull’etimo del termine friulano çòp/zòpul ‘piroga’ (slov. dial. čupa), su cui era intervenuto uno scrittore di Trieste proponendo un’origine slovena. L’autore dell’articolo mostra invece come non si possa facilmente disgiungere il termine çop/zop da tutta una trafila di voci, ben attestate nell’area romanza del nord-est italiano (compresa la lingua dalmatica oggi estinta). Voci che sembrano tutte gravitare attorno al semantema “ceppo, legno scavato” e che potrebbero in ultima analisi essere di lontana origine prelatina.

<p>One of the prospective results of the ESF project „Linguoculturological and Socio-economic Aspects of Territorial Identity in the Development of the Region of Latgale” (2009–2012) is a linguo- territorial dictionary of Latgale, which would reveal particularity of Latgale’s historical, economic, folkloric, and literary factors in 300 cultural signs and concepts (when referring to selection of entries and the dictionary concept further see Šuplinska 2010). In the developed questionnaire „Latgola is…” (466 units) the word ‘susātivs’ (in Latgalian means ‘a shadow’)was included due to two reasons: 1) as infrequently used word in the cognition of the 21st century user of Latgalian literary language, being ousted by the word ‘āna’, which is closer to the Latvian literary language; 2) as a symbol of dualism/entirety apprehension of a personality activated in the latest literature and music (according to K. G. Jung’s archetype).</p><p>When tracing formation of the concept of ‘susātivs’ the following sources have been reviewed (see the enclosed overview of sources): folkloric collections (S. Uļanovska, P. Smelters, B. Opincāne, et al.), periodical publications of the beginning and middle of the 20th century (most of the examples are found in „Drywa” newspaper (1908–1917) and its annexes) as well as the works of M. Andžāne, K. Nautris, O. Zvīdris, P. Jurciņš, J. Klīdzējs, R. Mūks; publications where the word ‘susātivs’ has been used in the title: modern poetry anthology „Susātivs” (2008) and CD „Bolts susātivs” (lyrics by A. Kūkuojs, music by Sovvaļnīks, 2010).</p><p>The article is aimed at review of the concept of ‘susātivs’ (meaning ‘shadow’ in the Latvian literary language), revealing the conception of its lexical meanings, context and symbolic significance in folklore (mainly in riddles), literature, periodicals and stereotypes prevailing in the society. Semantic and symbolic ambiguity of ‘susātivs’ is demonstrated by Latgalian riddles, under the impact of Christianity’s as symbol of negation used in the early 20th century periodicals, interpretation of spiritual ‘susātivs’ appears in writings of K. Nautris, O. Zvīdrs. Shadow as the genuine (often banned or hidden) part of the personality in their texts is revealed by M. Andžāne, J. Klīdzējs, R. Mūks. White shadow as search of the self is activated in two publications: the modern poetry anthology „Susātivs” and CD „Bolts susātivs”.</p><p>Some analytical psychology insights are worth to be highlighted that to e great extent have influenced the interpretation of the concept of ‘susātivs’ in this article. Firstly, according to the principle of analogy, the individual structure of psyche (consciousness, personal unconsciousness, collective consciousness; Jung 1996: 165) can be perceived as a psyche of ethnos, nation, supposedly of a country or of the world. Secondly, since the shadow includes hidden, suppressed, undesirable (even villainous) sides of personality and at the same time the normal instincts and impulses of creativity (Henderson 1997: 117), then exactly this unconscious side of psyche of Latgalian as a representative of the ethnos has affected the lack of self-esteem and has exacerbated the problems to which explanation in the reality of consciousness is not found anymore, or is not so simply detectable. Thirdly, being aware of the shadow, you can start to use it for revival of integrity and stability of the psyche, but the shadow can not be ignored, denied or suppressed for a long time. Even worse, if one opts for assimilation of it that has often happened to the Latgalian separate religious affiliation or language, or for exerting influence: when the first newspapers started, also new words were started to be mentioned frequently – Latgola and Latgalians. Why the old, real Latvians had to be started to call in other names? What to do! The Courlanders have taken the name of Latvians for them. Latvians from Inflantia were called the „Polish”people. For that reason in order not to fight the Courlanders for the word of Latvians, young journalists from Inflantia started to call themselves Latgalians (Dekters 1970: 12).</p><p>When returning to the texts subject to analysis and understanding of the concept of ‘susātivs’, we should start with the analysis of this lexeme in folklore. It most frequently appears in the riddles and forms a ambiguous understanding of the lexeme: on the one hand, a sense of fatalism has been developed (You cannot escape your shadow by analogy with everybody should carry their own cross, or you cannot escape your fate), on the other hand, the notion of absolute good and absolute evil (obscure, inexplicable) as devil (also shadow). At the same time, several riddles underline that the shadow is a friend who never leaves, even more – one is walking, two will speak – is drawing attention to intuitive understanding of the creator of this riddle with regard to the fact that shadow is a part of the human psyche. Periodicals at the beginning of the 20th century underline the link of lexeme ‘susātivs’ with the human life, which is temporary, according to cognitions of Christianity, it is just a preparation for the real life, therefore exactly the negative, condemnable connotation is gradually pointed out in use of figurative meanings of lexeme ‘susātivs’.</p><p>During 20’s and 30’s of the 20th century the stereotype that ‘shadow’ is something condemnable (e. g., undesirable phenomena of social or economic life are represented by a shadow: life shadows – backwardness, obscurantism, envy (Madsolas J. 1944)), or something that cannot exist separately, dependent entity (e. g., slave, servant, dog), is prevailing in periodicals, gradually also in the reader’s conscience. And this is just the time when not the most complimentary views with regard to Latvians from Latgale are developed and maintained at a national level (including today) that have established a preconceived attitude in Latvians from other regions and created the inferiority complexes in Latvians from Latgale.</p><p>Initially in Latgalian himself his „shadow” was put to shame – different language (the opinion is gradually strengthened and only supported by Soviet times that this is a distorted Latvian literary language, also mixture of Slavic and Latvian language), which may not be Latvian (denial of the designation and introduction of the term Latgalian dialects), underdeveloped agriculture (cheap labour) and comparatively low level of education, certainly, also belonging to another faith and large families as a phenomenon of certain obscurantism. Gradually (most explicitly after K. Ulmanis’ coup in 1934 and unfortunately also after Latvia’s accession to the EU) the shadow was not put to shame in Latgalian himself or in individual from Latgale, but applied to the whole region (after accession to the EU also the other regions quite often are in this status of shadow).</p><p>At the beginning of 20th century, with the growth in numbers of anthropology, psychology and psychoanalytical studies, also the understanding of shadow is affected by the change. In Latgalian literature it was commenced by M. Andžāne in her story „A black man, white shadow” (1947), where the main character Aleksandrs Rynčs demonstrates that it is important not to lose oneself, one’s substance. even if the society, the people do not understand it or it is not topical for the age. From this story comes the designation „white shadow”, which means the true, the deepest substance of an individual, harmony with oneself as a result of adopting and refining one’s own shadow – the inner human being.</p><p>Maybe the Latgalian literature would never had seen the possibility to reduce the negative connotation of shadow, which is historically developed and strengthened in consciousness of the language user, unless there are two strong personalities, theoretically – shadow philosophers J. Klīdzējs and R. Mūks, whose works are known mainly to Latvians from other regions, in the case of R. Mūks, throughout the world. Of course their impact is indirect, at the same time in the works of the 21st century Latgalian authors there is a strong feeling of the reflection of their outlooks.</p><p>Both authors emphasize the importance of respect for the shadow in development of an individual, as well as of the peoples and cultures at large. For the most part it means transformation of fear, feelings, instinctive hunches, ideas into creative energy. Exactly this meaning of shadow as question/ response about the true nature of a human being, society, is activated in two Latgalian publications: the modern poetry anthology „Susātivs” and CD „Bolts susātivs”.</p><p>Strengthening of the shadow as a concept in the Latgalian literature at the beginning of the 21st century is due to the fact that, after going through a long way of transformation and getting rid of the negative connotation, Latgalians are beginning anew to recognize it as an integral part of their nature that allows them to retain their otherness – in language, tradition, attitude towards the world, which is still impressive with its naturalness and emotionality.</p>

Obiectivul studiului de față este de a prezenta utilitatea proiectului Gorazd: An Old Church Digital Hub pentru cercetătorii care lucrează cu texte românești vechi și cu texte slavone scrise pe teritoriul României de astăzi. Proiectul Gorazd a fost realizat în perioada 2016–2020 și include o cartotecă pentru limba slavă veche și trei baze de date lexicale de texte în slava veche, dintre care cea mai extinsă este reprezentată de versiunea digitalizată și actualizată a monumentalei lucrări Lexicon linguæ palæoslovenicæ (vol. I–IV, 1958–1997) elaborată de către Institutul de Studii Slave al Academiei de Științe din Republica Cehă. Datorită faptului că Proiectul Gorazd utilizează limba engleză ca metalimbaj, aria sa de aplicare nu este limitată la filologii specializați pe slavistică, ci rămîne deschisă și cercetătorilor din domenii înrudite. Dicționarele din cadrul Gorazd Digital Hub pot servi ca instrument de referință nu numai pentru vocabularul slavonic cu cele mai vechi atestări și semantica acestuia, ci și pentru concordanțele biblice ale celei mai vechi redacții a Bibliei slavone și cele mai vechi forme morfologice atestate ale slavei vechi.

Watch the VIDEO of the presentation.In this talk I provide the background on the transition of a top journal in Linguistics to open access and discuss open access publishing in Linguistics and the problems of this particular transition.The journal Lingua was hosted and marketed by Elsevier which charges substantial subscription fees for its journals and charges authors who want to have their articles published as open access. In the fall of 2015, the editors of the journal wrote a letter to their publishing house Elsevier to express their discomfort with the pricing policy for their journal and asking for a more reasonable policy. Elsevier's reaction to this letter led to the stepping-down of the editors, followed immediately by the complete editorial board. The entire academic Lingua team immediately founded a new journal, Glossa: a journal of general linguistics, which is completely Open Access, published by Ubiquity Press and funded through the Open Library of Humanities. This new foundation was necessary since Elsevier regards Lingua as one of their products and is continuing to publish the journal with a new editorial team.The case received quite some media attention, among others Times Higher Education, Inside Higher Education, The Independent, Slate, and Wired reported. In this talk I will provide the details of the story and discuss commercial and open access publishing in the relatively small field of Linguistics. The conclusion is that it is doable to move even a high profile journal out from behind a huge paywall. Apparently, the Norwegian higher education system isn't quite rigged for this kind of fast change yet if it involves movement of expertise from one label to another rather than movement of the label. While the NSD has approved Glossa this fall, it was granted only the lower level of the system, while Lingua was, and still is, at the top level.

The article deals with the specifics of the representation in the Russian church writers-monks’ epistolaria the idea of selfdebasement (kenosis) of a person, the advancement of which is linked to the development of the hesychasm, a religious-philosophical teaching in the Russian Orthodox society. On the basis of the letters addressed to the spiritual students, the author of the article outlines a range of main ideas that are realized in these letters, in particular, the ideas of repentance, peace, deification, salvation, tacit prayer, and includes the idea of selfdebasement into the hesychastic ideosphere. The focus is on the contents component of the idea of a person’s selfdebasement, representing its images and language units. The key images are the ones of Jesus Christ, a tax-collector (who embodies repentance, genuine sincere repentance, peace and selfdebasement in front of the God) and Christ-like people (the saints). The most significant language units implementing the idea of a person’s selfdebasement are the definitions used by the authors in relation to themselves are unworthy, the most unworthy, sinful, sinister, miserable, lowest and weak. Among language units diminishing themselves in front of the God and the people are the ones like a slave, a sinner used by writers-monks in self-characteristics. Separately, the author of the article considers the role of the idea of selfdebasement in the life of a Christian and a Christian society, which consists (first of all) in appropriation of obedience to the God’s will and achieving soul salvation through the realization of sinfulness, deliverance from the sin, its repentance.

Research demonstrates that there are over 6,000 languages in the world and countries believe that their national interest should come first, and in this case the national language(s) must be prioritized. However, it became imperative for people, let alone countries, to use a language they can understand for trade (economy) and socio-political or cultural relations. This raised a number of problems including the fact that colonial masters’ language was upheld to the detriment of their once “slaves” language which they called a dialect. With the advent of democracy and improvement in international bilateral and multilateral relations, linguistic rights were recognized as part and parcel of other human rights, and subsequently, a win-win approach became reasonably what countries would expect in international co-operation. Today the reality is that English serves as a lingua franca in trade and co-operation but this is to some extent abusive to people’s democratic and linguistic rights. The study is predominantly qualitative although a survey is also used to balance the findings. Further research is recommended in the future especially on the same or similar topics in any other BRICS country.

Since its return in 2005 the science fiction series Doctor Who (BBC1) has featured many alien creatures which bear a striking similarity to non-human Earth species: the Judoon in “Smith and Jones” (2007) have heads like rhinoceroses; the nurses in “New Earth” (2006) are cats in wimples; the Tritovores in “Planet of the Dead” (2009) are giant flies in boilersuits. Yet only one non-human animal has appeared twice in the series, in unrelated stories: the pig. Furthermore, alien races such as the Judoon and the Tritovores simply happen to look like human species, and the series offers no narrative explanation as to why such similarities exist. When the pig has appeared, however, it has instead been as the consequence of experimentation and mutation, and in both cases the appearance of such porcine hybrids is signalled as horrific, unsettling and, in the end, to be pitied. The fact that the pig has appeared in this way twice suggests there is something about the human understanding of this animal which means it can fulfil a role in fiction unavailable to other Earth species. The pig’s appearance has been in two stories, both two-parters. In “Aliens of London”/“World War Three” (2005) a spaceship crashes into London’s Thames river, and the pilot inside, thought to be dead, is sent to be scientifically examined. Alone in the laboratory, the pathologist Doctor Sato is startled to find the creature is alive and, during its attempt to escape, it is shot by the military. When the creature is examined The Doctor reveals it is “an ordinary pig, from Earth.” He goes on to explain that, “someone’s taken a pig, opened up its brain, stuck bits on, then they’ve strapped it in that ship and made it dive-bomb. It must have been terrified. They’ve taken this animal and turned it into a joke.” The Doctor’s concern over the treatment of the pig mirrors his earlier reprimand of the military for shooting it; as he cradles the dying creature he shouts at the soldier responsible, “What did you do that for? It was scared! It was scared.” On the commentary track for the DVD release of this episode Julie Gardner (executive producer) and Will Cohen (visual effects producer) note how so many people told them they had a significant emotional reaction to this scene, with Gardner adding, “Bless the pig.” In that sense, what begins as a moment of horror in the series becomes one of empathy with a non-human being, and the pig moves from being a creature of terror to one whose death is seen to be an immoral act. This movement from horror to empathy can be seen in the pig’s other appearance, in “Daleks in Manhattan”/“Evolution of the Daleks” (2007). Here the alien Daleks experiment on humans in order to develop the ability to meld themselves with Earthlings, in order to repopulate their own dwindling numbers. Humans are captured and then tested; as Laszlo, one of the outcomes of the experimentation, explains, “They’re divided into two groups: high intelligence and low intelligence. The low intelligence are taken to becomes Pig Slaves, like me.” These Pig Slaves look and move like humans except for their faces, which have prolonged ears and the pig signifier of a snout. At no point in the story is it made clear why experimentations on low intelligence humans should result in them looking like pigs, and a non-hybrid pig is not seen throughout the story. The appearance of the experiments’ results is therefore not narratively explained, and it does not draw on the fact that “in digestive apparatus and nutrient requirements pigs resemble humans in more ways than any mammal except monkeys and apes, which is why pigs are much in demand for [human] medical research” (Harris 70); indeed, considering the story is set in the 1930s such a justification would be anachronistic. The use of the pig, therefore, draws solely on its cultural, not its scientific, associations. These associations are complex, and the pig has been used to connote many things in Western culture. Children’s books such as The Sheep-Pig (King-Smith) and Charlotte’s Web (White) suggest the close proximity of humans and pigs can result in an affinity capable of communication. The use of pigs to represent Poles in Maus: A Survivor’s Tale (Spiegelman), on the other hand, has been read as offensive, drawing on the animal’s association with dirt and greed (Weschler). These depictions are informed by debates about pigs in the real world, whereby an animal which, as mentioned above, is similar enough to humans to be useful in medical research can also, for the food industry, go through a slaughtering process described by Bob Torres as “horribly cruel” (47). Such cruelty can only be justified if the boundaries between the pig and the human are maintained, and this is why pig-human representations are capable of being shocking and horrific. The hybrid nature of the human-pig creature draws on the horror trope that Noël Carroll refers to as “fusion” which works because it “unites attributes held to be categorically distinct” such as “inside/outside, living/dead, insect/human, flesh/machine” (43). He explains that this is why characters in horror narratives do not find such creatures simply fearful, but also “repellent, loathsome, disgusting, repulsive and impure” (54); their failure to conform to accepted cultural categories destabilises assumed norms and, perhaps most horrifically, undermines ‘the human’ as a stable, natural and superior category. As Donna Haraway notes, “‘The species’ often means the human race, unless one is attuned to science fiction, where species abound” (18). Science fiction therefore commonly plays with ideas of species because it is often interested in “the image of the scientist ‘playing god’” (Jones 51) and the horrific outcomes of “the total severing of scientific concerns from ethical concerns” (53). That the result of human/non-human experimentation should be regarded as horrific is evidence of the need to maintain the distinctions between humans and other creatures; after all, a pig/human can only be thought of as horrific if it as assumed that there is something unnatural about the destabilisation of the human category. And it is precisely the human which matters in this equation; it is not really as if anyone cares about the pig’s categorical stability in all of this. In both these stories, the appearance of the pig-creature is narratively structured to be surprising and shocking, and is withheld from the audience for as long as possible. The first appearance of a Pig Slave in “Daleks in Manhattan” constitutes that episode’s pre-credits cliff-hanger, with the creature appearing out of the shadows and bearing down upon the camera, directly towards the audience viewing at home. At this point, the audience has no idea why such a creature exists; the meaning of the pig-human hybrid is contained purely in its visual appearance, with the horrific fact of its contradictory appearance perhaps drawing on the pig’s historical association with evil and the Devil (Sillar and Meyler 82). Similarly, in “Aliens of London” we see Sato’s shocked reaction to the pig far earlier than we actually see the creature ourselves, and Sato’s scream is clearly intended to construct what we have yet to encounter as horrific. The Doctor’s search for the creature is similarly signalled, as he roams dimly-lit corridors trying to find it, following the trail of the grunts and noises that it makes. That the pig might constitute a horrific—or at least unsettling—site for humans is unsurprising considering the cultural roles it has often played. There is, after all, an “opposition between civilization and piggishness” (Ashley, Hollows, Jones and Taylor 2) in which (incorrect) assumptions about pigs’ filthy behaviour helps mark out humanity’s cleaner and more civilised way of living. While this is true of all human/non-human interactions, it is argued that the pig occupies a particular role within this system as it is a “familiar beast” (4) because for centuries it has been a domesticated animal which has often lived alongside humans, usually in quite close proximity. In that sense, humans and pigs are very similar. Demarcating the human as a stable and natural “conceptual category ... in which we place all members of our own species and from which we exclude all non-members” (Milton 265-66) has therefore required the denigration of non-humans, at least partly to justify the dominion humans have decided they have the right to hold over other creatures such as pigs. The difficulties in maintaining this demarcation can be seen in the documentary The Private Life of Pigs (BBC2 2010) in which the farmer Jimmy Docherty carries out a number of tests on animals in order to better understand the ‘inner life’ of the pig. Docherty acknowledges the pig’s similarity to humans in his introductory piece to camera; “When you look in their piggy little eyes with their piggy little eyelashes you see something that reflects back to you—I don’t know—it makes you feel there’s a person looking back.” However, this is quickly followed by a statement which works to reassert the human/non-human boundary; “I know we have this close relationship [with pigs], but I’m often reminded that just beneath the surface of their skin, they’re a wild animal.” Perhaps the most telling revelation in the programme is that pigs have been found to make certain grunting noises only when humans are around, which suggests they have developed a language for ‘interacting’ with humans. That Docherty is uncomfortably startled by this piece of information shows how the idea of communication troubles ideas of human superiority, and places pigs within a sphere hitherto maintained as strictly human. Of course, humans often willingly share domestic spaces with other species, but these are usually categorised as pets. The pet exists “somewhere between the wild animal and the human” (Fudge 8), and we often invest them with a range of human characteristics and develop relationships with such animals which are similar, but not identical, to those we have with other humans. The pig, however, like other food animals, cannot occupy the role afforded to the pet because it is culturally unacceptable to eat pets. In order to legitimise the treatment of the pig as a “strictly utilitarian object; a thing for producing meat and bacon” (Serpell 7) it must be distinguished from the human realm as clearly as possible. It is worth noting, though, that this is a culturally-specific process; Dwyer and Minnegal, for example, show how in New Guinea “pigs commonly play a crucial role in ceremonial and spiritual life” (37-8), and the pig is therefore simultaneously a wild animal, a source of food, and a species with which humans have an “attachment” (45-54) akin to the idea of a pet. Western societies commonly (though not completely) have difficulty uniting this range of animal categories, and analogous ideas of “civilization” often rest on assumptions about animals which require them to play specific, non-human roles. That homo sapiens define their humanity in terms of civilization is demonstrated by the ways in which ideas of brutality, violence and savagery are displaced onto other species, often quite at odds with the truth of such species’ behaviour. The assumption that non-human species are violent, and constitute a threat, is shown in Doctor Who; the pig is shot in “Aliens of London” for assumed security reasons (despite it having done nothing to suggest it is a threat), while humans run in fear from the Pig Slaves in “Evolution of the Daleks” purely because of their non-human appearance. Mary Midgley refers to this as “the Beast Myth” (38) by which humans not only reduce other species to nothing other than “incarnations of wickedness, … sets of basic needs, … crude mechanical toys, … [and] idiot children” (38), but also lump all non-human species together thereby ignoring the specificity of any particular species. Midgley also argues that “man shows more savagery to his own kind than most other mammal species” (27, emphasis in original), citing the need for “law or morality to restrain violence” (26) as evidence of the social structures required to uphold a myth of human civilization. In that sense, the use of pigs in Doctor Who can be seen as conforming to centuries-old depictions of non-human species, by which the loss of humanity symbolised by other species can be seen as the ultimate punishment. After all, when the Daleks’ human helper, Mr Diagoras, fears that the aliens are going to experiment on him, he fearfully exclaims, “What do you mean? Like those pig-men things? You’re not going to turn me into one of those? Oh, God, please don’t!” In the next episode, when all the Pig Slaves are killed by the actions of the Doctor’s companion Martha, she regrets her actions, only to be told, “No. The Daleks killed them. Long ago”, for their mutation into a ‘pig-man thing’ is seen to be a more significant loss of humanity than death itself. The scene highlights how societies are often “confused about the status of such interspecies beings” (Savulescu 25). Such confusion is likely to recur considering we are moving into a “posthumanist” age defined by the “decentering of the human” (Wolfe xv), whereby critiques of traditional cultural categories, alongside scientific developments that question the biological certainty of the human, result in difficulties in defining precisely what it is that is supposedly so special about homo sapiens. This means that it is far too easy to write off these depictions in Doctor Who as merely drawing on, and upholding, those simplistic and naturalised human/non-human distinctions which have been criticised, in a manner similar to sexism and racism, as “speciesist” (Singer 148-62). There is, after all, consistent sympathy for the pig in these episodes. The shooting of the pig in “Aliens of London” is outrageous not merely because it gives evidence of the propensity of human violence: the death of the pig itself is presented as worth mourning, in a manner similar to the death of any living being. Throughout the series the Doctor is concerned over the loss of life for any species, always aiming to find a non-violent method for solving conflicts and repeatedly berating other characters who resort to bloodshed for solutions. Indeed, the story’s narrative can be read as one in which the audience is invited to reassess its own response to the pig’s initial appearance, shifting from fear at its alien-ness to sympathy for its demise. This complication of the cultural meanings of pigs is taken even further in the two-part Dalek story. One of the key plots of the story is the relationship between Laszlo, who has been transmuted into a Pig Slave, and his former lover Tallulah. Tallulah spends much of the story thinking Laszlo has disappeared, when he has, in fact, gone into hiding, certain that she will reject him because of his post-experimentation porcine features. When they finally reunite, Laszlo apologises for what has happened to him, while Tallulah asks, “Laszlo? My Laszlo? What have they done to you?” At the end of the story they decide to try re-establishing their relationship, despite Laszlo’s now-complicated genetic make-up. In response to this Martha asks the Doctor, “Do you reckon it’s going to work, those two?” The Doctor responds that while such an odd pairing might be problematic pretty much anywhere else, as they were in New York they might just get away with it. He reflects, “That’s what this city’s good at. Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses, and maybe the odd Pig Slave Dalek mutant hybrid too.” While there is an obvious playfulness to this scene, with the programme foregrounding the kinds of narrative available to the science fiction genre, it is also clear that we are invited to find this a good narrative conclusion, a suitable resolution to all that has preceded it. In that sense, the pig and the human come together, dissolving the human/non-human divide at a stroke, and this is offered to the audience as something to be pleased about. In both narratives, then, the pig moves from being understood as alien and threatening to something if not quite identical to human, then certainly akin to it. Certainly, the narratives suggest that the lives, loves and concerns of pigs—even if they have been experimented upon—matter, and can constitute significant emotional moments in primetime mainstream family television. This development is a result of the text’s movement from an interest in the appearance of the pig to its status as a living being. As noted above, the initial appearances of the pigs in both stories is intended to be frightening, but such terror is dependent on understanding non-human species by their appearance alone. What both of these stories manage to do is suggest that the pig—like all non-human living things, whether of Earth or not—is more than its physical appearance, and via acknowledgment of its own consciousness, and its own sense of identity, can become something with which humans are capable of having sympathy; perhaps more than that, that the pig is something with which humans should have sympathy, for to deny the interior life of such a species is to engage in an inhuman act in itself. This could be seen as an interesting—if admittedly marginal—corrective to the centuries of cultural and physical abuse the pig, like all animals, has suffered. Such representations can be seen as evoking “the dreaded comparison” (Spiegel) which aligns maltreatment of animals with slavery, a comparison that is dreaded by societies because to acknowledge such parallels makes justifying humans’ abusive treatment of other species very difficult. These two Doctor Who stories repeatedly make such comparisons, and assume that to morally and emotionally distinguish between living beings based on categories of species is nonsensical, immoral, and fails to acknowledge the significance and majesty of all forms of life. That we might, as Gardner suggests, “Bless the pig”—whether it has had its brain stuffed full of wires or been merged with a human—points towards complex notions of human/non-human interaction which might helpfully destabilise simplistic ideas of the superiority of the human race. References Ashley, Bob, Joanne Hollows, Steve Jones and Ben Taylor. Food and Cultural Studies. London and New York: Routledge, 2004. Carroll, Noël. The Philosophy of Horror, or, Paradoxes of the Heart. New York and London: Routledge, 1990. Dwyer, Peter D. and Monica Minnegal. “Person, Place or Pig: Animal Attachments and Human Transactions in New Guinea.” Animals in Person: Cultural Perspectives on Human-Animal Intimacies. Ed. John Knight. 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