Articles de revues sur le sujet « Lilja Art Fund Foundation »

<p>Given its positive economic, social and urban impact, even with low-cost or low-tech materialization, the urban creativity encouraged by the arts is of great interest today. This narrative reviews one of the most prolific careers in this regard addressing the pioneering work by Doris C. Freedman. The late 1960s and the 1970s, in the context of two financial crises, saw a groundbreaking effort to formalize innovative artistic programs that recycled the obsolete city and integrated local communities in the processes. Doris C. Freedman was the first director of NYC Department of Cultural Affairs, the Public Arts Council, and leader of the organization City Walls. These institutions promoted an unprecedented improvement of the public urban life through the cultural action. Such experiences led Freedman to the conception of her last project, the relevant and, still, ongoing Public Art Fund of New York City. This article focuses on her early professional years, when she began and consolidated herself in the task of legitimizing art as an urban instrument for shaping the city. This research provides a contextualized critical analysis on Freedman’s less-known experimental projects before the foundation of the Public Art Fund, enabling an extraordinary source of inspiration for a current creative city-making.</p>

The Massage Therapy Foundation (MTF) serves as a primary steward of massage therapy research; working to fund and advance the science and art of massage therapy for the entire massage community. The development of an updated research agenda is an essential part of furthering the MTF’s responsibility to help grow the massage therapy knowledge base and increase support for the application of quality research. Integrative health and massage community stakeholders are called upon to help move this MTF 2020 Massage Therapy Research Agenda forward. Together we must strive to continue to advance and disseminate new knowledge to all stakeholders including practitioners, students, instructors, researchers, and policy makers.

Pak Yŏngch’ŏl (1879-1939) was a high-ranking government official, businessman and prominent art collector during the modern period. After Pak’s passing in 1940, his family donated Tasan mun’go (the Tasan Collection) to Keijō Imperial University in accordance with his will. The collection was comprised of 115 artworks, which included calligraphy, paintings, and craft items, along with a fund of 20,000 won. Pak’s financial support laid the foundation for the establishment of the Keijō Imperial University Museum two years later. Both the donation of his collection and the subsequent founding of the museum distinguish Pak Yŏngch’ŏl from contemporary Korean collectors. This study sheds light on Pak Yŏngch’ŏl’s character as an art collector and his perception of the museum based on a detailed investigation of the Tasan Collection housed at the Seoul National University Museum.Pak Yŏngch’ŏl did not actively participate in the appreciation and collection of art until the age of fifty. He began collecting art around 1928, coinciding with his appointment as the vice president of Chosŏn Commercial Bank. Pak then spent the next decade focused on building his collection. This study focuses on Pak Yŏngch’ŏl’s inspection tour of European countries in 1928, which was the catalyst that spurred his considerable devotion to the collection of art. During the tour, Pak Yŏngch’ŏl had the opportunity to experience various museums symbolizing modern civilization in Europe. The Louvre Museum in particular, which was first opened to the public and renown for its outstanding collection, seemed to have informed Pak of the value of art. The cultural treasures exhibited in the public spaces of museums would have reminded Pak that the preservation of historical artifacts is one of the indicators of civilization.In the pre-modern period, the appreciation and collection of calligraphy and painting were typically private activities limited to the individual’s personal domain. However, the political and social changes brought about in the modern period redefined art collecting within a public context. Pak Yŏngch’ŏl, who formed a collection and donated it with the purpose of establishing a museum, epitomizes the shift in perceptions of art collection in Colonial Korea.

Abstract STUDY QUESTION Is the first-time redeemed prescription of antidepressants predicted by the level of infertility-related stress in women seeking ART treatment? SUMMARY ANSWER Infertility-related stress in the personal and marital domains and general physical stress reactions were significant predictors of a first redeemed prescription of antidepressants after ART treatment in this 10-year follow-up cohort study. WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY The literature has found inconsistent findings regarding the association between infertility-related stress and later psychological adjustment in fertility patients. The association between infertility-related stress and later prescription of antidepressants had never been explored in long-term cohort studies. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION All women (n = 1169) who participated in the Copenhagen Cohort Multi-centre Psychosocial Infertility (COMPI) cohort study in the year 2000 (questionnaire data) were linked with the register-based Danish National ART-Couple (DANAC) I cohort, which includes women and their partners having received ART treatment from 1 January 1994 to 30 September 2009. The study population were among other national health and sociodemographic registers further linked with the Danish National Prescription Registry. PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS Women initiating ART treatment were followed until they had redeemed the first prescription of antidepressants or until 31 December 2009. Logistic regression analyses were conducted to test the association between general physical stress reactions and infertility-related stress in the personal, marital and social domains, respectively, and a future redeemed prescription of antidepressants. Age, education level, marital status, number of fertility treatments prior to study inclusion and female infertility diagnosis were included as covariates in the adjusted analyses. Further, the analysis was stratified according to childbirth or no childbirth during follow-up. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE The final sample consisted of 1009 women with a mean age of 31.8 years. At study inclusion, women had tried to conceive for an average of 3.45 years. At 10-year follow-up, a total of 13.7% of women had a first redeemed prescription of antidepressant medication. The adjusted odds ratio (OR) showed that high general physical stress predicted the later prescription of antidepressants (adjusted (adj) OR = 2.85, 95% confidence interval (CI) 1.96–4.16). Regarding infertility-related stress domains, high personal stress (adj OR = 2.14, 95% CI 1.46–3.13) and high marital stress (adj OR = 1.80, 95% CI 1.23–2.64) were significantly associated with the later prescription of antidepressants. Social stress was not significantly associated with the future redeemed prescription of antidepressants (adj OR = 1.10, 95% CI 0.76–1.61). Among women not having achieved childbirth during follow-up, the risk of a first-time prescription of antidepressants associated with infertility-specific stress was higher compared to the risk among women having childbirth during follow-up. LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION This study did not account for potential mediating factors, such as negative life events, which could be associated with the prescription of antidepressants. Second, we are not able to know if these women had sought psychological support during follow-up. Additionally, antidepressants might be prescribed for other health conditions than depressive disorders. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS Our results suggest that women presenting high infertility-related stress in the personal and marital domains were at higher risk of redeemed first-time prescription of antidepressants after ART, independently of having delivered a child or not after initiation of ART treatment. Women would benefit from an initial screening specifically for high infertility-related stress. The COMPI Fertility Problem Stress Scales can be used by clinical staff in order to identify women in need of psychological support before starting ART treatments. STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) This study was supported by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) under an individual doctoral grant attributed to the first author (SFRH/BD/103234/2014). The establishment of the DANAC I cohort was funded by Rosa Ebba Hansen’s Fund. The COMPI Infertility Cohort project was supported by The Danish Health Insurance Fund (J.nr. 11/097–97), the Else and Mogens Wedell-Wedellsborgs Fund, the manager E. Danielsens and Wife’s Fund, the merchant L.F. Foghts Fund, the Jacob Madsen and Wife Olga Madsens Fund. The authors have no conflicts of interest. TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER NA

Abstract STUDY QUESTION Is ART related with the association of American Heart Association (AHA) ideal cardiovascular health score and markers of subclinical atherosclerosis? SUMMARY ANSWER The associations between AHA score and markers of subclinical atherosclerosis in ART and non-ART groups were similar in magnitude. WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY Long-term consequences of ART on cardiovascular health are unknown. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION The study cohort for the cross-sectional analyses consisted of 172 ART-conceived and 78 non-ART conceived individuals of same age (range 22–35 years). PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS Cardiovascular risk factor status was evaluated with American Heart Association (AHA) ideal cardiovascular health score consisting of seven factors (body mass index, blood pressure, total cholesterol, glucose, diet and physical activity, non-smoking). Carotid artery intima-media thickness (cIMT), arterial pulse-wave velocity (PWV) and retinal microvascular parameters were evaluated as markers of early atherosclerosis. Group comparisons in continuous variables were performed with t-tests. For categorical variables, comparisons were performed with chi-square tests. The relationships between AHA score and the markers of atherosclerosis were examined with linear regression analyses adjusted for age and sex. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE There was no difference in AHA ideal health score between the ART and non-ART groups; mean (SD) scores were 4.1(1.4) versus 4.0(1.5), respectively, P = 0.65. No differences were observed between groups for any individual ideal health metric (P always &gt;0.2). AHA score was not associated with cIMT or retinal measures in either group (P always &gt;0.05). An inverse association was observed between AHA score and PWV in the ART group (beta (95% CI) −0.18(−0.26 to −0.10)). A numerically similar relationship was observed in the smaller non-ART group (−0.19(−0.39 to 0.01)). LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION Even though this cohort is among the largest ART studies with extensive cardiovascular data, the sample is still relatively small and the statistical power is limited. As the study population was still in early adulthood, we were not able to evaluate the associations with clinical cardiovascular events, but utilized non-invasive methods to assess early markers of subclinical atherosclerosis. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS These findings suggest that ART-conceived individuals do not have increased vulnerability for cardiovascular risk factors. STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) This study was funded by a National Health & Medical Research Council Project Grant (APP1099641), The Royal Children’s Hospital Research Foundation, Monash IVF Research and Education Foundation, and Reproductive Biology Unit Sperm Fund, Melbourne IVF. The authors have no conflicts of interest relevant to this article to disclose.

Associated in workshops or as freelancers, working mainly in the city of Chișinău as one of the most important socio-economic and cultural centers of the country, jewelers and craftsmen have left an indisputable legacy, conceived in many articles of historical, artistic and memorial value. The 1972–1991 years were marked by the founding of the Jewellery Workshop of the Plastic Fund of the UNAP (1972), which allowed the concentration and unification of the efforts of the few artists who artistically processed metals. The jewelers worked in the Jewellery Workshop, promoting and continuing the traditions of the local school, they created decorative articles and author jewelry. They created professional articles, from an artistic and technological point of view, and participated at exhibitions. The aim of this article is to bring into prominence the name of a few artists from MSSR, who worked at the Jewellery Workshop since its foundation and had an essential impact in the assertion of the art of metals in the MSSR. The local school included craftsmen, who studied at artistic educational institutions from MSSR, as well as those self-taught in the metal art field. Names like Ovidiu Alexeenco, Valeriu Vinitchi, Vasile Shocin hold a special place alongside such artists, as Oleg Barascov, Gheorghe Cojusnean, Vladimir Kalasnikov, Semion Odainic, Natalia Vavilina, Victor Rotari etc., who developed together the local school in the field of metal art.

The subject of this article is the stucco decoration on the facade of the administrative building of the Art Foundation in Khabarovsk. The description and compositional analysis of the relief decorations of the facade of the building are presented. Sketches, drawings, photographs from the archive of the artist Genendlis M.A. are published, which allowed to establish the authorship of the studied decoration of the building and the time of its creation. In Khabarovsk, a number of pre-revolutionary buildings and many buildings built in the 1930s -1950s, the so-called "Stalinist style", are decorated with stucco decor. Mainly these are stucco plant garlands with festoons, traditional rosettes, sometimes with Soviet symbols, made on the basis of albums of standard samples. A sample of the author's stucco decoration on the facade of the administrative building of the Khabarovsk branch of the Art Fund is a unique object of urban architectural heritage, an example of a decorative work designed for a specific architectural object. The reliefs placed on the facade gave the building its originality and became artistic accents in the surrounding urban environment. The name of the author of the reliefs was forgotten during the seven decades that have passed since their creation in the late 1950s, but thanks to the study of archival materials, the author was identified - the decorator and sculptor M. A. Genendlis, who worked for a long time in Khabarovsk in the field of theatrical and decorative art, sculpture and the creation of architectural decor.

2022 marks the 90th anniversary of the founding of the professional Creative Union of Soviet Artists (currently its successor, the Union of Artists of Russia). The study object of this article is the formation of the creative organization of artists in Sverdlovsk. The research task is to examine a set of ideological, social, cultural, and organizational events that accompanied the formation of the union at an early stage, before and after its establishment. Currently there are no historical and art works on the designated topic. The source and information basis for the article is new sources related to the object of research. In 1983, the Sverdlovsk Region State Archive conducted expert evaluation of the document fund of the Sverdlovsk branch of the Union of Soviet Artists in which some of the materials of the fund were destroyed for reasons that are not entirely clear. The inventory was thoroughly revised: the available meeting minutes, accounting reports, and work plans of the creative organization for 1932–1934 were liquidated. Thus, to date, the direct factual sources containing information about the first years of the creative organization of artists in Sverdlovsk are almost completely lost, with the exception of a few documents of 1934. This narrows our current understanding based on authentic historical data and not on assumptions about what was happening in the union and around it in the first year of its existence. Nevertheless, due to the presence of other, additional sources of the 1930s, there is some direct and indirect evidence of the historical course of events around the formation of the Ural artists’ creative organization. The information gleaned from the totality of these materials has formed the basis of the substantive part of this article. The purpose of the article is to reconstruct the course of historical events around the foundation and the first activities of the branch of the Union of Soviet Artists in Sverdlovsk.

The article is devoted to the Museum of the Ilya Glazunov Russian Academy of Painting, Sculpture and Architecture. With the help of a comprehensive analysis, the history of the foundation of the museum by Ilya S. Glazunov in the 1980s and 1990s, the stages of enriching the Museum's collections in the 2000s and 2010s are studied. The purpose of the study is to characterize the activities of the Academy's museum, to justify the importance, the value of Museum collections, primarily in the educational process in mastering the skills of the realist school. The combination of historical, problem-logical, typological-systemic methods made it possible to evaluate the samples of professional art, to give their interpretation against the background of the general historical situation and the processes that determine the development of the national culture of the present time. For the first time among the rarities of the Academy's museum, more than 20 works of painting and graphics of the 19th — first half of the 20th century, included in the state part of the Museum Fund of the Russian Federation, are marked, their art history analysis is given, and their artistic value is revealed. The study revealed the role of I.S. Glazunov as an outstanding public figure, philanthropist, collector. В статье посредством применения комплексного анализа изучена история основания И.С. Глазуновым музея Российской академии живописи, ваяния и зодчества в 1980–1990-х годах, этапы пополнения музейных коллекций в 2000–2010-е годы. Цель исследования — охарактеризовать деятельность музея академии, обосновать актуальность, значение музейного собрания, прежде всего, в учебном процессе — в овладении навыками реалистической школы. При сочетании исторического, проблемно-логического, типологически-системного методов оценены образцы профессионального искусства, дана их интерпретация на фоне общей исторической ситуации и процессов, определяющих развитие отечественной культуры настоящего времени. Впервые среди раритетов академического музея обозначено более 20 произведений живописи и графики XIX – первой половины ХХ века, включенных в государственную часть Музейного фонда Российской Федерации, дан их искусствоведческий анализ, раскрыта художественная ценность. В результате исследования выявлена роль И.С. Глазунова как выдающегося общественного деятеля, мецената, коллекционера.

On 22 May 1938, Stanislavsky gathered his group of eleven assistant-pedagogues at the Opera-Dramatic Studio for a last collective class. The Studio was already free for the summer vacation after the tumultuous first show of Chekhov’s Three Sisters, opened only to a small number of guests a week before. Mikhail Kedrov had rehearsed the performance with the students for the preceding three years, and it was doomed to become the first public presentation of the so-called ‘method of physical actions’. Nevertheless, the presentation brought nothing more than doubts about the work done, and Stanislavsky felt compelled to call upon the pedagogues to understand what had happened. After briefly presenting his opinion of the work that had been shown, he started to elaborate on the technical and artistic achievements of the Studio. Stanislavsky began his talk in its stenographic transcript (File No. 21179 in the Stanislavsky Fund of the Moscow Art Theatre Museum Archives) with: ‘Everything now is lost. The technique and all the rest. I don’t see any foundation … any more. You should now start by the critique of the method I have been experimenting on.’ This article analyzes Stanislavsky’s documented talk, showing that he was not convinced that he had a new methodology, let alone one that synthesized his life-long theatre experiments. It seeks to present evidence that both the Physical Action and Active Analysis methodologies derived from Stanislavsky’s thought post mortem were developed only as two possible paths from his experiments, but were not the telos of his thought.

Abstract STUDY QUESTION Are the decreasing multiple birth rates after ART associated with a simultaneous drop in the incidence of cerebral palsy (CP) in ART children over time? SUMMARY ANSWER The relative odds of CP in ART children have declined in the Nordic countries over the past two decades concurrently with declining multiple birth rates. WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY In the Nordic countries, the rate of twin pregnancies after ART has decreased from 30% in the early 1990s to 4–13% in 2014, following the implementation of elective single embryo transfer (SET). Consequently, preterm birth rates have declined substantially in ART pregnancies. However, whether the risk of CP, a known consequence of preterm birth, has decreased correspondingly is still unknown. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION Retrospective register-based cohort study based on data on all singletons, twins, and higher-order multiples born in Denmark (birth year 1994–2010), Finland (1990–2010), and Sweden (1990–2014), corresponding to 111 844 ART children and 4 679 351 spontaneously conceived children. PARTICIPANTS/MATERIAL, SETTING, METHODS Data were obtained from a large Nordic cohort of children born after ART and spontaneous conception initiated by the Committee of Nordic ART and Safety—CoNARTaS. The CoNARTaS cohort was established by cross-linking national register data using the unique personal identification number, allocated to every citizen in the Nordic countries. Data from the National Medical Birth Registers, where information on maternal, obstetric, and perinatal outcomes is recorded, were cross-linked to data from the National ART- and Patients Registers to obtain information on fertility treatments and CP diagnoses. Relative risks of CP for ART compared to spontaneous conception were estimated as odds ratios from multivariate logistic regression analyses across all birth years, as well as for the following birth year categories: 1990–1993, 1994–1998, 1999–2002, 2003–2006, 2007–2010, and 2011–2014. Analyses were made for all children and for singletons and twins, separately. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE The main outcome measure was the relative odds of CP in different time periods for ART versus spontaneously conceived children. CP was diagnosed in 661 ART children and 16 478 spontaneously conceived children born between 1990 and 2014. In 1990–1993, the relative odds of CP were substantially higher in all ART children (adjusted odds ratio (aOR) 2.76 (95% CI 2.03–3.67)) compared with all spontaneously conceived children, while in 2011–2014, it was only moderately higher (aOR 1.39 (95% CI 1.01–1.87)). In singletons, the higher relative odds of CP in ART children diminished over time from 1990 to 1993 (aOR 2.02 (95% CI 1.22–3.14)) to 2003–2006 (aOR 1.18 (95% CI 0.91–1. 49)) and was not significantly increased for birth cohorts 2007–2010 and 2011–2014. For ART twins versus spontaneously conceived twins, the relative odds of CP was not statistically significantly increased throughout the study period. LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION The main limitation of the study was a shorter follow-up time and younger age at first CP diagnosis for ART children compared with spontaneously conceived children. However, analyses ensuring a minimum of bias from differences in age at CP diagnosis and follow-up time confirmed the results, hence, we do not consider this to cause substantial bias. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS A SET policy in ART treatments has the potential to reduce the increased risk of cerebral palsy in the ART population due to lower rates of multiple deliveries. At a time with high survival rates of frozen/thawed embryos, this study provides a strong argument against the continued use of multiple embryo transfer in most ART settings. Larger cohort studies including also the number of gestational sacs in early pregnancy will be preferable to show an effect of vanishing twins on the risk of CP in the ART population. STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) The study was financed by grants from NordForsk (grant number 71450), Elsass Foundation (19-3-0444), the ALF-agreement (ALFGBG 70940), and The Research Fund of Rigshospitalet, Copenhagen University Hospital. There are no conflicts of interest to declare. TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER ISRCTN11780826.

Abstract STUDY QUESTION Does imprinted DNA methylation or imprinted gene expression differ between human blastocysts from conventional ovarian stimulation (COS) and an optimized two-step IVM method (CAPA-IVM) in age-matched polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS) patients? SUMMARY ANSWER No significant differences in imprinted DNA methylation and gene expression were detected between COS and CAPA-IVM blastocysts. WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY Animal models have revealed alterations in DNA methylation maintenance at imprinted germline differentially methylated regions (gDMRs) after use of ARTs. This effect increases as more ART interventions are applied to oocytes or embryos. IVM is a minimal-stimulation ART with reduced hormone-related side effects and risks for patients. CAPA-IVM is an improved IVM system that includes a pre-maturation step (CAPA), followed by an IVM step, both in the presence of physiological compounds that promote oocyte developmental capacity. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION For DNA methylation analysis 20 CAPA-IVM blastocysts were compared to 12 COS blastocysts. For RNA-Seq analysis a separate set of 15 CAPA-IVM blastocysts were compared to 5 COS blastocysts. PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS COS embryos originated from 12 patients with PCOS (according to Rotterdam criteria) who underwent conventional ovarian stimulation. For CAPA-IVM 23 women were treated for 3–5 days with highly purified hMG (HP-hMG) and no hCG trigger was given before oocyte retrieval. Oocytes were first cultured in pre-maturation medium (CAPA for 24 h containing C-type natriuretic peptide), followed by an IVM step (30 h) in medium containing FSH and Amphiregulin. After ICSI, Day 5 or 6 embryos in both groups were vitrified and used for post-bisulphite adaptor tagging (PBAT) DNA methylation analysis or RNA-seq gene expression analysis of individual embryos. Data from specific genes and gDMRs were extracted from the PABT and RNA-seq datasets. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE CAPA-IVM blastocysts showed similar rates of methylation and gene expression at gDMRs compared to COS embryos. In addition, expression of major epigenetic regulators was similar between the groups. LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION The embryos from the COS group were generated in a range of culture media. The CAPA-IVM embryos were all generated using the same sperm donor. The DNA methylation level of gDMRs in purely in vivo-derived human blastocysts is not known. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS A follow-up of children born after CAPA-IVM is important as it is for other new ARTs, which are generally introduced into clinical practice without prior epigenetic safety studies on human blastocysts. CAPA-IVM opens new perspectives for patient-friendly ART in PCOS STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) IVM research at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel has been supported by grants from the Institute for the Promotion of Innovation by Science and Technology in Flanders (Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie-IWT, project 110680), the Fund for Research Flanders (Fonds voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek-Vlaanderen-FWO-AL 679 project, project G.0343.13), the Belgian Foundation Against Cancer (HOPE project, Dossier C69Ref Nr 2016-119) and the Vrije Universiteit Brussel (IOF Project 4R-ART Nr 2042). Work in G.K.’s laboratory is supported by the UK Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council and Medical Research Council. The authors have no conflicts of interest.

Abstract STUDY QUESTION Is one cycle of IVM non-inferior to one cycle of conventional in IVF with respect to live birth rates in women with high antral follicle counts (AFCs)? SUMMARY ANSWER We could not demonstrate non-inferiority of IVM compared with IVF. WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY IVF with ovarian hyperstimulation has limitations in some subgroups of women at high risk of ovarian stimulation, such as those with polycystic ovary syndrome. IVM is an alternative ART for these women. IVM may be a feasible alternative to IVF in women with a high AFC, but there is a lack of data from randomized clinical trials comparing IVM with IVF in women at high risk of ovarian hyperstimulation syndrome. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION This single-center, randomized, controlled non-inferiority trial was conducted at an academic infertility center in Vietnam from January 2018 to April 2019. PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS In total, 546 women with an indication for ART and a high AFC (≥24 follicles in both ovaries) were randomized to the IVM (n = 273) group or the IVF (n = 273) group; each underwent one cycle of IVM with a prematuration step versus one cycle of IVF using a standard gonadotropin-releasing hormone antagonist protocol with gonadotropin-releasing hormone agonist triggering. The primary endpoint was live birth rate after the first embryo transfer. The non-inferiority margin for IVM versus IVF was −10%. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE Live birth after the first embryo transfer occurred in 96 women (35.2%) in the IVM group and 118 women (43.2%) in the IVF group (absolute risk difference –8.1%; 95% confidence interval (CI) –16.6%, 0.5%). Cumulative ongoing pregnancy rates at 12 months after randomization were 44.0% in the IVM group and 62.6% in the IVF group (absolute risk difference –18.7%; 95% CI –27.3%, –10.1%). Ovarian hyperstimulation syndrome did not occur in the IVM group, versus two cases in the IVF group. There were no statistically significant differences between the IVM and IVF groups with respect to the occurrence of pregnancy complications, obstetric and perinatal complications, preterm delivery, birth weight and neonatal complications. LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION The main limitation of the study was its open-label design. In addition, the findings are only applicable to IVM conducted using the prematuration step protocol used in this study. Finally, the single ethnicity population limits the external generalizability of the findings. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS Our randomized clinical trial compares live birth rates after IVM and IVF. Although IVM is a viable and safe alternative to IVF that may be suitable for some women seeking a mild ART approach, the current study findings approach inferiority for IVM compared with IVF when cumulative outcomes are considered. Future research should incorporate multiple cycles of IVM in the study design to estimate cumulative fertility outcomes and better inform clinical decision-making. STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) This work was partly supported by Ferring grant number 000323 and funded by the Vietnam National Foundation for Science and Technology Development (NAFOSTED) and by the Fund for Research Flanders (FWO). LNV has received speaker and conference fees from Merck, grant, speaker and conference fees from Merck Sharpe and Dohme, and speaker, conference and scientific board fees from Ferring; TMH has received speaker fees from Merck, Merck Sharp and Dohme, and Ferring; RJN has received conference and scientific board fees from Ferring, is a minor shareholder in an IVF company, and receives grant funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) of Australia; BWM has acted as a paid consultant to Merck, ObsEva and Guerbet, and is the recipient of grant money from an NHMRC Investigator Grant; RBG reports grants and fellowships from the NHMRC of Australia; JS reports lecture fees from Ferring Pharmaceuticals, Biomérieux, Besins Female Healthcare and Merck, grants from Fund for Research Flanders (FWO), and is co-inventor on granted patents on CAPA-IVM methodology in the US (US10392601B2) and Europe (EP3234112B1); TDP, VQD, VNAH, NHG, AHL, THP and RW have no financial relationships with any organizations that might have an interest in the submitted work in the previous three years, and no other relationships or activities that could appear to have influenced the submitted work. TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER NCT03405701 (www.clinicaltrials.gov). TRIAL REGISTRATION DATE 16 January 2018. DATE OF FIRST PATENT’S ENROLMENT 25 January 2018.

ABSTRACT STUDY QUESTION Does IVM of immature oocytes retrieved from small antral follicles in women with polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS) have an impact on obstetric and neonatal outcomes compared to controlled ovarian stimulation (COS)? SUMMARY ANSWER Obstetric and neonatal outcomes after IVM appear to be similar to those after COS. WHAT IS KNOW ALREADY Women with PCOS have an increased risk of adverse pregnancy outcomes and congenital malformations in their offspring. For patients with PCOS who require IVF, IVM of germinal vesicle (GV)-stage oocytes retrieved from antral follicles has been adopted as a mild approach ART, with improved pregnancy rates over the last two decades. Although reports of obstetrical and neonatal outcomes after IVM have been reassuring, the limited sample sizes in previous studies preclude firm conclusions, and further study is warranted. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION This is a retrospective observational study analysing obstetric and neonatal data from 1036 clinical pregnancies in unique patients with PCOS who conceived following a cycle of IVM or COS between January 2010 and December 2016 in a tertiary reproductive centre. In total, 393 singleton pregnancies with a gestational age beyond 20 weeks were included. A phenotypic approach was used for the diagnosis of PCOS. Pregnancies following oocyte donation, standard IVF (as opposed to ICSI) or preimplantation genetic testing and pregnancies requiring testicular biopsy in the male partners were excluded. PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS,SETTING, METHODS Pregnancy outcomes were analysed in women with PCOS phenotype A, C or D, as defined by different combinations of the Rotterdam criteria. Data from 164 pregnancies beyond 20 weeks after IVM were compared with those from 229 pregnancies after COS. Pregnancies in the IVM group were obtained after minimal ovarian stimulation and IVF with ICSI of transvaginally collected GV oocytes that had reached the metaphase II stage in vitro after 28 to 40 h of culture. No hCG trigger was administered before oocyte retrieval. Outcome measures were analysed or reported in singleton pregnancies only and included adverse obstetric events and neonatal health parameters, in particular birthweight, prematurity, small-for-gestational age, large-for-gestational age, perinatal death and major/minor malformation rates. The incidence of hypertensive disorders of pregnancy (HDP) and birthweight was analysed by multiple linear and logistic regression, adjusted for relevant treatment variables and maternal characteristics. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE The IVM and the COS groups differed significantly (P < 0.001) for maternal circulating AMH levels and PCOS phenotype distribution, with more of the PCOS phenotype A in the IVM group. Pregnant women in the IVM group were younger than pregnant women in the COS group (P = 0.05). With regard to obstetric complications in singleton pregnancies, in the unadjusted analysis, mothers of infants in the IVM group more often had HDP (29/164 (17.9%) vs 22/229 (9.6%), P = 0.02) compared with mothers in the COS group. Singletons born after IVM and COS had a similar birthweight standard deviation score (SDS) (0.51 ± 0.94 after IVM vs 0.33 ± 1.05 after COS, P = 0.19). Preterm birth rate (32–36.9 weeks) and early preterm birth rate (<32 weeks) were also similar in both groups. The total malformation rate was 4.1% in singletons after IVM and 2.4% in singletons after COS. Multivariate linear regression analysis accounting for relevant confounders demonstrated that parity was the only independent predictive factor (P = 0.04) for birthweight SDS. Multivariate logistic regression analysis showed that BMI, parity and type of ART (IVM as opposed to COS) were significantly correlated with the incidence of HDP. Only patients with the PCOS phenotype A showed a tendency towards a higher risk of HDP in those who underwent IVM compared to those who had COS. LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION The study is limited by its retrospective nature and loss to follow-up of a subset of children with no information regarding congenital malformations. Furthermore, the paediatricians who assessed the children after birth were not blinded for the type of ART procedure. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS This study provides further evidence that, compared to COS, IVM of oocytes derived from small antral follicles does not adversely affect the neonatal health of the offspring of patients with PCOS. The observed increased risk of HDP in patients with PCOS phenotype A following IVM treatment warrants further scrutiny. STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) Translational IVM research at Universitair Ziekenhuis Brussel (UZ Brussel) and Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB) has been supported by grants from the Institute for the Promotion of Innovation by Science and Technology in Flanders (Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie—IWT, project 110680), the Fund for Research Flanders (Fonds Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek–Vlaanderen—FWO, project G.0343.13) and the Belgian Foundation Against Cancer (HOPE project, Dossier C69). Clinical IVM research was supported by research grants from Cook Medical and Besins Healthcare. M.D.V. reports honoraria for lectures from Cook Medical and Besins Healthcare outside the submitted work. S.S.R. reports honoraria for lectures by MSD and Besins and research grants by MSD, Ferring and Merck Serono outside of the submitted work. C.B. reports personal fees from Merck-Serono, Ferring, IBSA, Finox, MSD and Abbott outside the submitted work. H.T. reports grants from Merck, MSD, Goodlife, Cook, Roche, Besins, Ferring, Mithra (now Allergan) and the Research Fund of Flanders (FWO) and consultancy fees from Finox, Abbott, Obseva and Ovascience outside the submitted work. The other authors have nothing to disclose.

Amount raised: During 2017, funds from Chai for Cancer Addas totaled approximately US$ 28,000 (IRS 18 lacs). Background and context: Chai for Cancer ( www.chaiforcancer.org ) is in a sense, a satellite brand of Friends of Max ( www.friendsofmax.info ). Friends of Max is a registered Public Charitable Trust and the support group arm of The Max Foundation in India. In India chai or tea is a household drink. At its best in an informal setting, an Adda serves a dual purpose as a fund-raiser and advocacy platform. It is based on the concept of an informal gathering among well-wishers and caregivers supporting underserved cancer patients suffering from chronic myeloid leukemia (CML) and gastrointestinal stromal tumor (GIST). The chronic condition is made manageable by life-long treatment. Aim: Chai For Cancer is a dynamic fundraiser and advocacy model for CML/GIST patients and caregivers in India. Strategy/Tactics: In 4 years, now on the cusp of the 5th year, Chai for Cancer has built up a creditable legacy of trust and an extended family of volunteers that networks throughout the year with the ability to attract new segments of donors/well-wishers and patient/caregiver participants. Funds thus raised support patient group meetings which facilitate various patient-related activities and patient–physician interactions which form the bedrock of FOM's dictum “Together We Share And Learn”. Potential donors are approached and educated informally about how to host an Adda. Once the host expresses interest, support is provided to the host in terms of tea bags and paper cups (from Society Tea), literature (printed leaflets, brochures elaborating the concept, newsletters) and receipts (U/s 80 G of the Indian Income Tax Act, 1961). Program process: An Adda is usually hosted by members/volunteers belonging to Friends of Max although it is not unusual for persons who have simply heard of Chai for Cancer to get in touch and express interest in hosting an Adda. The emergence of new hosts like D Y Patil University and IDEAL (Institute of Design Expression Art and Learning) in Ahmedabad, Jayanth Jayaprakash's India To Excellence 2020 in addition to long-time supporters Society Tea, Being Human-The Salman Khan Foundation, Manish Mandhana Retail Ventures, Mahotsaav Entertainment, Radio One and Red FM is testimony to the strength of the fundraising/advocacy model and a platform to encourage openness, empowering patients and caregivers. HNIs from various industries have also been donors. Costs and returns: The entire process is manned by senior, experienced people who volunteer their time and professional skills. Year-long publicity is generated through social media (FM radio stations, Web site www.chaiforcancer.org Twitter, Instagram and Facebook). What was learned: This is a personalised and intimate approach to raising funds for patient-related activity. This approach ensures known and accepted sources of funds within a growing family. It is different from crowd-funding techniques.

The article is inspired by the declared excessive optimism of the adherents of the Higher School of Economics about the successful passage of the crisis in modern Russia for the first time in the post-Soviet period, optimism that causes Cartesian doubts. If, for example, we consider the dynamics of the basic foundation – the Russian economy, then its growth potential, even according to official Rosstat data, was exhausted back in 2008, which caused a chronic decline in disposable income of the population. of course, we will support the optimists, Russia has been in a crisis since the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic in a more favorable position compared to countries with more deve- loped economies «due to» the deformed structure compared to the Soviet period of the national economy, its raw materials orientation. There are very few reasons for optimism, if we take into account the art of Rosstat, as servants of two «masters– - the government and the people, to underestimate the scale of the fall in the real sector of the economy, rising prices and, what is very important and alarming for households, inflation rates, especially food, according to national statistics, exceeding 20% year-on-year. Statistics, the authors believe, should be independent and therefore Rosstat should be reassigned to the State Duma. Neither is the direction in which Russia is moving, the direction indicated by teachers from the International Monetary Fund/ IMF/ and other global organizations, encouraging. For which the country deserves their generous praise. A number of conditions imposed on Russia and recommendations of the IMF are being considered, including a reduction in the number of Russian banks, inflation targe- ting, a flexible exchange rate and the so-called budget rule, a possible further increase in the retirement age, etc. The article analyzes the current socio-economic reality in Russia, adequately reflected in quantifiable macroeconomic, social and demographic indicators, significantly «undermined” by the coronavirus pandemic in 2020. The dynamics of the growth of prices and incomes of the population (who “ran faster” from 2013 to 2020 and why) are presented as the main arguments of the welfare function of the country’s population. The underlying causes of the record price growth in Russia for socially significant food products are revealed and the main directions of not only their taming, but also their stabilization and even reduction are substantiated.

In this article specific examples of historical interiors are identified and characterized, environment-forming factors determining the individuality of the historic interior and its renovation strategy are highlighted; shows the methods of renovation andreprofiling of historical interiors, their selection and testing in real environmental conditions.The historical buildings that make up the golden fund for the development of old cities often carry a bunch of contradictions: their interiors do not alwaysmeet today's requirements for the geometry of interior spaces, their hygiene, lighting, acoustics; the structural basis does not allow to increase the load; they are not designed for new functions, modes of operation, flows of people, etc.; the existing aesthetic system contradicts modern materials and stylistic priorities. Incorrect adaptation of historical interiors to a foreign function leads to irreplaceable cultural and artistic losses. Therefore, it is relevant to identify techniques for the renovation of historical interiors, architectural and design tools to ensure consistent interaction of the historical foundation and modern equipment.The study allowed to clarify the concept of “interior of a historic building”; to reveal the factors that determine the design approaches to the renovation of the interior: initial geometry, hue-color certainty and potential, artistic and stylistic integrity, scenographic potential, sanitary-hygienic and ergonomic, safety, human factor, compositional reality and potential. The identified factors made it possible to formulate the tasks and means of renovating aspecific historical interior. The methods of renovation are: the introduction of a contrasting accent; creation of alternative environmental and stylistic scenarios, points and perspectives of perception; use of environmentalinstallations from equipment; the formation of a single visual field of the interior and exterior through the use of font, elements of historical style.The article “Architectural and design techniques for renovating the interiors of historical buildings” clarifies the concept of “interior of a historical building”. The features of such interiors were identified and characterized, environment-forming factors determining the individuality of the historical interior and the strategy for its renovation, as well as design approaches to interior renovation: initial geometry, light-color certainty and potential, artistic and stylistic integrity, scenographic potential, sanitary-hygienic and ergonomic, were identified, security, human factor, compositional givenness and potential. The methods of renovation and reprofiling of historical interiors are shown, they are selected and tested in real environmental conditions. The identified factors made it possible to formulate the tasks and means of renovating aspecific historical interior. The methods of renovation are: the introduction of a contrasting accent; creation of alternative environmental and stylistic scenarios, points and perspectives of perception; use of environmental installations from equipment; the formation of a single visual field of the interior and exterior through the use of font, elements of historical style. The article is illustrated with graphic materials from the course student work (Art. Yulia Shtyrbu).

Background Conversational interfaces (CIs) in different modalities have been developed for health purposes, such as health behavioral intervention, patient self-management, and clinical decision support. Despite growing research evidence supporting CIs’ potential, CI-related research is still in its infancy. There is a lack of systematic investigation that goes beyond publication review and presents the state of the art from perspectives of funding agencies, academia, and industry by incorporating CI-related public funding and patent activities. Objective This study aimed to use data systematically extracted from multiple sources (ie, grant, publication, and patent databases) to investigate the development, research, and fund application of health-related CIs and associated stakeholders (ie, countries, organizations, and collaborators). Methods A multifaceted search query was executed to retrieve records from 9 databases. Bibliometric analysis, social network analysis, and term co-occurrence analysis were conducted on the screened records. Results This review included 42 funded projects, 428 research publications, and 162 patents. The total dollar amount of grants awarded was US $30,297,932, of which US $13,513,473 was awarded by US funding agencies and US $16,784,459 was funded by the Europe Commission. The top 3 funding agencies in the United States were the National Science Foundation, National Institutes of Health, and Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. Boston Medical Center was awarded the largest combined grant size (US $2,246,437) for 4 projects. The authors of the publications were from 58 countries and 566 organizations; the top 3 most productive organizations were Northeastern University (United States), Universiti Teknologi MARA (Malaysia), and the French National Center for Scientific Research (CNRS; France). US researchers produced 114 publications. Although 82.0% (464/566) of the organizations engaged in interorganizational collaboration, 2 organizational research-collaboration clusters were observed with Northeastern University and CNRS as the central nodes. About 112 organizations from the United States and China filed 87.7% patents. IBM filed most patents (N=17). Only 5 patents were co-owned by different organizations, and there was no across-country collaboration on patenting activity. The terms patient, child, elderly, and robot were frequently discussed in the 3 record types. The terms related to mental and chronic issues were discussed mainly in grants and publications. The terms regarding multimodal interactions were widely mentioned as users’ communication modes with CIs in the identified records. Conclusions Our findings provided an overview of the countries, organizations, and topic terms in funded projects, as well as the authorship, collaboration, content, and related information of research publications and patents. There is a lack of broad cross-sector partnerships among grant agencies, academia, and industry, particularly in the United States. Our results suggest a need to improve collaboration among public and private sectors and health care organizations in research and patent activities.

Abstract Study question Are obstetric and perinatal outcomes in pregnancies after fresh blastocyst transfer (BT) comparable with those born after fresh cleavage stage transfer (CT) and spontaneous conception (SC)? Summary answer Fresh BT is associated with a higher risk of placental and perinatal complications. What is known already BT optimizes the selection of top-quality embryos and increases pregnancy and live birth rates per transfer compared to CT. However, concerns have been raised as extended culture duration may increase obstetric complications and impair perinatal outcomes. Previous studies have shown a higher risk of preterm birth (PTB) among infants born after BT compared with CT. Pregnancies after BT are also prone to a higher risk of same-sex twins after single embryo transfer (SET). Study design, size, duration A retrospective register-based cohort study used data from Denmark, Norway and Sweden including three cohorts: 56 557 singletons and 16 315 twins born after fresh IVF/ICSI cycles and 2 808 323 SC singletons in Denmark (birth years 1997–2014), Norway (2010–2015) and Sweden (2002–2015). Of the fresh IVF/ICSI singletons, 4601 were born after BT and 51 956 after CT. The twin cohort consisted of 884 fresh IVF/ICSI children born after BT and 15 431 fresh IVF/ICSI children born after CT. Participants/materials, setting, methods Data were obtained from a large Nordic cohort of children born after ART and SC initiated by the Committee of Nordic ART and Safety (CoNARTaS). The CoNARTaS cohort was established by cross-linking National ART-, Medical Birth-, and National Patients Registers using the unique personal identification number, allocated to every citizen in the Nordic countries. Obstetric and perinatal outcomes after BT, CT and SC were compared using logistic regression analysis. For perinatal outcomes, we calculated gestational age based on the date of oocyte pick-up (OPU) and in sensitivity analyses on data from Denmark and Norway, we also calculated gestational age based on the second-trimester ultrasonography (US) scan. Risk of pregnancies with same-sex twins after SET was used as a proxy for risk of monozygotic twins. Adjustments were made for child’s sex, birth year, parity (0 or &gt;1), maternal age, body mass index, smoking, educational level, fertilization method (IVF/ICSI), the number of aspirated oocytes, SET and country. Information on educational level and the number of aspirated oocytes was not available for Norway. Children born after frozen embryo transfer were not included. The birth cohorts were restricted according to the year in which BT was introduced in the different countries. Main results and the role of chance A higher risk of placenta previa was found in singleton pregnancies after BT compared with CT (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] 2.11 [95% CI 1.76; 2.52]). Singletons born after BT had a higher risk of PTB (aOR 1.14 [95% CI 1.01; 1.29]) compared with CT singletons, when estimated based on OPU. Furthermore, an altered male/female ratio (aOR 1.13 [95% CI 1.06; 1.21]) with more males following BT compared with CT was seen. Risk of same-sex twins after SET was higher after single BT compared with single CT (aOR 1.94 [95% CI 1.42; 2.60]). Limitations, reasons for caution Residual confounding cannot be excluded, in particular related to duration and cause of infertility that we could not adjust for due to lack of reliable data. Wider implications of the findings Extended embryo culture to the blastocyst stage has the potential to compromise obstetric and perinatal outcomes in fresh cycles. These results are important since an increasing number of IVF/ICSI treatments are performed as BT. Study funding/competing INTEREST(S) NORDFORSK (project no: 71450). The Research Fund of Rigshospitalet, Copenhagen University Hospital. ReproUnion Collaborative study, co-financed by the European Union, Interreg V ÖKS. Grants from Swedish state under the agreement between the Swedish government and the county councils, the ALF-agreement (LUA/ALF 70940), Hjalmar Svensson Research Foundation. The Research Council of Norway through its Centres of Excellence funding scheme, project number 262700. None of the authors has any conflicts of interests to declare regarding this study. Trial registration number ISRCTN11780826.

In the course of my research in archives – in search of documents about the history of the Art Foundation of the People’s Republic (from 1968 Art Fund) – while leafing through the sea of files in the National Archives of Hungary (MNL OL) year after year, I came across so-far unknown documents on the life and fate of Béla Kondor which had been overlooked by the special literature so far.Some reflected the character of the period from summer of 1956 to spring 1957, more precisely to the opening of the Spring Exhibition. In that spring, after relieving Rákosi of his office, the HWP (Hungarian Workers’ Party, Hun. MDP) cared less for “providing guidance for the arts”, as they were preoccupied with other, more troublesome problems. In the winter/spring after the revolution started on 23 October and crushed on 4 November the echelon of the HSWP (Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party, Hun. MSzMP) had not decided yet whether to strike a league with extreme leftist artistic groups or to pay heed to Memos Makris (Hun. Makrisz Agamemnon), the ministerial commissioner designing the reform of the artists’ association and organizing the Spring Exhibition and to leave the artists – so-far forced into the strait-jacket of socialist realism – alone. I found some documents which shed bright light on the narrow-mindedness of the dogmatic artistic policy trying to bend the artists toward its goals now with the whip, now with milk cake.I start the series of recovered documents with a ministerial file dated summer 1956 on the decision to purchase Kondor’s diploma work (the Dózsa cycle). The next piece of good news is a record of the committee meeting in February 1957 awarding Kondor a Derkovits scholarship. This is followed by ministerial letters – mirrors of the new artistic policy – by a changed, truly partyist scholarship committee which apparently revel in lecturing talented Kondor who was not willing to give up his sovereignty, so his works were often refused to be bought on state funds for museums.In addition to whip-lashing documents, I also present a few which offered some milk cake: a letter inviting him to a book illustrating competition called by the Petőfi Literary Museum and one commissioning him to make the sheets on the Heves county part of a “liberation album”.Next, I put forth a group of illumining documents – long known but never published in details: the files revealing the story of the large panels designed for the walls of the “Uranium city” kindergarten in Pécs and those revealing the preparations for the exhibition in Fényes Adolf gallery in 1960 and the causes of the concurrent tensions – including texts on decisions to hinder the publication of Lajos Németh’s catalogue introduction.The last group includes futile efforts by architects to get Kondor commissions for murals. They give information on three possible works. Another for Pécs again (this time with Tibor Csernus), for works for a “men’s hostel” and on the failure of the possibility. The other is about works for Kecskemét’s Aranyhomok Hotel, another failure. The third is about a glass window competition for a new modern hotel to be built in Salgótarján, to which Kondor was also invited, but the jury did not find his work satisfactory in spite of the fact that the officials representing the city’s “party and council” organs, and the powerful head of the county and town, the president of the county committee of the HSWP all were in favour of commissioning him.Mind you, the architects’ efforts to provide the handful of modern artists with orders for “abstract” works caused headache for the masterminds of controlled art policy, too. On the one hand, they also tried to get rid of the rigidity of the ideologically dogmatic period in line with “who is not against us, is with us”, the motto spreading with political détente, and to give room to these genres qualified as “decoration”. On the other hand, they did not want to give up the figurative works of socialist contents, which the architects wanted to keep away from their modern buildings. A compromise was born: Cultural Affairs and the Art Fund remained supporters of figurative works, and the “decorative” modern murals, mosaics and sculptures were allowed inside the buildings at the cost of the builders.Apart from architects, naturally there were other spokesmen in favour of Kondor (and Csernus and the rest of the shelved artists). In an essay in Új Irás in summer 1961 Lajos Németh simply branded it a waste to deprive Kondor of all channels except book illustration, while anonymous colleagues of the National Gallery guided an American curator to him who organized an exhibition of Kondor’s graphic works he had packed into his suitcase in the Museum of Modern Art in Miami.From the early 1963 – as the rest of the explored documents reveal – better times began in Hungarian internal and cultural politics, hence in Béla Kondor’s life, too. The beginning is marked by a – still “exclusive” – exhibition he could hold in the Young Artists’ Studio in January, followed by a long propitiatory article urging for publicity for Kondor by a young journalist of Magyar Nemzet, Attila Kristóf. Then, in December Kondor became the Grand Prix winner of the second Graphic Biennial of Miskolc.From then on, the documents are no longer about incomprehensible prohibitions or at time self-satisfying wickedness, but about exhibitions (the first in King Stephen Museum, Székesfehérvár), prizes (including the Munkácsy Prize in April 1965), purchases, the marvellous panel for the Grand Hotel on Margaret Island, the preparations for the Venice Biennale of 1968, the exhibition in Art Hall/Műcsarnok in 1970 and its success, and Kondor’s second Munkácsy Prize.Finally, I chanced upon a group of startling and sofar wholly unknown notes which reveals that Béla Kondor was being among the nominees for the 1973 Kossuth Prize. News of his death on 12 December 1972, documents about the museum deposition of his posthumous works and the above group of files close the account of his life.I wrote a detailed study to accompany the documents. My intention was not to explain them – as they speak for themselves – but to insert them in the life-story of Kondor, trying to find out which and how, to what extent contributed to the veering of his life-course and to possibilities of publicity for his works. I obviously included several further facts, partly in the main body of the text, and partly in footnotes. Without presenting them here, let me just pick one or two.Events around the 1960 exhibition kindled the attention not only of the deputy minister of culture György Aczél, but also of the Ministry of the Interior: as Anikó B. Nagy dug out, they asked for an agent’s report on who Kondor was, what role he was playing among young writers, architects, artists, the circle around Vigilia and the intellectuals in general. Also: what role did human cowardice play in banning the panels for the Pécs kindergarten, and how wicked it was – with regulations cited – to ask back the advance money from an artist already hardly making a living with the termination of the Der ko vits scholarship. Again: what turn did modern Hungarian architecture undergo in the early sixties to dare and challenge the still prevalent culture political red tape? It was also a special experience to track down and describe the preparations for the Hungarian exhibition of the Venice Biennial of 1968 and to see how much caution and manoeuvring was needed even in those milder years to get permission for Béla Kondor (in the company of Tibor Vilt and Ignác Kokas) to feature in the pavilion. Finally, it was informative to follow the routes of Kondor’s estate as state acquisitions and museum deposits after his death which foiled his Kossuth Prize.

On-going research is aimed at commercializing low temperature fuel cell technology systems as zero emission alternatives for automotive applications in order to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and air pollution. These systems use polymer electrolyte fuel cells (PEFCs) to generate electricity via an electrochemical process using hydrogen and ambient air (oxygen) to produce water. Advantages of PEFCs include quick start-up time, low operating temperature, low weight, high efficiency, and relatively simple design. An important area of current research is the identification of factors which affect fuel cell performance degradation during operation and ultimately, its durability. A technique that has yielded new insights in the investigation and identification of failure modes in fuel cells is lab-based X-ray computed tomography (XCT), which is most advantageous due to its on-demand availability. The Fuel Cell Research Laboratory (FCReL) at Simon Fraser University currently operates Canada’s only facility for multi-length scale XCT, comprising of two state-of-the-art laboratory-based XCT scanners from Carl Zeiss X-ray Microscopy (Zeiss Xradia 520 Versa and 810 Ultra) with complementary resolution and field of view capabilities. This unique combination offers unprecedented access to investigations at multi length scales; with an ability to probe fuel cell components at the micro as well as the nano scale. Figure 1 illustrates the fuel cell holder and its orientation with respect to the X-ray beam as well as an exploded view of the miniature fuel cell design. An overview of recent fuel cell degradation investigations at FCReL using the XCT technique will be shown. The XCT based workflow facilitates determination and quantification of material structure and properties changes resulting from degradation stresses associated with operational parameters such as temperature, relative humidity, and voltage. The non-destructive nature of lab-based XCT visualization coupled with the ability to scan the same fuel cell multiple times without inducing damage [1] has enabled detailed studies of fuel cell degradation evolution in four dimensions (3D space, 1D time) [2 - 4]. The new knowledge gained from this procedure has led to root cause identification with respect to membrane and catalyst layer crack initiation and propagation [5 - 7], sealing issues [8,9], and subsequent mitigation toward enhanced fuel cell durability. Acknowledgement This research was supported by the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada, Canada Foundation for Innovation, British Columbia Knowledge Development Fund, Western Economic Diversification Canada, Canada Research Chairs, and Ballard Power Systems. References: [1] R.T. White, M. Najm, M. Dutta, F.P. Orfino, E. Kjeang, J. Electrochem. Soc. 163 (2016) F1206-F1208 [2] R.T. White, A. Wu, M. Najm, F.P. Orfino, M. Dutta, E. Kjeang, J. Power Sources 350 (2017) 94-102 [3] R. T. White, S. H. Eberhardt, Y. Singh, T. Haddow, M. Dutta, F. P. Orfino, E. Kjeang, Scientific Reports, (2019) 9:1843 [4] R. T. White, D. Ramani, S. H. Eberhardt, M. Najm, F. P. Orfino, M. Dutta, and E. Kjeang, J. Electrochem Soc, 166 (2019) F914-F925 [5] Y. Singh, R. T. White, M. Najm, T. Haddow, V. Pan, F. P. Orfino, M. Dutta, and E. Kjeang, J. Power Sources, 412 (2019) 224 [6] D. Ramani, Y. Singh, R. T. White, M. Wegener, F. P. Orfino, M. Dutta, and E. Kjeang, International Journal of Hydrogen Energy, 45 (2020) 10089-10103 [7] D. Ramani, Y. Singh, R. T. White, T. Haddow, M. Wegener, F. P. Orfino, L. Ghassemzadeh, M. Dutta, and E. Kjeang, Electrochimica Acta 380 (2021) 138194 [8] Y. Chen, Y. Singh, D. Ramani, F. P. Orfino, M. Dutta, and E. Kjeang, J. Power Sources, 520 (2022) 230674 [9] Y. Chen, Y. Singh, D. Ramani, F. P. Orfino, M. Dutta, and E. Kjeang, J. Power Sources, 520 (2022) 230673 [10] J. Stoll, F. P. Orfino, M. Dutta, and E. Kjeang, J. Electrochem Soc, (2021) 168 024516 Figure 1

Abstract STUDY QUESTION Is the presence or absence of certain vaginal bacteria associated with failure or success to become pregnant after an in vitro fertilization (IVF) or IVF with intracytoplasmic sperm injection (IVF-ICSI) treatment? SUMMARY ANSWER Microbiome profiling with the use of interspace profiling (IS-pro) technique enables stratification of the chance of becoming pregnant prior to the start of an IVF or IVF-ICSI treatment. WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY Live-birth rates for an IVF or IVF-ICSI treatment vary between 25 and 35% per cycle and it is difficult to predict who will or will not get pregnant after embryo transfer (ET). Recently, it was suggested that the composition of the vaginal microbiota prior to treatment might predict pregnancy outcome. Analysis of the vaginal microbiome prior to treatment might, therefore, offer an opportunity to improve the success rate of IVF or IVF-ICSI. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION In a prospective cohort study, 303 women (age, 20–42 years) undergoing IVF or IVF-ICSI treatment in the Netherlands were included between June 2015 and March 2016. PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS Study subjects provided a vaginal sample before the start of the IVF or IVF-ICSI procedure. The vaginal microbiota composition was determined using the IS-pro technique. IS-pro is a eubacterial technique based on the detection and categorization of the length of the 16S–23S rRNA gene interspace region. Microbiome profiles were assigned to community state types based on the dominant bacterial species. The predictive accuracy of the microbiome profiles for IVF and IVF-ICSI outcome of fresh ET was evaluated by a combined prediction model based on a small number of bacterial species. From this cohort, a model was built to predict outcome of fertility treatment. This model was externally validated in a cohort of 50 women who were undergoing IVF or IVF-ICSI treatment between March 2018 and May 2018 in the Dutch division of the MVZ VivaNeo Kinderwunschzentrum Düsseldorf, Germany. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE In total, the vaginal microbiota of 192 women who underwent a fresh ET could be analysed. Women with a low percentage of Lactobacillus in their vaginal sample were less likely to have a successful embryo implantation. The prediction model identified a subgroup of women (17.7%, n = 34) who had a low chance to become pregnant following fresh ET. This failure was correctly predicted in 32 out of 34 women based on the vaginal microbiota composition, resulting in a predictive accuracy of 94% (sensitivity, 26%; specificity, 97%). Additionally, the degree of dominance of Lactobacillus crispatus was an important factor in predicting pregnancy. Women who had a favourable profile as well as <60% L. crispatus had a high chance of pregnancy: more than half of these women (50 out of 95) became pregnant. In the external validation cohort, none of the women who had a negative prediction (low chance of pregnancy) became pregnant. LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION Because our study uses a well-defined study population, the results will be limited to the IVF or IVF-ICSI population. Whether these results can be extrapolated to the general population trying to achieve pregnancy without ART cannot be determined from these data. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS Our results indicate that vaginal microbiome profiling using the IS-pro technique enables stratification of the chance of becoming pregnant prior to the start of an IVF or IVF-ICSI treatment. Knowledge of their vaginal microbiota may enable couples to make a more balanced decision regarding timing and continuation of their IVF or IVF-ICSI treatment cycles. STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) This study was financed by NGI Pre-Seed 2014–2016, RedMedTech Discovery Fund 2014–2017, STW Valorisation grant 1 2014–2015, STW Take-off early phase trajectory 2015–2016 and Eurostars VALBIOME grant (reference number: 8884). The employer of W.J.S.S.C. has in collaboration with ARTPred acquired a MIND subsidy to cover part of the costs of this collaboration project. The following grants are received but not used to finance this study: grants from Innovatie Prestatie Contract, MIT Haalbaarheid, other from Dutch R&D tax credit WBSO, RedMedTech Discovery Fund, (J.D.d.J.). Grants from Ferring (J.S.E.L., K.F., C.B.L. and J.M.J.S.S.), Merck Serono (K.F. and C.B.L.), Dutch Heart Foundation (J.S.E.L.), Metagenics Inc. (J.S.E.L.), GoodLife (K.F.), Guerbet (C.B.L.). R.K. is employed by ARTPred B.V. during her PhD at Erasmus Medical Centre (MC). S.A.M. has a 100% University appointment. I.S.P.H.M.S., S.A.M. and A.E.B. are co-owners of IS-Diagnostics Ltd. J.D.d.J. is co-owner of ARTPred B.V., from which he reports personal fees. P.H.M.S. reports non-financial support from ARTPred B.V. P.H.M.S., J.D.d.J. and A.E.B. have obtained patents `Microbial population analysis’ (9506109) and `Microbial population analysis’ (20170159108), both licenced to ARTPred B.V. J.D.d.J. and A.E.B. report patent applications `Method and kit for predicting the outcome of an assisted reproductive technology procedure’ (392EPP0) and patent `Method and kit for altering the outcome of an assisted reproductive technology procedure’ by ARTPred. W.J.S.S.C. received personal consultancy and educational fees from Goodlife Fertility B.V. J.S.E.L. reports personal consultancy fees from ARTPred B.V., Titus Health B.V., Danone, Euroscreen and Roche during the conduct of the study. J.S.E.L. and N.G.M.B. are co-applicants on an Erasmus MC patent (New method and kit for prediction success of in vitro fertilization) licenced to ARTPred B.V. F.J.M.B. reports personal fees from Advisory Board Ferring, Advisory Board Merck Serono, Advisory Board Gedeon Richter and personal fees from Educational activities for Ferring, outside the submitted work. K.F. reports personal fees from Ferring (commercial sponsor) and personal fees from GoodLife (commercial sponsor). C.B.L. received speakers’ fee from Ferring. J.M.J.S.S. reports personal fees and other from Merck Serono and personal fees from Ferring, unrelated to the submitted paper. The other authors declare that they have no competing interests. TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER ISRCTN83157250. Registered 17 August 2018. Retrospectively registered.

Anatoliy Haidenko’s creative path lasts for about sixty years, during which this outstanding musician has been working fruitfully as a composer, performer, teacher, scientist, methodologist, music and public figure. The versatility of his personality, the diversity of talents, the relentless search for new ideas or means of expression, interest in a wide range of current issues of today are fully manifested in each of these areas. The desire to keep up, not to miss any opportunity to do something for people and at the same time to find time to «create» music in the silence of the cabinet led to a fair recognition of the achievements of Anatoliy Haidenko, currently an honored artist of Ukraine, professor, winner of numerous prestigious awards, permanent member of the jury of national and international festivals and competitions. Background. The figure and work of Anatoly Haidenko often attracts the attention of music scholars. In the field of view of researchers there were, above all, the issues of biographical and aesthetic nature, which are the necessary foundation for a thorough study of the artist’s work. Genre searches and stylistic principles of creativity are another important vector of research, based on analytical observations of Anatoliy Haidenko’s music. However, unfortunately, there are few special works dedicated to the creative work of the Kharkiv composer. Separate pieces of information about some of his opuses, as a rule, are contained in works aimed at highlighting certain trends in modern Ukrainian, especially accordion music. Thus, in order to establish the worldview of the composer, his creative and aesthetic principles, it is necessary to review the available in domestic musicology knowledge about Anatoliy Haidenko and his music. The purpose of the article is to highlight the figure of the artist and his contribution to the Ukrainian academic music art. The material of this research. Analyzing the scientific sources that cover the figure of the outstanding artist A. Haidenko, it is necessary to single out the meaningful work of the monographic type by A. Semeshko (2010) from the series “Portraits of modern Ukrainian composers” about the life and career of A. Haidenko. T. Bolshakova’s textbook (2007) “Concert works for accordion by A. Haidenko” is, in fact, a detailed preface to the publication of musical texts of accordion works of the composer, which had not been published before. The scholar focuses on the artist’s inherent synthesis of modern compositional writing and Ukrainian folk music tradition, emphasizing their subordination to the symphonic thinking of the master. T. Bolshakova’s opinion is also important regarding the “neo-pantheistic concept of existence”, the manifestos of which in A. Haidenko’s works are “the figurative content and semantics of the musical language of his works” (Bolshakova, 2007). The author of the candidate’s dissertation on the topic: “Bayan creativity of Anatoliy Haidenko: aesthetic and genre-style aspects” (Yeromenko, 2019) of Sumy, defended in 2019, thoroughly researches the creative way and accordion work of A. Haidenko. Tracing the evolution of the artist’s compositional path, the researcher A. Stashevsky (2013) identifies the most significant works from his point of view, briefly characterizing them. This opinion is asserted by A. Stashevsky in fundamental work “Modern Ukrainian music for accordion: means of expression, compositional technologies, instrumental style” (2013). In this work, the composer’s work is considered in the section devoted to one of the main vectors of development of modern accordion music – folklore and neo-folklore. Conclusions. During the sixty years of his creative path A. Haidenko has been fruitfully working in various spheres of activity: composition, performance, pedagogical, scientific, methodical, musical and public ones. Performing activities began with a trip as part of a student concert. The activity, which began with travels as part of concert student brigades and continued during the work in Sumy, demonstrated the talent of A. Haidenko as a bayan soloist and ensemble player. However, later the leading role was played by the compositional and pedagogical areas of activity. As a composer, A. Haidenko went through a difficult path from the status of “amateur author” to a recognized master of large forms and exquisite miniatures. Four works, submitted by him before joining the Union of Composers of Ukraine, identified the main directions of his further creative activity: symphonic music, music for folk instruments, choral and chamber and vocal music. A. Haidenko’s teaching activity – ten years of work at the Sumy Music School, four years at the Kharkiv Institute of Culture and more than forty years of hard work at the Department of Folk Instruments at the Kotlyarevsky Kharkiv National University of Arts – contributed to the formation of their own pedagogical principles, proved by the students of A. Haidenko: Y. Alzhnev, V. Geiko, A. Zhukov, E. Ivanov, S. Kolodyazhny. A. Haidenko’s research interests are connected with the history of the Kharkiv school of composition and instrument science. The textbook “Instrumentology and Fundamentals of Instrumentation Theory”, published in 2010 and addressed to teachers and students of folk instruments departments of higher musical educational institutions, is the result of many years of experience teaching the relevant course at KhNUA named after I. P. Kotlyarevsky. A significant place in the life of A. Haidenko is occupied by musical and public activities. In the National Union of Composers of Ukraine, he has served as Deputy Chairman and Executive Secretary of the Kharkiv Organization, a member of the UWC Board and Audit Committee, and Chairman of the Music Fund. Anatoliy Pavlovych Haidenko is also a member of the National All-Ukrainian Music Union, the Supervisory Board of the Ukrainian Cultural Foundation, and regularly participates in the jury of various competitions and festivals.

Polymer electrolyte membrane fuel cells (PEMFC) are the dominant technology for hydrogen-powered fuel cell electric vehicles in clean transportation systems. To be suitable for commercialization and applicability in real-world use-cases, light and heavy-duty fuel cell vehicles require lifetimes of over 8,000 and 30,000 hours, respectively [1]. Hence, enhancing the durability of all fuel cell components, particularly the proton exchange membrane (PEM), is of great importance. Recently, fuel cell membranes based on hydrocarbon (HC) chemistries have become increasingly common in the literature [2]. Materials with polyaromatic backbones, tunable electrochemical properties, and low reactant permeability are increasingly seen as potential alternatives to incumbent perfluorosulfonic acid (PFSA) materials [2]. Additionally, as restrictions on the use of fluorinated materials in various industries continue to grow, the importance of HC chemistries will as well. Sulfo-phenylated polyphenylenes (sPPPs) are a particular class of HC materials that show promise [3]. However, the phase separation between hydrophilic and hydrophobic domains within sPPPs may not be as discrete as in PFSAs [3], requiring higher ion exchange capacity (IEC) values than PFSAs to achieve similar protonic conductivity. High IEC typically results in greater material hydrophilicity, which can render membranes dimensionally unstable in a fuel cell [4]. State-of-the-art commercial PEMs are now manufactured as thin films (≤ 18 µm), offering small ohmic loss and therefore high fuel cell performance. To improve dimensional stability and eliminate the risks of electrical shorting, PEMs are commonly mechanically reinforced using a porous, inert, and non-ionic substrate, such as expanded polytetrafluoroethylene (ePTFE). In a work by Miyake et al. [5], sulfonated polyphenylene-based ionomer membranes with flexible polyethylene mechanical reinforcement were prepared and the results indicated promising mechanical properties and improved longevity in RH cycling tests. However, there is still a lack of data about the fatigue durability of HC membranes in the literature, and evaluating and comparing the mechanical durability of numerous PEMs with a mechanical reinforcement layer in a traditional wet-dry cycling accelerated stress test would be a time-consuming and thus costly process [6]. In our previous work, [7] we combined constant pressure differential across an ePTFE-reinforced perfluorosulfonic acid (PFSA) ionomer membrane with in-situ RH cycles (ΔP-AMST) to simulate the actual mechanical stresses in the fuel cell environment, while accelerating the durability testing for reinforced PEMs. In this study, ΔP-AMST is used to benchmark the fatigue lifetime curves for Pemion® membranes and compare it with a commercial reinforced PFSA-based PEM. The test temperature was set to 90 °C, and dry and wet (90% RH) phases were 60s and 30s, respectively. The hardware and semi-MEA specifications used for the test are shown in Figure 1a-c. A semitransparent polycarbonate spacer plate with 20 mm thickness and a circular aperture (25.4 mm) in the middle was used to allow free expansion of the membrane (Figure 1d). The cathode side was pressurized to create a cross pressure between the two sides and intensify the stress on the membrane during the RH cycling process. The ultimate failure of the membrane is shown in Figure 1e. The radial stress at the center of the deformed membrane is estimated by Hencky’s solution, as reported in our previous work [7]. Figure 1f demonstrates the estimated nominal stress on the membranes as a function of their lifetimes in terms of RH cycles. According to the fatigue S-N curves, reinforced Pemion® membranes afford longer lifetime than incumbent PFSA materials if the membrane edges are well protected. In addition, the impact of IEC on the fatigue durability of Pemion® membranes is investigated and the results are evaluated against stress of dehydration and dynamic mechanical analysis measurements. Acknowledgements This project was financially supported by Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC), Ionomr Innovations Inc, Canada Foundation for Innovation (CFI), British Columbia Knowledge Development Fund (BCKDF), Western Economic Diversification Canada (WD), and Canada Research Chairs (CRC). References [1] C.S. Gittleman, H. Jia, E.S. De Castro, C.R. Chisholm, Y.S. Kim, Joule, 5 (2021) 1660-1677. [2] D.W. Shin, M.D. Guiver, Y.M. Lee, Chemical reviews, 117 (2017) 4759-4805. [3] M. Adamski, N. Peressin, S. Holdcroft, Materials Advances, 2 (2021) 4966-5005. [4] S.H. Mirfarsi, A. Karimi, S. Rowshanzamir, M.J. Parnian, Journal of Power Sources, 401 (2018) 73-84. [5] J. Miyake, T. Watanabe, H. Shintani, Y. Sugawara, M. Uchida, K. Miyatake, ACS Materials Au, 1 (2021) 81-88. [6] R. Mukundan, A.M. Baker, A. Kusoglu, P. Beattie, S. Knights, A.Z. Weber, R.L. Borup, Journal of The Electrochemical Society, 165 (2018) F3085. [7] A. Sadeghi Alavijeh, S. Bhattacharya, O. Thomas, C. Chuy, E. Kjeang, Journal of Power Sources Advances, 2 (2020) 100010. Figure 1

Introduction and statement of the problem. Before the revolution of 1917, artists, writers, musicians and teachers created a rich literary fund that could be the basis for professional musical children’s theater in Ukraine. That is why there is a need to study the children’s musical and dramatic heritage of the past, which is an inexhaustible treasury of cultural and educational ideas that can be creatively developed and successfully applied in modern conditions. The process of creative development of the genre of children’s musical performance is today one of the most pressing problems of professional theater for children, take in account its growing popularity, both in the world and in Ukrainian musical culture. The lack of scientific research that fully and comprehensively cover the scientific and practical significance of musical children’s plays by Marko Kropyvnytskyi for the development of musical children’s theater in Ukraine indicates the need for more in-depth researching of the chosen topic. In our research, we rely on the works and articles of authoritative experts – in particular, I. Franko (1910), M. Voronyi (1913), D. Antonovich (1925), P. Rulin (1929), I. Mar’ianenko (1953), P. Kyrychok (1985), N. Yosipenko (1958), P. Perepelitsa (1956), A. Novikov (2007; 2011), L. Moroz (1990). The vast majority of researchers noted the great merits of the artist to the national drama in particular and Ukrainian culture in general. Among the scientific works devoted to Kropyvnytskyi as a children’s playwright, one can distinguish the research by A. Novikov (2007), which focuses on the history of creation of the first children’s troupe in the country, which had no analogues in the history of the world theater, since the actors in it were peasant children. In mentioned critical and scientific works, the innovative features of the playwright’s creative heritage are outlined, attention is focused on the specifics of the genre and problem-thematic range, literary-aesthetic, socio-political, and pedagogical views. The literary and theatrical activity of M. Kropyvnytskyi has been thoroughly studied. However, there is still no work that comprehensively reveal his musical and dramatic creativity for children. The purpose of the article is to show the significant role of M. Kropyvnytskyi in the development of children’s musical theater in Ukraine based on the research of children’s musical and dramatic creativity by the artist. The research methodology is integrative. The work uses knowledge of various fields of art history and related sciences: history and theory of theater, music theory, music and theater psychology, vocal and theater pedagogy. Presentation of the main material. A great pride of the playwright is the foundation by him on the territory of his village Zatyshok of the children’s theater, “actors” in which were his own and peasant children. This event was and remains unprecedented, since nothing like this has been observed in the history of Ukrainian and European culture. The troupe consisted of peasant children aged 10–13. For performances, Kropyvnytskyi assigned the largest room (hall) in the old house, where, as in a real theater, the stage was equipped. The first performance, “Goat-Dereza” (“Koza-dereza”), took place on Christmas day, 1906. The playwright drew the scenery himself, and prepared the costumes together with the children. The play was a great success. A few days later, the children’s troupe was invited to a “tour” in the neighboring village, and the entire theater with the scenery on five carts went on a journey of six versts (Novikov, 2007: 33). In the children’s repertoire at that time, there was, in fact, only one work – the opera by M. Lysenko “Goat-Dereza” (“Koza-dereza”) (libretto by Dniprova Chaika). Ukrainian children’s repertoire did not exist at that time, and in 1907, Kropyvnytskyi created two plays for young performers based on folk tales – “Ivasyk-Telesyk” and “At the behest of the pike” (“Po shchuchomu velinniu”). The performances included vocal numbers composed by M. Kropyvnytskyi on the themes of Ukrainian folk melodies. In a letter to his good friend entrepreneur A. Suslov in January 1908, the writer, in particular, notes: “I have assembled a troupe of peasant children and I am staging in the villages: Goat-dereza, IvasykTelesyk, and At the behest of the pike (the latter both are my)” (Kropyvnytskyi, 1960: 530). Based on the plot of folk tales of the same name, he wrote original musical and dramatic works for children of great educational value. The plays are quite simple in meaning and clearly depict the images of all the negative and positive characters. The first represent such social vices as lies and insincerity, and the second are carriers of eternal positive qualities – sincerity, candor, hard work. The plays are written in an exquisite Ukrainian language, close to the oral poetic creativity. All this, as M. Yosypenko rightly notes, is evidence of “a serious approach of M. Kropyvnytskyi to the business of writing plays for children, a deep knowledge of the psychology of the young audience and its cultural and educational needs and demands” (Yosypenko, 1958: 265). The performances require participation of music, which organic include into the language range of the play itself. Music explains and complements the true meaning of the situation to the young audience. Ukrainian musical folklore material formed the basis of the musical solution of M. Kropyvnytskyi’s children’s performances. Most often, folk songs served as a means to create the image and were introduce before the dramatic action mainly by the method of self-presentation: performing a particular song, the characters showed certain traits of their nature. The songs help to reveal the inner world of the characters, to express their state of mind and moods; often they contributed to the creation of the necessary stage atmosphere: festivities, fun and jokes. A significant part of the characters could not be imagined without songs. Using some folk melodies, Kropyvnytskyi mainly wrote original music, close in melody to the folk-song sources. Solo numbers, ensembles, and choirs are organically woven into the dramaturgy of these plays. A clear reflection of the integrity and unity of the musical and dramatic process is the principle of end-to-end development of the main musical idea of performances. In preparation for productions of his children’s plays, Kropyvnytskyi wrote an orchestration for them also. Intending to put these plays on the professional stage, Kropyvnytskyi wrote down advice to future directors regarding the production of their children’s plays. He began to think of broader horizons for them. In the spring of 1910, small artists had to show their art to the audience of the neighboring county town Kupyansk. However, the premature death of the Ukrainian playwright did not allow this plan to be realized. The children’s troupe soon ceased to exist. Kropyvnytskyi children’s troupe and the repertoire he created for it became a prologue to the development of the Ukrainian theater’s creativity for young viewers. In nowadays from the repertoire do not go off the pearls of drama for children “Ivasik-Telesik’ and “At the behest of the pike”. Conclusions. Marko Kropyvnytskyi’s creative heritage and practical activities wrote the gold pages to the history of Ukrainian musical children’s drama and Ukrainian children’s theater. Children’s musical and dramatic works of the writer based on song folklore are the effective mean to educate positive attitude of young Ukrainians to folk tradition as well as to form positive nature traits: generosity, hospitality, goodwill, charity.

The World Trade Center Attack or 9/11 tragedy has awakened the international community, particularly the United States (US) to sharpen its foreign policy in facing security threats coming from ‘weak states’. One of the most prominent weak states examples that pose a grave threat to other countries are the Northern Triangle Countries of Central America that referred to Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. Hence, this paper will discuss the rationale behind US initiatives in dealing with security threats in El Salvador as one of the Northern Triangle Countries. In analyzing the case, the writers will use the weak state concept and national interest concept. The result of this paper finds that El Salvador corresponds to the elements of a weak state and further poses security threats by giving rise to transnational criminal organizations, drug trafficking, and migrant problems in which overcoming those security threats has become US vital national interest. 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ABSTRAK Pengelolaan pembangunan desa islami adalah konsep pembangunan desa yang memiliki karakteristik tercapainya tujuan pembangunan sosial ekonomi yang berdimensi holistik, seimbang antara aspek material dan spiritual. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji pembahasan kajian-kajian terdahulu secara sistematis tentang konsep dan praktik pengelolaan pembangunan desa dalam perspektif islam. Dalam rangka melakukan review publikasi artikel secara sistematis, riset ini menggunakan standar protokol RAMESES. Hasil penelitian ini terbagi menjadi dua tema utama, yaitu peran dan fungsi lembaga keuangan mikro syariah dalam pembangunan desa dan Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat dalam pengelolaan pembangunan desa. Tema pertama menghasilkan tiga subtema: praksis keuangan mikro syariah di Bangladesh, Malaysia, dan Indonesia. Tema kedua menghasilkan satu subtema yaitu peranan Pesantren dalam mendukung pengelolaan pembangunan desa. Hasilnya memberikan landasan untuk mengisi ruang-ruang yang belum dimasuki untuk membangun pengelolaan pembangunan desa yang komprehensif berdasarkan prinsip atau nilai Islam yang ideal. Kata kunci: Islami, Pengelolaan Pembangunan Desa, Systematic Literature Review. ABSTRACT Islamic village development management is a village development concept that has the characteristics of achieving socio-economic development goals with a holistic dimension, balanced between material and spiritual aspects. This study aims to systematically review the discussion of previous studies on the concepts and practices of village development management from an Islamic perspective. To conduct the article review systematically, this research was carried out using the RAMESES protocol standard. The results of this study are divided into two main themes, namely the role and function of Islamic microfinance institutions in village development and non-governmental organizations in managing village development. 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Whereas trust is the cornerstone of any market’s functioning, it is of particular importance in markets that are unregulated, illiquid, and opaque, such as the art market. This study examines the role of authenticity, as captured by provenance information in auction catalogs, on the probability of auctioned oil paintings, watercolors, and prints being sold; their price formation; and returns. Auction catalogs include four authenticity dimensions: pedigree (ownership “blockchain,” descendance information; type of past owners, such as renowned collectors; and past sales records), exhibition history (e.g., in famous museums or galleries), literature coverage (e.g., in catalogues raisonnés or authoritative press), and certification (e.g., artist’s physical testimonial, expert opinions). We find that trust, proxied by provenance information, increases the probability of a work being sold by up to 4%, leads to hammer price premiums up to 54%, and increases annualized returns by 5%–16%. To address potential endogeneity problems between the provision of provenance and past prices/price expectations, we perform quasi-natural experiments in difference-in-differences settings on auction houses’ provenance policy changes following authenticity litigation and on a contamination effect of the discovery of fakes and forgeries on the oeuvre of forged artists. We also test transactions less affected by past prices, such as estate sales following the death of a collector. The findings on the relation between provenance and prices are robust to artist reputation, artistic style, auction house reputation, art market liquidity, and artist career timing. This paper was accepted by Tomasz Piskorski, finance. Funding: Yuexin Li gratefully acknowledges supports from the National Natural Science Foundation of China [Grant 72204257] and the Area Studies Fund of Renmin University of China [Grant AS2022002]. This study is partially funded by the Tilburg Alumni Fund. Supplemental Material: The online appendix and data are available at https://doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.2022.4633 .

Mitochondria play a critical role in the life of the cell as they regulate energy production. Translating the significance of Bioenergetics‐ the flow of energy within our living systems for improving mitochondrial health and vitality is critical. Recent reports have highlighted increasing proportion of energy deficiency disorders like childhood obesity, mitochondrial diseases, type II diabetes, to name a few. An important fact is that mitochondrial dysfunction is at the core of these diseases that affect energy production. Therefore our objective was to explore cross‐disciplinary educational methods to teach and engage a wide audience for explaining the complex science and provide a fundamental understanding of how the variety of disorders is related to energy failure. Faculty and students from diverse disciplines in the Arts, Sciences, Engineering and Medicine, along with community partners from the Science Museum of Virginia and patient advocates affiliated with the United Mitochondrial Disease Foundation‐Virginia Chapter, researched and created unique outcomes on bioenergetics and energy deficiency disorders which were displayed over a 3‐month long exhibition to engage the public. Active learning exercises in creative expression, engineering design, digital story telling constituted collaborative, cross‐disciplinary and pedagogical methodologies that resulted in sculptures, documentaries, infographics, public service announcements, computer simulations and teacher training kits. The exhibits at the Science Museum of Virginia support our conclusion that (a) engineering, arts and medicine uniquely contribute to understanding the human condition; (b) integrative problem‐solving methods lead to innovative educational modules and exhibit experiences; and (c) creative communication practices arise from exchange of ideas across diverse disciplines. Our findings are significant, because for the first time, these cell‐to‐society interactive modules have being created to provide students with non‐linear educational experiences while explaining bioenergetics and mitochondrial health to children and adults in our communities.Support or Funding InformationVirginia Commonwealth University Quest for Innovation Fund; Alice T. and William H. Goodwin Jr., Endowment for Engineering Education; Summer at daVinci Works Program; Dean's Office, School of Engineering; Dean's Office, School of the Arts; Pollack Society Student Scholarship; Patients and Families of the United Mitochondrial Disease Foundation, Central VA Chapter; and National Institute of Health (1R15NS080157‐01A1).

Abstract STUDY QUESTION Does medically assisted reproduction (MAR) use among cisgender women differ among those with same-sex partners or lesbian/bisexual identities compared to peers with different-sex partners or heterosexual identities? SUMMARY ANSWER Women with same-sex partners or lesbian/bisexual identities are more likely to utilize any MAR but are no more likely to use ART (i.e. IVF, reciprocal IVF, embryo transfer, unspecified ART, ICSI, and gamete or zygote intrafallopian transfer) compared to non-ART MAR (i.e. IUI, ovulation induction, and intravaginal or intracervical insemination) than their different-sex partnered and completely heterosexual peers. WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY Sexual minority women (SMW) form families in myriad ways, including through fostering, adoption, genetic, and/or biological routes. Emerging evidence suggests this population increasingly wants to form genetic and/or biological families, yet little is known about their family formation processes and conception needs. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION The Growing Up Today Study is a US-based prospective cohort (n = 27 805). Participants were 9–17 years of age at enrollment (1996 and 2004). Biennial follow-up is ongoing, with data collected through 2021. PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS Cisgender women who met the following criteria were included in this sample: endorsed ever being pregnant; attempted a pregnancy in 2019 or 2021; and endorsed either a male- or female-sex partner OR responded to questions regarding their sexual identity during their conception window. The main outcome was any MAR use including ART (i.e. procedures involving micromanipulation of gametes) and non-ART MAR (i.e. nonmanipulation of gametes). Secondary outcomes included specific MAR procedures, time to conception, and trends across time. We assessed differences in any MAR use using weighted modified Poisson generalized estimating equations. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE Among 3519 participants, there were 6935 pregnancies/pregnancy attempts and 19.4% involved MAR. A total of 47 pregnancies or pregnancy attempts were among the same-sex partnered participants, while 91 were among bisexual participants and 37 among lesbian participants. Participants with same-sex, compared to different-sex partners were almost five times as likely to use MAR (risk ratio [95% CI]: 4.78 [4.06, 5.61]). Compared to completely heterosexual participants, there was greater MAR use among lesbian (4.00 [3.10, 5.16]) and bisexual (2.22 [1.60, 3.07]) participants compared to no MAR use; mostly heterosexual participants were also more likely to use ART (1.42 [1.11, 1.82]) compared to non-ART MAR. Among first pregnancies conceived using MAR, conception pathways differed by partnership and sexual identity groups; differences were largest for IUI, intravaginal insemination, and timed intercourse with ovulation induction. From 2002 to 2021, MAR use increased proportionally to total pregnancies/pregnancy attempts; ART use was increasingly common in later years among same-sex partnered and lesbian participants. LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION Our results are limited by the small number of SMW, the homogenous sample of mostly White, educated participants, the potential misclassification of MAR use when creating conception pathways unique to SMW, and the questionnaire’s skip logic, which excluded certain participants from receiving MAR questions. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS Previous studies on SMW family formation have primarily focused on clinical outcomes from ART procedures and perinatal outcomes by conception method, and have been almost exclusively limited to European, clinical samples that relied on partnership data only. Despite the small sample of SMW within a nonrepresentative study, this is the first study to our knowledge to use a nonclinical sample of cisgender women from across the USA to elucidate family formation pathways by partnership as well as sexual identity, including pathways that may be unique to SMW. This was made possible by our innovative approach to MAR categorization within a large, prospective dataset that collected detailed sexual orientation data. Specifically, lesbian, bisexual, and same-sex partnered participants used both ART and non-ART MAR at similar frequencies compared to heterosexual and different-sex partnered participants. This may signal differential access to conception pathways owing to structural barriers, emerging conception trends as family formation among SMW has increased, and a need for conception support beyond specialized providers and fertility clinics. STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) The research reported in this publication was supported by the National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), under award number R01MD015256. Additionally, KRSS is supported by NCI grant T32CA009001, AKH by the NCI T32CA057711, PC by the NHLBI T32HL098048, BM by the Stanford Maternal Child Health Research Institute Clinical Trainee Support Grant and the Diversity Fellowship from the American Society for Reproductive Medicine Research Institute, BGE by NICHD R01HD091405, and SM by the Thomas O. Pyle Fellowship through the Harvard Pilgrim Health Care Foundation and Harvard University, NHLBI T32HL098048, NIMH R01MH112384, and the William T. Grant Foundation grant number 187958. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health. The first author recently had a leadership role in the not-for-profit program, The Lesbian Health Fund, a research fund focused on improving the health and wellbeing of LGBTQ+ women and girls. The fund did not have any role in this study and the author’s relationship with the fund did not bias the findings of this manuscript. TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER N/A.

Several large initiatives such as the Human Microbiome Project (NIH), the Earth Microbiome Project and Microbiology of the Built Environement (Alfred P. Sloan Foundation) as well as many smaller scale projects are exploring the composition and dynamics of bacterial communities to better understand how microbes impact our world from ecology to human health. The advent of high‐throughput sequencing techniques allows sequencing of the variable regions of the 16S rRNA gene from many samples. The 16S rRNA sequence is useful for differentiating between bacteria due to the fact that the gene is present in all bacteria, but contains variable regions. These 16S sequences can be used to identify the diversity and composition of Operational Taxonomic Units (OTUs) to characterize the bacterial community. Here we profile the bacterial communities found in the recently used Art building and the newly constructed Jackson Dinsdale Art Center on the Hastings College campus. Both Art buildings include different types of rooms such as faculty offices, a glass blowing studio and a painting studio. From the collected samples, DNA was extracted and PCR was used to amplify and isolate the 16S rRNA v4 sequence. These samples were then sent for high throughput sequencing for further analysis. This is an ongoing study; initial samples were collected shortly after construction finished and we plan to continue monitoring the bacterial community profiles in the Jackson Dinsdale Art Center periodically now that the facility is in use. The results will contribute to our overall understanding of the microbiology of the built environment in general and specifically at Hastings College.Support or Funding InformationThis work was supported by the Student Development Fund and the Excelsior Scholar program at Hastings College.

Over 90% of the world's children with congenital heart disease do not have access to cardiac care. Although many models provide pediatric cardiac surgery in low- and middle-income countries, sustainability poses a barrier. We explore one model providing care for the underserved in Chennai, India, that came into existence through trial and error over 30 years across three phases. Phase 1 was a Tamilnadu state government–sponsored program that soon became unsustainable with unmet demands. Phase 2 utilized a grassroots foundation of a public–private partnership (PPP) with few donors and a hospital with suboptimal infrastructure. Phase 3 is the ongoing fine-tuning of the PPP model, with upgraded infrastructure and a well-trained team. Through indigenization, an average cardiac surgery costs Rupees (Rs.) 1,80,000 ($2400). The government funds Rs. 60,000 to 80,000 ($800-$1066.67), and the rest is funded through the fund pool. The goal is to perform 100 free surgeries annually by maintaining a fund pool of Rs. 50 lakhs ($66,666.67), which supplements government funds. This ensures equitable distribution of funds with no compromise on resources (disposables, single-use cannulas, etc). Our model ensures the dignity of the patient, fair compensation for workers, and is practical, affordable, and easily adaptable. Thus far, this model provided free cardiac surgery for 357 children from Risk Adjusted Congenital Heart Surgery Score of 1 to 4, with an overall mortality of 2.73%. The prerequisites for this model are having a “spark plug,” a dedicated surgical team, a partnership with state-of-the-art infrastructure, and a steady flow of funds.

We consider a vehicle routing problem with time windows under uncertain travel times where the goal is to determine routes for a fleet of homogeneous vehicles to arrive at the locations of customers within their stipulated time windows to the maximum extent while ensuring that the total travel cost does not exceed a prescribed budget. Specifically, a novel performance measure that accounts for the riskiness associated with late arrivals at the customers, called the generalized riskiness index (GRI), is optimized. The GRI covers several existing riskiness indices as special cases and generates new ones. We demonstrate its salient managerial and computational properties to motivate it better. We propose alternative set partitioning-based models of the problem. To obtain the optimal solution, we develop an exact solution framework combining route enumeration and branch-price-and-cut algorithms, in which the GRI is dealt with in route enumeration and column generation subproblems. We mainly reduce the solution space by exploiting the GRI and budget constraints’ properties without losing optimality. The proposed method is tested on a collection of instances derived from the literature. The results show that a new instance of the GRI outperforms several existing riskiness indices in mitigating lateness. The exact method can solve instances with up to 100 nodes to optimality. It can consistently solve instances involving up to 50 nodes, outperforming state-of-the-art methods by more than doubling the manageable instance size. Funding: This work was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China [Grants 72101187, 72371204, 72021002, and 71901180], the Qatar National Research Fund [Grant ARG01-0430-230029], Natural Science Foundation of Sichuan Province [24NSFSC6232], and Guanghua Talent Project of the Southwestern University of Finance and Economics. Supplemental Material: The online appendix is available at https://doi.org/10.1287/trsc.2023.0345 .

Alexandra Handal is a London based Palestinian visual artist, filmmaker and essayist. She works at the intersection of different disciplines, breaking the boundaries between them in search of new creative expressions and narrative possibilities to explore the human condition in lingering times of war and other man-made disasters. Through her creative practice she attempts to make palpable what is disappearing or has been destroyed, engaging with modern day ruins from conflict zones to areas of urban decay. Handal uses performance-based strategies to experiment with modes of storytelling that are multilayered and mixed-genre. She combines experience, research and imagination to redress absence - blurring the line between written and oral history, fact and fiction, subjectivity and objectivity, past and present. Handal's work includes an eclectic range of media such as digital storytelling, creative interventions, photography, drawing, experimental texts and films that expand the documentary form and propose a new kind of fiction. Handal holds a PhD (practice/theory) from the University of the Arts London, UK (2011), for which she was the recipient of the UAL Research Studentship Award, UK (2004) and the Chelsea College of Art and Design Graduate Fund (2007 & 2009). Her short film From the Bed & Breakfast Notebooks (2009) was selected for New Contemporaries 2009 - an internationally juried exhibition, which showcases emerging artists in the United Kingdom. Studio International magazine (2009) described her short as a 'quietly powerful political engagement' and she was listed among the 'few names to watch' in the Guardian (2009). Recent exhibitions and festivals include: 'Video Lounge', India Art Summit, New Delhi, India (2011), ‘Future Movements – Jerusalem’, Liverpool Biennial, Contemporary Urban Centre, Liverpool, UK (2010), ‘Whose Map is it?' INIVA, London, UK (2010), 'Documentary Program', Rencontres Internationales Paris/Berlin/Madrid (2009 & 2010), 'New Contemporaries 2009' A Foundation, London, UK (2009), and Cornerhouse, Manchester, UK (2009) and 'The Other Shadow of the City', Al-Hoash Gallery, East Jerusalem (2009).

Aims: To document experiences of establishing state of the art women’s hospital offering holistic care to women with obstetric fistula and other child birth injuries. The care includes comprehensive treatment and management of the affected women, reintegration services that support the restoration of women’s dignity and clinical for prevention Methods: TERREWODE Women’s Community Hospital (TWCH) founded in 2016 is a subsidiary of The Association for Rehabilitation and Re-Orientation of Women for Development (TERREWODE), a Ugandan Non-Government Organization. We received, funding and support from International Fistula Alliance ,Ugandan Fistula Fund for TERREWODE, Catherine Hamlin Fistula Foundation, Hamlin Fistula USA and Hamlin Fistula Ethiopia. Results: The first phase has a 30-bed fistula surgical block and 30-bed rehabilitation and reintegration center, in addition to administration, catering and support facilities. This community-focused hospital will provide holistic routine care to patients with obstetric fistula and other childbirth injuries. It will also conduct: health education, research, Continuous Professional Development, patient rehabilitation and reintegration. On completion other services will include: conducting deliveries, neonatal care, and Antenatal care and family planning services. Up to 600 surgeries annually will be conducted in the unit. This will decongest public health facilities and reduce current backlog. Our critical success factors include: ability to attract and retain highly qualified and self-motivated personnel; our relationship with key stakeholders including Ministry of Health, suppliers, development partners and our target beneficiaries. Conclusions: It is possible with collaboration to establish specialized units offering quality care to women with birth trauma. Our experience can be replicated in other settings.

Abstract STUDY QUESTION Does ultra-long downregulation with a GnRH agonist (triptorelin depot) in previously operated patients with endometriosis improve the rate of clinical pregnancy with positive fetal heart beat (CPHB) in the subsequent initiated fresh ART cycle? SUMMARY ANSWER Ultra-long downregulation with a GnRH agonist prior to ART did not improve the rate of CPHB in the subsequent fresh ART cycle in previously completely operated patients but the trial was underpowered due to early termination. WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY Administration of GnRH agonists for a period of 3–6 months prior to ART in women with endometriosis may increase the odds of clinical pregnancy. However, the quality of the studies on which this statement is based is questionable, so these findings need confirmation. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION A controlled, randomized, open label trial was performed between 1 June 2013 and 31 December 2016 (start and end of recruitment, respectively). Patients with prior complete laparoscopic treatment of any type or stage of endometriosis and an indication for ART were randomized (by a computer-generated allocation sequence) into two groups: the control group underwent ART stimulation in a classical long agonist protocol using preparation with oral contraceptives, the ultra-long group first underwent at least 3 months downregulation followed by a long agonist protocol for ART stimulation. The sample size was calculated to detect a superiority of the ultra-long downregulation protocol, based on the hypothesis that baseline CPHB rate in the control group of 20% would increase to 40% in the ultra-long group. For a power of 20% at a significance level of 5%, based on two-sided testing, including 5% of patients lost to follow-up, the necessary sample size was 172 patients (86 per group). PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS This trial was conducted at the Leuven University Fertility Center, a tertiary care center for endometriosis and infertility, and a total of 42 patients were randomized (21 in the control group and 21 in the ultra-long group). MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE Baseline characteristics were similar in both groups. The primary outcome studied—CPHB after the initiated ART treatment—did not differ and was 25% (5/20) in the control group, and 20% (4/20) in the ultra-long group (P &gt; 0.999; relative risk (RR) 1.25, 95% CI 0.41–3.88). Cumulative (fresh + associated frozen) CPHB rates were also similar in the control versus ultra-long group (8/20, 40% vs 6/20, 30%, P = 0.7411; RR = 1.33, 95% CI 0.57–3.19). When other secondary outcomes were compared with the ultra-long group, patients from the control group had a shorter duration of stimulation (mean 11.8 days (SD ± 2.4) versus 13.2 days (SD ± 1.5), P = 0.0373), a lower total dose of gonadotrophins used (mean 1793 IU/d (SD ± 787) vs 2329 (SD ± 680), P = 0.0154), and a higher serum estradiol concentration (ng/ml) at the end of ovarian stimulation on the day of ovulation triggering or cycle cancellation (mean1971 (SD ± 1495) vs 929 (± 548); P = 0.0326), suggesting a better ovarian response in the control group. LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION Due to a strong patient preference, nearly exclusively against ultra-long downregulation (even though patients were thoroughly informed of the potential benefits), the targeted sample size could not be achieved and the trial was stopped prematurely. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS Conditional power analysis revealed that the probability of confirming the study hypothesis if the study were completed would be low. We hypothesize that in patients with prior complete surgical treatment of endometriosis, the ultra-long protocol does not enhance ART-CPHB rates. Patient’s concerns and preferences regarding possible side-effects, and delay of ART treatment start with the ultra-long protocol should be taken into account when considering this type of treatment in women with endometriosis. STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) C.T. was during 2 years funded by a grant from the Clinical research Foundation of UZ Leuven (KOF) and during 2 years by the Research Foundation—Flanders (FWO grant number: 1700816N). C.T. reports grants from Clinical Research Foundation of the University Hospitals of Leuven (KOF), grants from Fund for Scientific Research Flanders (FWO), during the conduct of the study; grants, non-financial support and other from Merck SA, non-financial support and other from Gedeon Richter, non-financial support from Ferring Pharmaceuticals, outside the submitted work. T.D. is vice president and head of Global Medical Affairs Fertility, Research and Development, Merck KGaA, Darmstadt, Germany. He is also a professor in Reproductive Medicine and Biology at the Department of Development and Regeneration, Group Biomedical Sciences, KU Leuven (University of Leuven), Belgium and an adjunct professor at the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology in the University of Yale, New Haven, USA. Neither his corporate role nor his academic roles represent a conflict of interest with respect to the work done by him for this study. A.C. reports personal fees from Merck S.p.A., outside the submitted work. The other co-authors have no conflict of interest. TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER UZ Leuven trial registry SS55300, EudraCT number 2013-000993-32, clinicaltrials.gov NCT02400801. TRIAL REGISTRATION DATE Registration for EudraCT on 1 March 2013. DATE OF FIRST PATIENT’S ENROLMENT 4 September 2013.

One vital field of choreography is to study top dance creatures reserved into golden fund of Mongolian dances. Within the framework of this research article, we have conducted some observations and analysis on famous choreographer Lamjav’s creatures such as “Morit tsereg” (Cavalry), “Цэнхэр дурдан алчуур” (Blue silk scarf), “Uran khee” (Marvelous ornament) etc. The personal life and work experiences of this choreographer have become a foundation of creation of these art works. A composer Terbish has composed melodies for these three creatures as the wonderful combination of these talented choreographers and music composer has also become the outstanding results of their achievements. Mr. Lamjav used to make models of the dance costumes personally through personal choice of colors and materials for dresses and costumes and used the stage lightening and technique for creation of wonderful stage and dance environment. From his creatures you can see that he could have joined all the tools and methods into a wonderful combination for the expression of dance works. Cavalry and Blue Silk Scarf were a military work expressing the warriors of Khalkh Gol World War period and reflecting the mentality of military officers and warriors of that period through perfect combination of Mongolian national dance movements and tactics with army dance features and typology so that it has become a renovation and update in the Mongolian army dance. Marvelous ornament is a unique creature that expresses various Mongolian ornaments through dance imaginations as a main tool of ornamental expression. Moreover, it has also expressed the love relations of young people in comparison with ornamental figures and composed in perfect combinations as a feature of the creature. Research works on choreographer Lamjav will be vital for its opportunities granted to younger performers, dancers, and choreographers to learn experiments of olden experienced choreographers and to clarify dance creature composition of the 20th century Mongolian traditional dance art. Нэрт бүжиг дэглээч Д.Ламжавын зарим бүтээлд хийсэн ажиглалт Хураангуй: Монголын бүжгийн алтан санд орсон шилдэг бүжгийн бүтээлийг судлан шинжлэх нь бүжиг судлалын нэг чухал чиглэл юм. Тус өгүүллийн хүрээнд нэрт бүжиг дэглээч Д.Ламжавын “Морьт цэрэг”, “Цэнхэр дурдан ал чуур”, “Уран хээ” хэмээх бүжгийн бүтээлд ажиглалт, дүн шинжлэл хийсэн болно .“Морьт цэрэг” бол өвлийн цаснаар морио унаад дархан хилээ манаж яваа хилчин дайчдын дүрээр ХХ зууны монголын түүхэнд морьт цэргүүдийн гүйцэтгэсэн үүрэг, баатарлаг гавьяаг илэрхийлжээ. Бүжгийн хувцас, тайзны гэрэлтүүлэг, техникийн шийдэл нь тус бүжгийн дүр, орчныг бүрэлдүүлэхэд чухал нөлөө үзүүлсэн байна. “Цэнхэр дурдан алчуур” нь цэрэгт мордож буй болон эр цэргийн албаа нэр төртэй хаагаад ирж буй залуус, ар амьдралаа авч яваа саальчин бүсгүйчүүдийн хоорондын харилцааг харуулсан бүтээл юм. Тус бүтээл нь хөдөө нутгийн ахуй амьдралын дэвсгэр дээр эрчүүдийн дүрийн өсөлтийг тод томруун илэрхийлснээрээ онцлогтой .“Уран хээ” бол баяр наадмын го ёлоо өмссөн залуус уулзан учирч, тоглож наадаж, бие биедээ сэтгэлтэй болж, өрх гэр үүсгэж байгааг бүжгийн хэлээр харуулсан бүтээл болно. Тэрхүү өгүүлэмжийг нь монгол хээг бүжгийн зураглалаар бүтээсэн бэлгэдэлт дүрслэл улам тодруулж өгдөг.Дээрх бүжгүүд нь залуу уран бүтээлчдэд жишиг болохуйц бүтээл бөгөөд бүжиг дэглээчийн арга барил, туршлага, эрдэм ухааныг танин мэдэхэд чухал эх хэрэглэгдэхүүн болж байна. Түлхүүр үг: сэдэв, дүр, зохиомж, санаа, хөгжим

Abstract STUDY QUESTION What is the feasibility of a prospective protocol to follow subfertile couples being treated with natural procreative technology for up to 3 years at multiple clinical sites? SUMMARY ANSWER Overall, clinical sites had missing data for about one-third of participants, the proportion of participants responding to follow-up questionnaires during time periods when participant compensation was available (about two-thirds) was double that of time periods when participant compensation was not available (about one-third) and follow-up information was most complete for pregnancies and births (obtained from both clinics and participants). WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY Several retrospective single-clinic studies from Canada, Ireland and the USA, with subfertile couples receiving restorative reproductive medicine, mostly natural procreative technology, have reported adjusted cumulative live birth rates ranging from 29% to 66%, for treatment for up to 2 years, with a mean women’s age of about 35 years. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION The international Natural Procreative Technology Evaluation and Surveillance of Treatment for Subfertility (iNEST) was designed as a multicenter, prospective cohort study, to enroll subfertile couples seeking treatment for live birth, assess baseline characteristics and follow them up for up to 3 years to report diagnoses, treatments and outcomes of pregnancy and live birth. In addition to obtaining data from medical record abstraction, we sent follow-up questionnaires to participants (both women and men) to obtain information about treatments and pregnancy outcomes, including whether they obtained treatment elsewhere. The study was conducted from 2006 to 2016, with a total of 10 clinics participating for at least some of the study period across four countries (Canada, Poland, UK and USA). PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS The 834 participants were subfertile couples with the woman’s age 18 years or more, not pregnant and seeking a live birth, with at least one clinic visit. Couples with known absolute infertility were excluded (i.e. bilateral tubal blockage, azoospermia). Most women were trained to use a standardized protocol for daily vulvar observation, description and recording of cervical mucus and vaginal bleeding (the Creighton Model FertilityCare System). Couples received medical and sometimes surgical evaluation and treatments aimed to restore and optimize female and male reproductive function, to facilitate in vivo conception. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE The mean age of women starting treatment was 34.0 years; among those with additional demographic data, 382/478 (80%) had 16 or more years of education, and 199/659 (30%) had a prior live birth. Across 10 clinical sites in four countries (mostly private clinical practices) with family physicians or obstetrician–gynecologists, data about clinic visits were submitted for 60% of participants, and diagnostic data for 77%. For data obtained directly from the couple, 59% of couples had at least one follow-up questionnaire, and the proportion of women and men responding to fill out the follow-up questionnaires was 69% and 67%, respectively, when participant financial compensation was available, compared to 38% and 33% when compensation was not available. Among all couples, 57% had at least one pregnancy and 44% at least one live birth during the follow-up time period, based on data obtained from clinic and/or participant questionnaires. All sites reported on female pelvic surgical procedures, and among all participants, 22% of females underwent a pelvic diagnostic and/or therapeutic procedure, predominantly laparoscopy and hysterosalpingography. Among the 643 (77%) of participants with diagnostic information, ovulation-related disorders were diagnosed in 87%, endometriosis in 31%, nutritional disorders in 47% and abnormalities of semen analysis in 24%. The mean number of diagnoses per couple was 4.7. LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION The level of missing data was higher than anticipated, which limits both generalizability and the ability to study different components of treatment and prognosis. Loss to follow-up may also be differential and introduce bias for outcomes. Most of the participating clinicians were not surgeons, which limits the opportunity to study the impact of surgical interventions. Participants were geographically dispersed but relatively homogeneous with regard to socioeconomic status, which may limit the generalizability of current and future findings. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS Multicenter studies are key to understanding the outcomes of subfertility treatments beyond IVF or IUI in broader populations, and the association of different prognostic factors with outcomes. We anticipate that the iNEST study will provide insight for clinical and treatment factors associated with outcomes of pregnancy and live birth, with appropriate attention to potential biases (including adjustment for potential confounders, multiple imputation for missing data, sensitivity analysis and inverse probability weighting for potential differential loss to follow-up, and assessments for clinical site heterogeneity). Future studies will need to either have: adequate funding to compensate clinics and participants for robust data collection, including targeted randomized trials; or a scaled-down, registry-based approach with targeted data points, similar to the multiple national and regional ART registries. STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) Funding for the study came from the International Institute for Restorative Reproductive Medicine, the University of Utah, Department of Family and Preventive Medicine, Health Studies Fund, the Primary Children’s Medical Foundation, the Mary Cross Tippmann Foundation, the Atlas Foundation, the St. Augustine Foundation and the Women’s Reproductive Health Foundation. The authors declare no competing interests. TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER The iNEST study is registered at clinicaltrials.gov, NCT01363596.

Phillip Noyce is one of Australia’s most prominent film makers—a successful feature film director with both iconic Australian narratives and many a Hollywood blockbuster under his belt. Still, his beginnings were quite humble and far from his role today when he grew up in the midst of the counterculture of the late sixties. Millions of young people his age joined the various ‘movements’ of the day after experiences that changed their lives—mostly music but also drugs or fashion. The counterculture was a turbulent time in Sydney artistic circles as elsewhere. Everything looked possible, you simply had to “Do It!”—and Noyce did. He dived head-on into these times and with a voracious appetite for its many aspects—film, theatre, rallies, music, art and politics in general. In fact he often was the driving force behind such activities. Noyce described his personal epiphany occurring in 1968: A few months before I was due to graduate from high school, […] I saw a poster on a telegraph pole advertising American 'underground' movies. There was a mesmerising, beautiful blue-coloured drawing on the poster that I later discovered had been designed by an Australian filmmaker called David Perry. The word 'underground' conjured up all sorts of delights to an eighteen-year-old in the late Sixties: in an era of censorship it promised erotica, perhaps; in an era of drug-taking it promised some clandestine place where marijuana, or even something stronger, might be consumed; in an era of confrontation between conservative parents and their affluent post-war baby-boomer children, it promised a place where one could get together with other like-minded youth and plan to undermine the establishment, which at that time seemed to be the aim of just about everyone aged under 30. (Petzke 8) What the poster referred to was a new, highly different type of film. In the US these films were usually called “underground”. This term originates from film critic Manny Farber who used it in his 1957 essay Underground Films. Farber used the label for films whose directors today would be associated with independent and art house feature films. More directly, film historian Lewis Jacobs referred to experimental films when he used the words “film which for most of its life has led an underground existence” (8). The term is used interchangeably with New American Cinema. It was based on a New York group—the Film-Makers’ Co-operative—that started in 1960 with mostly low-budget filmmakers under the guidance of Jonas Mekas. When in 1962 the group was formally organised as a means for new, improved ways of distributing their works, experimental filmmakers were the dominant faction. They were filmmakers working in a more artistic vein, slightly influenced by the European Avant-garde of the 1920s and by attempts in the late 1940s and early 1950s. In film history, this era is also known as the Third Avant-garde. In their First Statement of the New American Cinema Group, the group drew connections to both the British Free Cinema and the French Nouvelle Vague. They also claimed that contemporary cinema was “morally corrupt, aesthetically obsolete, thematically superficial, temperamentally boring” (80). An all-encompassing definition of Underground Film never was available. Sheldon Renan lists some of the problems: There are underground films in which there is no movement and films in which there is nothing but movement. There are films about people and films about light. There are short, short underground films and long, long underground films. There are some that have been banned, and there is one that was nominated for an Academy Award. There are sexy films and sexless films, political films and poetical films, film epigrams and film epics … underground film is nothing less than an explosion of cinematic styles, forms and directions. (Renan 17) No wonder that propelled by frequent serious articles in the press—notably Jonas Mekas in the Village Voice—and regular screenings at other venues like the Film-makers’ Cinemathèque and the Gallery of Modern Art in New York, these films proved increasingly popular in the United States and almost immediately spread like bush fires around the world. So in early September 1968 Noyce joined a sold-out crowd at the Union Theatre in Sydney, watching 17 shorts assembled by Ubu Films, the premier experimental and underground film collective in 1960s Australia (Milesago). And on that night his whole attitude to art, his whole attitude to movies—in fact, his whole life—changed. He remembered: I left the cinema that night thinking, "I’m gonna make movies like that. I can do it." Here was a style of cinema that seemed to speak to me. It was immediate, it was direct, it was personal, and it wasn’t industrial. It was executed for personal expression, not for profit; it was individual as opposed to corporate, it was stylistically free; it seemed to require very little expenditure, innovation being the key note. It was a completely un-Hollywood-like aesthetic; it was operating on a visceral level that was often non-linear and was akin to the psychedelic images that were in vogue at the time—whether it was in music, in art or just in the patterns on your multi-coloured shirt. These movies spoke to me. (Petzke 9) Generally speaking, therefore, these films were the equivalent of counterculture in the area of film. Theodore Roszak railed against “technocracy” and underground films were just the opposite, often almost do-it-yourself in production and distribution. They were objecting to middle-class culture and values. And like counterculture they aimed at doing away with repression and to depict a utopian lifestyle feeling at ease with each imaginable form of liberality (Doggett 469). Underground films transgressed any Hollywood rule and convention in content, form and technique. Mobile hand-held cameras, narrow-gauge or outright home movies, shaky and wobbly, rapid cutting, out of focus, non-narrative, disparate continuity—you name it. This type of experimental film was used to express the individual consciousness of the “maker”—no longer calling themselves directors—a cinematic equivalent of the first person in literature. Just as in modern visual art, both the material and the process of making became part of these artworks. Music often was a dominant factor, particularly Eastern influences or the new Beat Music that was virtually non-existent in feature films. Drug experiences were reflected in imagery and structure. Some of the first comings-out of gay men can be found as well as films that were shown at the appropriately named “Wet Dreams Festival” in Amsterdam. Noyce commented: I worked out that the leading lights in this Ubu Films seemed to be three guys — Aggy Read, Albie Thoms and David Perry […They] all had beards and […] seemed to come from the basement of a terrace house in Redfern. Watching those movies that night, picking up all this information, I was immediately seized by three great ambitions. First of all, I wanted to grow a beard; secondly, I wanted to live in a terrace house in the inner city; and thirdly, I wanted to be a filmmaker. (Ubu Films) Noyce soon discovered there were a lot of people like him who wanted to make short films for personal expression, but also as a form of nationalism. They wanted to make Australian movies. Noyce remembered: “Aggy, Albie and David encouraged everyone to go and make a film for themselves” (Petzke 11). This was easy enough to do as these films—not only in Australia—were often made for next to nothing and did not require any prior education or training. And the target audience group existed in a subculture of people willing to pay money even for extreme entertainment as long as it was advertised in an appealing way—which meant: in the way of the rampaging Zeitgeist. Noyce—smitten by the virus—would from then on regularly attend the weekly meetings organised by the young filmmakers. And in line with Jerry Rubin’s contemporary adage “Do it!” he would immediately embark on a string of films with enthusiasm and determination—qualities soon to become his trademark. All his films were experimental in nature, shot on 16mm and were so well received that Albie Thoms was convinced that Noyce had a great career ahead of him as an experimental filmmaker. Truly alternative was Noyce’s way to finally finance Better to Reign in Hell, his first film, made at age 18 and with a total budget of $600. Noyce said on reflection: I had approached some friends and told them that if they invested in my film, they could have an acting role. Unfortunately, the guy whose dad had the most money — he was a doctor’s son — was also maybe the worst actor that was ever put in front of a camera. But he had invested four hundred dollars, so I had to give him the lead. (Petzke 13) The title was taken from Milton’s poem Paradise Lost (“better to reign in hell than serve in heaven”). It was a film very much inspired by the images, montage and narrative techniques of the underground movies watched at Ubu. Essentially the film is about a young man’s obsession with a woman he sees repeatedly in advertising and the hallucinogenic dreams he has about her. Despite its later reputation, the film was relatively mundane. Being shot in black and white, it lacks the typical psychedelic ingredients of the time and is more reminiscent of the surrealistic precursors to underground film. Some contempt for the prevailing consumer society is thrown in for good measure. In the film, “A youth is persecuted by the haunting reappearance of a girl’s image in various commercial outlets. He finds escape from this commercial brainwashing only in his own confused sexual hallucinations” (Sydney Filmmakers Co-operative). But despite this advertising, so convincingly capturing the “hint! hint!” mood of the time, Noyce’s first film isn’t really outstanding even in terms of experimental film. Noyce continued to make short experimental films. There was not even the pretence of a story in any of them. He was just experimenting with his gear and finding his own way to use the techniques of the underground cinema. Megan was made at Sydney University Law School to be projected as part of the law students’ revue. It was a three-minute silent film that featured a woman called Megan, who he had a crush on. Intersection was 2 minutes 44 seconds in length and shot in the middle of a five-way or four-way intersection in North Sydney. The camera was walked into the intersection and spun around in a continuous circle from the beginning of the roll of film to the end. It was an experiment with disorientation and possibly a comment about urban development. Memories was a seven-minute short in colour about childhood and the bush, accompanied by a smell-track created in the cinema by burning eucalyptus leaves. Sun lasted 90 seconds in colour and examined the pulsating winter sun by way of 100 single frame shots. And finally, Home was a one-and-a-half-minute single frame camera exploration of the filmmaker’s home, inside and out, including its inhabitants and pets. As a true experimental filmmaker, Noyce had a deep interest in technical aspects. It was recommended that Sun “be projected through a special five image lens”, Memories and Intersection with “an anamorphic lens” (Sydney Filmmakers Co-operative). The double projection for Better to Reign in Hell and the two screens required for Good Afternoon, as well as the addition of the smell of burning leaves in Memories, were inroads into the subgenre of so-called Expanded Cinema. As filmmaking in those days was not an isolated enterprise but an integral part of the all-encompassing Counterculture, Noyce followed suit and became more and more involved and politiced. He started becoming a driving force of the movement. Besides selling Ubu News, he organised film screenings. He also wrote film articles for both Honi Soit and National U, the Sydney University and Canberra University newspapers—articles more opinionated than sophisticated. He was also involved in Ubu’s Underground Festival held in August and in other activities of the time, particularly anti-war protests. When Ubu Films went out of business after the lack of audience interest in Thoms’s long Marinetti film in 1969, Aggy Read suggested that Ubu be reinvented as a co-operative for tax reasons and because they might benefit from their stock of 250 Australian and foreign films. On 28 May 1970 the reinvention began at the first general meeting of the Sydney Filmmakers Cooperative where Noyce volunteered and was elected their part-time manager. He transferred the 250 prints to his parents’ home in Wahroonga where he was still living he said he “used to sit there day after day just screening those movies for myself” (Petzke 18). The Sydney University Film Society screened feature films to students at lunchtime. Noyce soon discovered they had money nobody was spending and equipment no one was using, which seemed to be made especially for him. In the university cinema he would often screen his own and other shorts from the Co-op’s library. The entry fee was 50 cents. He remembered: “If I handed out the leaflets in the morning, particularly concentrating on the fact that these films were uncensored and a little risqué, then usually there would be 600 people in the cinema […] One or two screenings per semester would usually give me all the pocket money I needed to live” (Petzke 19). Libertine and risqué films were obviously popular as they were hard to come by. Noyce said: We suffered the worst censorship of almost any Western country in the world, even worse than South Africa. Books would be seized by customs officers at the airports and when ships docked. Customs would be looking for Lady Chatterley’s Lover. We were very censored in literature and films and plays, and my film [Better to Reign in Hell] was banned from export. I tried to send it to a film festival in Holland and it was denied an export permit, but because it had been shot in Australia, until someone in the audience complained it could still be screened locally. (Castaway's Choice) No wonder clashes with the law happened frequently and were worn like medals of honour in those days of fighting the system, proving that one was fighting in the front line against the conservative values of law and order. Noyce encountered three brushes with the law. The first occurred when selling Ubu Films’ alternative culture newspaper Ubu News, Australia’s first underground newspaper (Milesago). One of the issues contained an advertisement—a small drawing—for Levi’s jeans, showing a guy trying to put his Levis on his head, so that his penis was showing. That was judged by the police to be obscene. Noyce was found guilty and given a suspended sentence for publishing an indecent publication. There had been another incident including Phil’s Pill, his own publication of six or eight issues. After one day reprinting some erotic poems from The Penguin Collection of Erotic Poetry he was found guilty and released on a good behaviour bond without a conviction being recorded. For the sake of historical truth it should be remembered, though, that provocation was a genuine part of the game. How else could one seriously advertise Better to Reign in Hell as “a sex-fantasy film which includes a daring rape scene”—and be surprised when the police came in after screening this “pornographic film” (Stratton 202) at the Newcastle Law Students Ball? The Newcastle incident also throws light on the fact that Noyce organised screenings wherever possible, constantly driving prints and projectors around in his Mini Minor. Likewise, he is remembered as having been extremely helpful in trying to encourage other people with their own ideas—anyone could make films and could make them about anything they liked. He helped Jan Chapman, a fellow student who became his (first) wife in December 1971, to shoot and edit Just a Little Note, a documentary about a moratorium march and a guerrilla theatre group run by their friend George Shevtsov. Noyce also helped on I Happened to Be a Girl, a documentary about four women, friends of Chapman. There is no denying that being a filmmaker was a hobby, a full-time job and an obsessive religion for Noyce. He was on the organising committee of the First Australian Filmmakers’ Festival in August 1971. He performed in the agit-prop acting troupe run by George Shevtsov (later depicted in Renegades) that featured prominently at one of Sydney’s rock festival that year. In the latter part of 1971 and early 1972 he worked on Good Afternoon, a documentary about the Combined Universities’ Aquarius Arts Festival in Canberra, which arguably was the first major manifestation of counterculture in Australia. For this the Aquarius Foundation—the cultural arm of the Australian Union of Students—had contracted him. This became a two-screen movie à la Woodstock. Together with Thoms, Read and Ian Stocks, in 1972 he participated in cataloguing the complete set of films in distribution by the Co-op (see Sydney Filmmakers Cooperative). As can be seen, Noyce was at home in many manifestations of the Sydney counterculture. His own films had slowly become more politicised and bent towards documentary. He even started a newsreel that he used to screen at the Filmmakers’ Cooperative Cinema with a live commentary. One in 1971, Springboks Protest, was about the demonstrations at the Sydney Cricket Ground against the South African rugby tour. There were more but Noyce doesn’t remember them and no prints seem to have survived. Renegades was a diary film; a combination of poetic images and reportage on the street demonstrations. Noyce’s experimental films had been met with interest in the—limited—audience and among publications. His more political films and particularly Good Afternoon, however, reached out to a much wider audience, now including even the undogmatic left and hard-core documentarists of the times. In exchange, and for the first time, there were opposing reactions—but as always a great discussion at the Filmmakers’ Cinema, the main venue for independent productions. This cinema began with those initial screenings at Sydney University in the union room next to the Union Theatre. But once the Experimental Film Fund started operating in 1970, more and more films were submitted for the screenings and consequently a new venue was needed. Albie Thoms started a forum in the Yellow House in Kings Cross in May 1970. Next came—at least briefly—a restaurant in Glebe before the Co-op took over a space on the top floor of the socialist Third World Bookshop in Goulburn Street that was a firetrap. Bob Gould, the owner, was convinced that by first passing through his bookshop the audience would buy his books on the way upstairs. Sundays for him were otherwise dead from a commercial point of view. Noyce recollected that: The audience at this Filmmakers’ Cinema were mightily enthusiastic about seeing themselves up on the screen. And there was always a great discussion. So, generally the screenings were a huge success, with many full houses. The screenings grew from once a week, to three times on Sunday, to all weekend, and then seven days a week at several locations. One program could play in three different illegal cinemas around the city. (Petzke 26) A filmmakers’ cinema also started in Melbourne and the groups of filmmakers would visit each other and screen their respective films. But especially after the election of the Whitlam Labor government in December 1972 there was a shift in interest from risqué underground films to the concept of Australian Cinema. The audience started coming now for a dose of Australian culture. Funding of all kind was soon freely available and with such a fund the film co-op was able to set up a really good licensed cinema in St. Peters Lane in Darlinghurst, running seven days a week. But, Noyce said, “the move to St. Peters Lane was sort of the end of an era, because initially the cinema was self-funded, but once it became government sponsored everything changed” (Petzke 29). With money now readily available, egotism set in and the prevailing “we”-feeling rather quickly dissipated. But by the time of this move and the resulting developments, everything for Noyce had already changed again. He had been accepted into the first intake of the Interim Australian Film & TV School, another one of the nation-awareness-building projects of the Whitlam government. He was on his “long march through the institutions”—as this was frequently called throughout Europe—that would bring him to documentaries, TV and eventually even Hollywood (and return). Noyce didn’t linger once the alternative scene started fading away. Everything those few, wild years in the counterculture had taught him also put him right on track to become one of the major players in Hollywood. He never looked back—but he remembers fondly…References Castaway’s Choice. Radio broadcast by KCRW. 1990. Doggett, Peter. There’s a Riot Going On: Revolutionaries, Rock Stars and the Rise and Fall of ’60s Counter-Culture. Edinburgh: Canongate, 2007. Farber, Manny. “Underground Films.” Negative Space: Manny Farber on the Movies. Ed. Manny Farber. New York: Da Capo, 1998. 12–24. Jacobs, Lewis. “Morning for the Experimental Film”. Film Culture 19 (1959): 6–9. Milesago. “Ubu Films”. n.d. 26 Nov. 2014 ‹http://www.milesago.com/visual/ubu.htm›. New American Cinema Group. “First Statement of the New American Cinema Group.” Film Culture Reader. Ed. P. Adams Sitney. New York: Praeger, 1970. 73–75. Petzke, Ingo. Phillip Noyce: Backroads to Hollywood. Sydney: Pan McMillan, 2004. Renan, Sheldon. The Underground Film: An Introduction to Its Development in America. London: Studio Vista, 1968. Roszak, Theodore. The Making of Counter Culture. New York: Anchor, 1969. Stratton, David. The Last New Wave: The Australian Film Revival. Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1980. Sydney Filmmakers Co-operative. Film Catalogue. Sydney: Sydney Filmmakers Co-operative, 1972. Ubu Films. Unreleased five-minute video for the promotion of Mudie, Peter. Ubu Films: Sydney Underground Movies 1965-1970. Sydney: UNSW Press, 1997.

IntroductionThe 2009 American film Trash Humpers, directed by Harmony Korine, was released at a time when the hipster had become a ubiquitous concept, entering into the common vernacular of numerous cultures throughout the world, and gaining significant press, social media and academic attention (see Žižek; Arsel and Thompson; Greif et al.; Stahl; Ouellette; Reeve; Schiermer; Maly and Varis). Trash Humpers emerged soon after the 2008 Global Financial Crisis triggered Occupy movements in numerous cities, aided by social media platforms, reported on by blogs such as Gawker, and stylized by multi-national youth-subculture brands such as Vice, American Apparel, Urban Outfitters and a plethora of localised variants.Korine’s film, which is made to resemble found VHS footage of old-aged vandals, epitomises the ironic, retro stylizations and “counterculture-meets-kitsch” aesthetics so familiar to hipster culture. As a creative stereotype from 1940s and ‘50s jazz and beatnik subcultures, the hipster re-emerged in the twenty-first century as a negative embodiment of alternative culture in the age of the Internet. As well as plumbing the recent past for things not yet incorporated into contemporary marketing mechanisms, the hipster also signifies the blurring of irony and authenticity. Such “outsiderness as insiderness” postures can be regarded as a continuation of the marginality-from-the-centre logic of cool capitalism that emerged after World War Two. Particularly between 2007 and 2015, the post-postmodern concept of the hipster was a resonant cultural trope in Western and non-Western cultures alike, coinciding with the normalisation of the new digital terrain and the establishment of mobile social media as an integral aspect of many people’s daily lives. While Korine’s 79-minute feature could be thought of as following in the schlocky footsteps of the likes of Rob Zombie’s The Devil’s Rejects (2006), it is decidedly more arthouse, and more attuned to the influence of contemporary alternative media brands and independent film history alike – as if the love child of Jack Smith’s Flaming Creatures (1963) and Vice Video, the latter having been labelled as “devil-may-care hipsterism” (Carr). Upon release, Trash Humpers was described by Gene McHugh as “a mildly hip take on Jackass”; by Mike D’Angelo as “an empty hipster pose”; and by Aaron Hillis as either “the work of an insincere hipster or an eccentric provocateur”. Lacking any semblance of a conventional plot, Trash Humpers essentially revolves around four elderly-looking protagonists – three men and a woman – who document themselves with a low-quality video camera as they go about behaving badly in the suburbs of Nashville, Tennessee, where Korine still lives. They cackle eerily to themselves as they try to stave off boredom, masturbating frantically on rubbish bins, defecating and drinking alcohol in public, fellating foliage, smashing televisions, playing ten-pin bowling, lighting firecrackers and telling gay “hate” jokes to camera with no punchlines. In one purposefully undramatic scene half-way through the film, the humpers are shown in the aftermath of an attack on a man wearing a French maid’s outfit; he lies dead in a pool of blood on their kitchen floor with a hammer at his feet. The humpers are consummate “bad” performers in every sense of the term, and they are joined by a range of other, apparently lower-class, misfits with whom they stage tap dance routines and repetitively sing nursery-rhyme-styled raps such as: “make it, make it, don’t break it; make it, make it, don’t fake it; make it, make it, don’t take it”, which acts as a surrogate theme song for the film. Korine sometimes depicts his main characters on crutches or in a wheelchair, and a baby doll is never too far away from the action, as a silent and Surrealist witness to their weird, sinister and sometimes very funny exploits. The film cuts from scene to scene as if edited on a video recorder, utilising in-house VHS titling sequences, audio glitches and video static to create the sense that one is engaging voyeuristically with a found video document rather than a scripted movie. Mainstream AlternativesAs a viewer of Trash Humpers, one has to try hard to suspend disbelief if one is to see the humpers as genuine geriatric peeping Toms rather than as hipsters in old-man masks trying to be rebellious. However, as Korine’s earlier films such as Gummo (1997) attest, he clearly delights in blurring the line between failure and transcendence, or, in this case, between pretentious art-school bravado and authentic redneck ennui. As noted in a review by Jeannette Catsoulis, writing for the New York Times: “Much of this is just so much juvenile posturing, but every so often the screen freezes into something approximating beauty: a blurry, spaced-out, yellow-green landscape, as alien as an ancient photograph”. Korine has made a career out of generating this wavering uncertainty in his work, polarising audiences with a mix of critical, cinema-verité styles and cynical exploitations. His work has consistently revelled in ethical ambiguities, creating environments where teenagers take Ritalin for kicks, kill cats, wage war with their families and engage in acts of sexual deviancy – all of which are depicted with a photographer’s eye for the uncanny.The elusive and contradictory aspects of Korine’s work – at once ugly and beautiful, abstract and commercial, pessimistic and nostalgic – are evident not just in films such as Gummo, Julien Donkey Boy (1999) and Mister Lonely (2007) but also in his screenplay for Kids (1995), his performance-like appearances on The Tonight Show with David Letterman (1993-2015) and in publications such as A Crackup at the Race Riots (1998) and Pass the Bitch Chicken (2001). As well as these outputs, Korine is also a painter who is represented by Gagosian Gallery – one of the world’s leading art galleries – and he has directed numerous music videos, documentaries and commercials throughout his career. More than just update of the traditional figure of the auteur, Korine, instead, resembles a contemporary media artist whose avant-garde and grotesque treatments of Americana permeate almost everything he does. Korine wrote the screenplay for Kids when he was just 19, and subsequently built his reputation on the paradoxical mainstreaming of alternative culture in the 1990s. This is exemplified by the establishment of music and film genres such “alternative” and “independent”; the popularity of the slacker ethos attributed to Generation X; the increased visibility of alternative press zines; the birth of grunge in fashion and music; and the coining of “cool hunting” – a bottom-up market research phenomenon that aimed to discover new trends in urban subcultures for the purpose of mass marketing. Key to “alternative culture”, and its related categories such as “indie” and “arthouse”, is the idea of evoking artistic authenticity while covertly maintaining a parasitic relationship with the mainstream. As Holly Kruse notes in her account of the indie music scenes of the 1990s, which gained tremendous popularity in the wake of grunge bands such as Nirvana: without dominant, mainstream musics against which to react, independent music cannot be independent. Its existence depends upon dominant music structures and practices against which to define itself. Indie music has therefore been continually engaged in an economic and ideological struggle in which its ‘outsider’ status is re-examined, re-defined, and re-articulated to sets of musical practices. (Kruse 149)Alternative culture follows a similar, highly contentious, logic, appearing as a nebulous, authentic and artistic “other” whose exponents risk being entirely defined by the mainstream markets they profess to oppose. Kids was directed by the artist cum indie-director Larry Clark, who discovered Korine riding his skateboard with a group of friends in New York’s Washington Square in the early 1990s, before commissioning him to write a script. The then subcultural community of skating – which gained prominence in the 1990s amidst the increased visibility of “alternative sports” – provides an important backdrop to the film, which documents a group of disaffected New York teenagers at a time of the Aids crisis in America. Korine has been active in promoting the DIY ethos, creativity and anti-authoritarian branding of skate culture since this time – an industry that, in its attempts to maintain a non-mainstream profile while also being highly branded, has become emblematic of the category of “alternative culture”. Korine has undertaken commercial projects with an array skate-wear brands, but he is particularly associated with Supreme, a so-called “guerrilla fashion” label originating in 1994 that credits Clark and other 1990s indie darlings, and Korine cohorts, Chloë Sevigny and Terry Richardson, as former models and collaborators (Williams). The company is well known for its designer skateboard decks, its collaborations with prominent contemporary visual artists, its hip-hop branding and “inscrutable” web videos. It is also well known for its limited runs of new clothing lines, which help to stoke demand through one-offs – blending street-wear accessibility with the restricted-market and anti-authoritarian sensibility of avant-garde art.Of course, “alternative culture” poses a notorious conundrum for analysis, involving highly subjective demarcations of “mainstream” from “subversive” culture, not to mention “genuine subversion” from mere “corporate alternatives”. As Pierre Bourdieu has argued, the roots of alternative culture lie in the Western tradition of the avant-garde and the “aesthetic gaze” that developed in the nineteenth century (Field 36). In analysing the modernist notion of advanced cultural practice – where art is presented as an alternative to bourgeois academic taste and to the common realm of cultural commodities – Bourdieu proposed a distinction between two types of “fields”, or logics of cultural production. Alternative culture follows what Bourdieu called “the field of restricted production”, which adheres to “art for art’s sake” ideals, where audiences are targeted as if like-minded peers (Field 50). In contrast, the “field of large-scale production” reflects the commercial imperatives of mainstream culture, in which goods are produced for the general public at large. The latter field of large-scale production tends to service pre-established markets, operating in response to public demand. Furthermore, whereas success in the field of restricted production is often indirect, and latent – involving artists who create niche markets without making any concessions to those markets – success in the field of large-scale production is typically more immediate and quantifiable (Field 39). Here we can see that central to the branding of “alternative culture” is the perceived refusal to conform to popular taste and the logic of capitalism more generally is. As Supreme founder James Jebbia stated about his brand in a rare interview: “The less known the better” (Williams). On this, Bourdieu states that, in the field of restricted production, the fundamental principles of all ordinary economies are inversed to create a “loser wins” scenario (Field 39). Profit and cultural esteem become detrimental attributes in this context, potentially tainting the integrity and marginalisation on which alternative products depend. As one ironic hipster t-shirt puts it: “Nothing is any good if other people like it” (Diesel Sweeties).Trash HipstersIn abandoning linear narrative for rough assemblages of vignettes – or “moments” – recorded with an unsteady handheld camera, Trash Humpers positions itself in ironic opposition to mainstream filmmaking, refusing the narrative arcs and unwritten rules of Hollywood film, save for its opening and closing credits. Given Korine’s much publicized appreciation of cinema pioneers, we can understand Trash Humpers as paying homage to independent and DIY film history, including Jack Smith’s Flaming Creatures, William Eggleston’s Stranded in Canton (1973), Andy Warhol’s and Paul Morrissey’s Lonesome Cowboys (1967) and Trash (1970), and John Waters’s Pink Flamingos (1972), all of which jubilantly embraced the “bad” aesthetic of home movies. Posed as fantasized substitutions for mainstream movie-making, such works were also underwritten by the legitimacy of camp as a form of counter-culture critique, blurring parody and documentary to give voice to an array of non-mainstream and counter-cultural identities. The employment of camp in postmodern culture became known not merely as an aesthetic subversion of cultural mores but also as “a gesture of self-legitimation” (Derrida 290), its “failed seriousness” regarded as a critical response to the specific historical problem of being a “culturally over-saturated” subject (Sontag 288).The significant difference between Korine’s film and those of his 1970s-era forbears is precisely the attention he pays to the formal aspects of his medium, revelling in analogue editing glitches to the point of fetishism, in some cases lasting as long as the scenes themselves. Consciously working out-of-step with the media of his day, Trash Humpers in imbued with nostalgia from its very beginning. Whereas Smith, Eggleston, Warhol, Morrissey and Waters blurred fantasy and documentary in ways that raised the social and political identities of their subjects, Korine seems much more interested in “trash” as an aesthetic trope. In following this interest, he rightfully pays homage to the tropes of queer cinema, however, he conveniently leaves behind their underlying commentaries about (hetero-) normative culture. A sequence where the trash humpers visit a whorehouse and amuse themselves by smoking cigars and slapping the ample bottoms of prostitutes in G-strings confirms the heterosexual tenor of the film, which is reiterated throughout by numerous deadpan gay jokes and slurs.Trash Humpers can be understood precisely in terms of Korine’s desire to maintain the aesthetic imperatives of alternative culture, where formal experimentation and the subverting of mainstream genres can provide a certain amount of freedom from explicated meaning, and, in particular, from socio-political commentary. Bourdieu rightly points out how the pleasures of the aesthetic gaze often manifest themselves curiously as form of “deferred pleasure” (353) or “pleasure without enjoyment” (495), which corresponds to Immanuel Kant’s notion of the disinterested nature of aesthetic judgement. Aesthetic dispositions posed in the negative – as in the avant-garde artists who mined primitive and ugly cultural stereotypes – typically use as reference points “facile” or “vulgar” (393) working-class tropes that refer negatively to sensuous pleasure as their major criterion of judgment. For Bourdieu, the pleasures provided by the aesthetic gaze in such instances are not sensual pleasures so much as the pleasures of social distinction – signifying the author’s distance from taste as a form of gratification. Here, it is easy to see how the orgiastic central characters in Trash Humpers might be employed by Korine for a similar end-result. As noted by Jeremiah Kipp in a review of the film: “You don't ‘like’ a movie like Trash Humpers, but I’m very happy such films exist”. Propelled by aesthetic, rather than by social, questions of value, those that “get” the obscure works of alternative culture have a tendency to legitimize them on the basis of the high-degree of formal analysis skills they require. For Bourdieu, this obscures the fact that one’s aesthetic “‘eye’ is a product of history reproduced by education” – a privileged mode of looking, estranged from those unfamiliar with the internal logic of decoding presupposed by the very notion of “aesthetic enjoyment” (2).The rhetorical priority of alternative culture is, in Bourdieu’s terms, the “autonomous” perfection of the form rather than the “heteronomous” attempt to monopolise on it (Field 40). However, such distinctions are, in actuality, more nuanced than Bourdieu sometimes assumed. This is especially true in the context of global digital culture, which makes explicit how the same cultural signs can have vastly different meanings and motivations across different social contexts. This has arguably resulted in the destabilisation of prescriptive analyses of cultural taste, and has contributed to recent “post-critical” advances, in which academics such as Bruno Latour and Rita Felski advocate for cultural analyses and practices that promote relationality and attachment rather than suspicious (critical) dispositions towards marginal and popular subjects alike. Latour’s call for a move away from the “sledge hammer” of critique applies as much to cultural practice as it does to written analysis. Rather than maintaining hierarchical oppositions between authentic versus inauthentic taste, Latour understands culture – and the material world more generally – as having agency alongside, and with, that of the social world.Hipsters with No AlternativeIf, as Karl Spracklen suggests, alternativism is thought of “as a political project of resistance to capitalism, with communicative oppositionality as its defining feature” (254), it is clear that there has been a progressive waning in relevance of the category of “alternative culture” in the age of the Internet, which coincides with the triumph of so-called “neoliberal individualism” (258). To this end, Korine has lost some of his artistic credibility over the course of the 2000s. If viewed negatively, icons of 1990s alternative culture such as Korine can be seen as merely exploiting Dada-like techniques of mimetic exacerbation and symbolic détournement for the purpose of alternative, “arty” branding rather than pertaining to a counter-hegemonic cultural movement (Foster 31). It is within this context of heightened scepticism surrounding alternative culture that the hipster stereotype emerged in cultures throughout the world, as if a contested symbol of the aesthetic gaze in an era of neoliberal identity politics. Whatever the psychological motivations underpinning one’s use of the term, to call someone a hipster is typically to point out that their distinctive alternative or “arty” status appears overstated; their creative decisions considered as if a type of bathos. For detractors of alternative cultural producers such as Korine, he is trying too hard to be different, using the stylised codes of “alternative” to conceal what is essentially his cultural and political immaturity. The hipster – who is rarely ever self-identified – re-emerged in the 2000s to operate as a scapegoat for inauthentic markers of alternative culture, associated with men and women who appear to embrace Realpolitik, sincerity and authentic expressions of identity while remaining tethered to irony, autonomous aesthetics and self-design. Perhaps the real irony of the hipster is the pervasiveness of irony in contemporary culture. R. J Magill Jnr. has argued that “a certain cultural bitterness legitimated through trenchant disbelief” (xi) has come to define the dominant mode of political engagement in many societies since the early 2000s, in response to mass digital information, twenty-four-hour news cycles, and the climate of suspicion produced by information about terrorism threats. He analyses the prominence of political irony in American TV shows including The Daily Show with Jon Stewart, The Simpsons, South Park, The Chappelle Show and The Colbert Report but he also notes its pervasiveness as a twenty-first-century worldview – a distancing that “paradoxically and secretly preserves the ideals of sincerity, honesty and authenticity by momentarily belying its own appearance” (x). Crucially, then, the utterance “hipster” has come to signify instances when irony and aesthetic distance are perceived to have been taken too far, generating the most disdain from those for whom irony, aesthetic discernment and cultural connoisseurship still provide much-needed moments of disconnection from capitalist cultures drowning in commercial hyperbole and grave news hype. Korine himself has acknowledged that Spring Breakers (2013) – his follow-up feature film to Trash Humpers – was created in response to the notion that “alternative culture”, once a legitimate challenge to mainstream taste, had lost its oppositional power with the decentralization of digital culture. He states that he made Spring Breakers at a moment “when there’s no such thing as high or low, it’s all been exploded. There is no underground or above-ground, there’s nothing that’s alternative. We’re at a point of post-everything, so it’s all about finding the spirit inside, and the logic, and making your own connections” (Hawker). In this context, we can understand Trash Humpers as the last of the Korine films to be branded with the authenticity of alternative culture. In Spring Breakers Korine moved from the gritty low-fi sensibility of his previous films and adopted a more digital, light-filled and pastel-coloured palette. Focussing more conventionally on plot than ever before, Spring Breakers follows four college girls who hold up a restaurant in order to fund their spring break vacation. Critic Michael Chaiken noted that the film marks a shift in Korine’s career, from the alternative stylings of the pre-Internet generation to “the cultural heirs [of] the doomed protagonists of Kids: nineties babies, who grew up with the Internet, whose sensibilities have been shaped by the sweeping technological changes that have taken place in the interval between the Clinton and Obama eras” (33).By the end of the 2000s, an entire generation came of age having not experienced a time when the obscure films, music or art of the past took more effort to track down. Having been a key participant in the branding of alternative culture, Korine is in a good position to recall a different, pre-YouTube time – when cultural discernment was still caught up in the authenticity of artistic identity, and when one’s cultural tastes could still operate with a certain amount of freedom from sociological scrutiny. Such ideas seem a long way away from today’s cultural environments, which have been shaped not only by digital media’s promotion of cultural interconnection and mass information, but also by social media’s emphasis on mobilization and ethical awareness. ConclusionI should reiterate here that is not Korine’s lack of seriousness, or irony, alone that marks Trash Humpers as a response to the scepticism surrounding alternative culture symbolised by the figure of the hipster. It is, rather, that Korine’s mock-documentary about juvenile geriatrics works too hard to obscure its implicit social commentary, appearing driven to condemn contemporary capitalism’s exploitations of youthfulness only to divert such “uncool” critical commentaries through unsubtle formal distractions, visual poetics and “bad boy” avant-garde signifiers of authenticity. Before being bludgeoned to death, the unnamed man in the French maid’s outfit recites a poem on a bridge amidst a barrage of fire crackers let off by a nearby humper in a wheelchair. Although easily overlooked, it could, in fact, be a pivotal scene in the film. Spoken with mock high-art pretentions, the final lines of the poem are: So what? Why, I ask, why? Why castigate these creatures whose angelic features are bumping and grinding on trash? Are they not spawned by our greed? Are they not our true seed? Are they not what we’ve bought for our cash? We’ve created this lot, of the ooze and the rot, deliberately and unabashed. Whose orgiastic elation and one mission in creation is to savagely fornicate TRASH!Here, the character’s warning of capitalist overabundance is drowned out by the (aesthetic) shocks of the fire crackers, just as the stereotypical hipster’s ethical ideals are drowned out by their aesthetic excess. The scene also functions as a metaphor for the humpers themselves, whose elderly masks – embodiments of nostalgia – temporarily suspend their real socio-political identities for the sake of role-play. It is in this sense that Trash Humpers is too enamoured with its own artifices – including its anonymous “boys club” mentality – to suggest anything other than the aesthetic distance that has come to mark the failings of the “alternative culture” category. In such instances, alternative taste appears as a rhetorical posture, with Korine asking us to gawk knowingly at the hedonistic and destructive pleasures pursued by the humpers while factoring in, and accepting, our likely disapproval.ReferencesArsel, Zeynep, and Craig J. Thompson. “Demythologizing Consumption Practices: How Consumers Protect Their Field-Dependent Identity Investments from Devaluing Marketplace Myths.” Journal of Consumer Research 37.5 (2011): 791-806.Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Trans. Richard Nice. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984.Bourdieu, Pierre. The Field of Cultural Production Essays on Art and Literature. Edited by Randal Johnson. London: Polity Press, 1993.Carr, David. “Its Edge Intact, Vice Is Chasing Hard News.” New York Times 24 Aug. 2014. 12 Nov. 2016 <https://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/25/business/media/its-edge-intact-vice-is-chasing-hard-news-.html>.Catsoulis, Jeannette. “Geriatric Delinquents, Rampaging through Suburbia.” New York Times 6 May 2010. 1` Nov. 2016 <http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/07/movies/07trash.html>.Chaiken, Michael. “The Dream Life.” Film Comment (Mar./Apr. 2013): 30-33.D’Angelo, Mike. “Trash Humpers.” Not Coming 18 Sep. 2009. 12 Nov. 2016 <http://www.notcoming.com/reviews/trashhumpers>.Derrida, Jacques. Positions. London: Athlone, 1981.Diesel Sweeties. 1 Nov. 2016 <https://store.dieselsweeties.com/products/nothing-is-any-good-if-other-people-like-it-shirt>.Felski, Rita. The Limits of Critique. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015.Greif, Mark. What Was the Hipster? A Sociological Investigation. New York: n+1 Foundation, 2010.Hawker, Philippa. “Telling Tales Out of School.” Sydney Morning Herald 4 May 2013. 12 Nov. 2016 <http://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/movies/telling-tales-out-of-school-20130503-2ixc3.html>.Hillis, Aaron. “Harmony Korine on Trash Humpers.” IFC 6 May 2009. 12 Nov. 2016 <http://www.ifc.com/2010/05/harmony-korine-2>.Jay Magill Jr., R. Chic Ironic Bitterness. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2007.Kipp, Jeremiah. “Clean Off the Dirt, Scrape Off the Blood: An Interview with Trash Humpers Director Harmony Korine.” Slant Magazine 18 Mar. 2011. 1 Nov. 2016 <http://www.slantmagazine.com/house/article/clean-off-the-dirt-scrape-off-the-blood-an-interview-with-trash-humpers-director-harmony-korine>.Latour, Bruno. “Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam? From Matters of Fact to Matters of Concern.” Critical Inquiry 30.2 (2004): 225-248.Maly, Ico, and Varis, Piia. “The 21st-Century Hipster: On Micro-Populations in Times of Superdiversity.” European Journal of Cultural Studies 19.6 (2016): 637–653.McHugh, Gene. “Monday May 10th 2010.” Post Internet. New York: Lulu Press, 2010.Ouellette, Marc. “‘I Know It When I See It’: Style, Simulation and the ‘Short-Circuit Sign’.” Semiotic Review 3 (2013): 1–15.Reeve, Michael. “The Hipster as the Postmodern Dandy: Towards an Extensive Study.” 2013. 12 Nov. 2016. <http://www.academia.edu/3589528/The_hipster_as_the_postmodern_dandy_towards_an_extensive_study>.Schiermer, Bjørn. “Late-Modern Hipsters: New Tendencies in Popular Culture.” Acta Sociologica 57.2 (2014): 167–181.Sontag, Susan. “Notes on Camp.” Against Interpretation. New York: Octagon, 1964/1982. 275-92. Stahl, Geoff. “Mile-End Hipsters and the Unmasking of Montreal’s Proletaroid Intelligentsia; Or How a Bohemia Becomes BOHO.” Adam Art Gallery, Apr. 2010. 12 May 2015 <http://www.adamartgallery.org.nz/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/adamartgallery_vuwsalecture_geoffstahl.pdf>.Williams, Alex. “Guerrilla Fashion: The Story of Supreme.” New York Times 21 Nov. 2012. 1 Nov. 2016 <http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/22/fashion/guerrilla-fashion-the-story-of-supreme.html>.Žižek, Slavoj. “L’Etat d’Hipster.” Rhinocerotique. Trans. Henry Brulard. Sep. 2009. 3-10.

Introduction Documentary film has grown significantly in the past decade, with high profile films such as Fahrenheit 9/11, Supersize Me, and An Inconvenient Truth garnering increased attention both at the box office and in the news media. In addition, the rising prominence of web-based media has provided new opportunities for documentary to create social impact. Films are now typically released with websites, Facebook pages, twitter feeds, and web videos to increase both reach and impact. This combination of technology and broader audience appeal has given rise to a current landscape in which documentary films are imbedded within coordinated multi-media campaigns. New media have not only opened up new avenues for communicating with audiences, they have also created new opportunities for data collection and analysis of film impacts. A recent report by McKinsey and Company highlighted this potential, introducing and discussing the implications of increasing consumer information being recorded on the Internet as well as through networked sensors in the physical world. As they found: "Big data—large pools of data that can be captured, communicated, aggregated, stored, and analyzed—is now part of every sector and function of the global economy" (Manyika et al. iv). This data can be mined to learn a great deal about both individual and cultural response to documentary films and the issues they represent. Although film has a rich history in humanities research, this new set of tools enables an empirical approach grounded in the social sciences. However, several researchers across disciplines have noted that limited investigation has been conducted in this area. Although there has always been an emphasis on social impact in film and many filmmakers and scholars have made legitimate (and possibly illegitimate) claims of impact, few have attempted to empirically justify these claims. Over fifteen years ago, noted film scholar Brian Winston commented that "the underlying assumption of most social documentaries—that they shall act as agents of reform and change—is almost never demonstrated" (236). A decade later, Political Scientist David Whiteman repeated this sentiment, arguing that, "despite widespread speculation about the impact of documentaries, the topic has received relatively little systematic attention" ("Evolving"). And earlier this year, the introduction to a special issue of Mass Communication and Society on documentary film stated, "documentary film, despite its growing influence and many impacts, has mostly been overlooked by social scientists studying the media and communication" (Nisbet and Aufderheide 451). Film has been studied extensively as entertainment, as narrative, and as cultural event, but the study of film as an agent of social change is still in its infancy. This paper introduces a systematic approach to measuring the social impact of documentary film aiming to: (1) discuss the context of documentary film and its potential impact; and (2) argue for a social science approach, discussing key issues about conducting such research. Changes in Documentary Practice Documentary film has been used as a tool for promoting social change throughout its history. John Grierson, who coined the term "documentary" in 1926, believed it could be used to influence the ideas and actions of people in ways once reserved for church and school. He presented his thoughts on this emerging genre in his 1932 essay, First Principles of Documentary, saying, "We believe that the cinema's capacity for getting around, for observing and selecting from life itself, can be exploited in a new and vital art form" (97). Richard Barsam further specified the definition of documentary, distinguishing it from non-fiction film, such that all documentaries are non-fiction films but not all non-fiction films are documentaries. He distinguishes documentary from other forms of non-fiction film (i.e. travel films, educational films, newsreels) by its purpose; it is a film with an opinion and a specific message that aims to persuade or influence the audience. And Bill Nichols writes that the definition of documentary may even expand beyond the film itself, defining it as a "filmmaking practice, a cinematic tradition, and mode of audience reception" (12). Documentary film has undergone many significant changes since its inception, from the heavily staged romanticism movement of the 1920s to the propagandist tradition of governments using film to persuade individuals to support national agendas to the introduction of cinéma vérité in the 1960s and historical documentary in the 1980s (cf. Barnouw). However, the recent upsurge in popularity of documentary media, combined with technological advances of internet and computers have opened up a whole new set of opportunities for film to serve as both art and agent for social change. One such opportunity is in the creation of film-based social action campaigns. Over the past decade, filmmakers have taken a more active role in promoting social change by coordinating film releases with action campaigns. Companies such as Participant Media (An Inconvenient Truth, Food Inc., etc.) now create "specific social action campaigns for each film and documentary designed to give a voice to issues that resonate in the films" (Participant Media). In addition, a new sector of "social media" consultants are now offering services, including "consultation, strategic planning for alternative distribution, website and social media development, and complete campaign management services to filmmakers to ensure the content of nonfiction media truly meets the intention for change" (Working Films). The emergence of new forms of media and technology are changing our conceptions of both documentary film and social action. Technologies such as podcasts, video blogs, internet radio, social media and network applications, and collaborative web editing "both unsettle and extend concepts and assumptions at the heart of 'documentary' as a practice and as an idea" (Ellsworth). In the past decade, we have seen new forms of documentary creation, distribution, marketing, and engagement. Likewise, film campaigns are utilizing a broad array of strategies to engage audience members, including "action kits, screening programs, educational curriculums and classes, house parties, seminars, panels" that often turn into "ongoing 'legacy' programs that are updated and revised to continue beyond the film's domestic and international theatrical, DVD and television windows" (Participant Media). This move towards multi-media documentary film is becoming not only commonplace, but expected as a part of filmmaking. NYU film professor and documentary film pioneer George Stoney recently noted, "50 percent of the documentary filmmaker's job is making the movie, and 50 percent is figuring out what its impact can be and how it can move audiences to action" (qtd. in Nisbet, "Gasland"). In his book Convergence Culture, Henry Jenkins, coined the term "transmedia storytelling", which he later defined as "a process where integral elements of a fiction get dispersed systematically across multiple delivery channels for the purpose of creating a unified and coordinated entertainment experience" ("Transmedia"). When applied to documentary film, it is the elements of the "issue" raised by the film that get dispersed across these channels, coordinating, not just an entertainment experience, but a social action campaign. Dimensions of Evaluation It is not unreasonable to assume that such film campaigns, just like any policy or program, have the possibility to influence viewers' knowledge, attitudes, and behavior. Measuring this impact has become increasingly important, as funders of documentary and issue-based films want look to understand the "return on investment" of films in terms of social impact so that they can compare them with other projects, including non-media, direct service projects. Although we "feel" like films make a difference to the individuals who also see them in the broader cultures in which they are embedded, measurement and empirical analysis of this impact are vitally important for both providing feedback to filmmakers and funders as well as informing future efforts attempting to leverage film for social change. This type of systematic assessment, or program evaluation, is often discussed in terms of two primary goals—formative (or process) and summative (or impact) evaluation (cf. Muraskin; Trochim and Donnelly). Formative evaluation studies program materials and activities to strengthen a program, and summative evaluation examines program outcomes. In terms of documentary film, these two goals can be described as follows: Formative Evaluation: Informing the Process As programs (broadly defined as an intentional set of activities with the aim of having some specific impact), the people who interact with them, and the cultures they are situated in are constantly changing, program development and evaluation is an ongoing learning cycle. Film campaigns, which are an intentional set of activities with the aim of impacting individual viewers and broader cultures, fit squarely within this purview. Without formulating hypotheses about the relationships between program activities and goals and then collecting and analyzing data during implementation to test them, it is difficult to learn ways to improve programs (or continue doing what works best in the most efficient manner). Attention to this process enables those involved to learn more about, not only what works, but how and why it works and even gain insights about how program outcomes may be affected by changes to resource availability, potential audiences, or infrastructure. Filmmakers are constantly learning and honing their craft and realizing the impact of their practice can help the artistic process. Often faced with tight budgets and timelines, they are forced to confront tradeoffs all the time, in the writing, production and post-production process. Understanding where they are having impact can improve their decision-making, which can help both the individual project and the overall field. Summative Evaluation: Quantifying Impacts Evaluation is used in many different fields to determine whether programs are achieving their intended goals and objectives. It became popular in the 1960s as a way of understanding the impact of the Great Society programs and has continued to grow since that time (Madaus and Stufflebeam). A recent White House memo stated that "rigorous, independent program evaluations can be a key resource in determining whether government programs are achieving their intended outcomes as well as possible and at the lowest possible cost" and the United States Office of Management and Budget (OMB) launched an initiative to increase the practice of "impact evaluations, or evaluations aimed at determining the causal effects of programs" (Orszag 1). Documentary films, like government programs, generally target a national audience, aim to serve a social purpose, and often do not provide a return on their investment. Participant Media, the most visible and arguably most successful documentary production company in the film industry, made recent headlines for its difficulty in making a profit during its seven-year history (Cieply). Owner and founder Jeff Skoll reported investing hundreds of millions of dollars into the company and CEO James Berk added that the company sometimes measures success, not by profit, but by "whether Mr. Skoll could have exerted more impact simply by spending his money philanthropically" (Cieply). Because of this, documentary projects often rely on grant funding, and are starting to approach funders beyond traditional arts and media sources. "Filmmakers are finding new fiscal and non-fiscal partners, in constituencies that would not traditionally be considered—or consider themselves—media funders or partners" (BRITDOC 6). And funders increasingly expect tangible data about their return on investment. Says Luis Ubiñas, president of Ford Foundation, which recently launched the Just Films Initiative: In these times of global economic uncertainty, with increasing demand for limited philanthropic dollars, assessing our effectiveness is more important than ever. Today, staying on the frontlines of social change means gauging, with thoughtfulness and rigor, the immediate and distant outcomes of our funding. Establishing the need for evaluation is not enough—attention to methodology is also critical. Valid research methodology is a critical component of understanding around the role entertainment can play in impacting social and environmental issues. The following issues are vital to measuring impact. Defining the Project Though this may seem like an obvious step, it is essential to determine the nature of the project so one can create research questions and hypotheses based on a complete understanding of the "treatment". One organization that provides a great example of the integration of documentary film imbedded into a larger campaign or movement is Invisible Children. Founded in 2005, Invisible Children is both a media-based organization as well as an economic development NGO with the goal of raising awareness and meeting the needs of child soldiers and other youth suffering as a result of the ongoing war in northern Uganda. Although Invisible Children began as a documentary film, it has grown into a large non-profit organization with an operating budget of over $8 million and a staff of over a hundred employees and interns throughout the year as well as volunteers in all 50 states and several countries. Invisible Children programming includes films, events, fundraising campaigns, contests, social media platforms, blogs, videos, two national "tours" per year, merchandise, and even a 650-person three-day youth summit in August 2011 called The Fourth Estate. Individually, each of these components might lead to specific outcomes; collectively, they might lead to others. In order to properly assess impacts of the film "project", it is important to take all of these components into consideration and think about who they may impact and how. This informs the research questions, hypotheses, and methods used in evaluation. Film campaigns may even include partnerships with existing social movements and non-profit organizations targeting social change. The American University Center for Social Media concluded in a case study of three issue-based documentary film campaigns: Digital technologies do not replace, but are closely entwined with, longstanding on-the-ground activities of stakeholders and citizens working for social change. Projects like these forge new tools, pipelines, and circuits of circulation in a multiplatform media environment. They help to create sustainable network infrastructures for participatory public media that extend from local communities to transnational circuits and from grassroots communities to policy makers. (Abrash) Expanding the Focus of Impact beyond the Individual A recent focus has shifted the dialogue on film impact. Whiteman ("Theaters") argues that traditional metrics of film "success" tend to focus on studio economic indicators that are far more relevant to large budget films. Current efforts focused on box office receipts and audience size, the author claims, are really measures of successful film marketing or promotion, missing the mark when it comes to understanding social impact. He instead stresses the importance of developing a more comprehensive model. His "coalition model" broadens the range and types of impact of film beyond traditional metrics to include the entire filmmaking process, from production to distribution. Whiteman (“Theaters”) argues that a narrow focus on the size of the audience for a film, its box office receipts, and viewers' attitudes does not incorporate the potential reach of a documentary film. Impacts within the coalition model include both individual and policy levels. Individual impacts (with an emphasis on activist groups) include educating members, mobilizing for action, and raising group status; policy includes altering both agenda for and the substance of policy deliberations. The Fledgling Fund (Barrett and Leddy) expanded on this concept and identified five distinct impacts of documentary film campaigns. These potential impacts expand from individual viewers to groups, movements, and eventually to what they call the "ultimate goal" of social change. Each is introduced briefly below. Quality Film. The film itself can be presented as a quality film or media project, creating enjoyment or evoking emotion in the part of audiences. "By this we mean a film that has a compelling narrative that draws viewers in and can engage them in the issue and illustrate complex problems in ways that statistics cannot" (Barrett and Leddy, 6). Public Awareness. Film can increase public awareness by bringing light to issues and stories that may have otherwise been unknown or not often thought about. This is the level of impact that has received the most attention, as films are often discussed in terms of their "educational" value. "A project's ability to raise awareness around a particular issue, since awareness is a critical building block for both individual change and broader social change" (Barrett and Leddy, 6). Public Engagement. Impact, however, need not stop at simply raising public awareness. Engagement "indicates a shift from simply being aware of an issue to acting on this awareness. Were a film and its outreach campaign able to provide an answer to the question 'What can I do?' and more importantly mobilize that individual to act?" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). This is where an associated film campaign becomes increasingly important, as transmedia outlets such as Facebook, websites, blogs, etc. can build off the interest and awareness developed through watching a film and provide outlets for viewers channel their constructive efforts. Social Movement. In addition to impacts on individuals, films can also serve to mobilize groups focused on a particular problem. The filmmaker can create a campaign around the film to promote its goals and/or work with existing groups focused on a particular issue, so that the film can be used as a tool for mobilization and collaboration. "Moving beyond measures of impact as they relate to individual awareness and engagement, we look at the project's impact as it relates to the broader social movement … if a project can strengthen the work of key advocacy organizations that have strong commitment to the issues raised in the film" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). Social Change. The final level of impact and "ultimate goal" of an issue-based film is long-term and systemic social change. "While we understand that realizing social change is often a long and complex process, we do believe it is possible and that for some projects and issues there are key indicators of success" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). This can take the form of policy or legislative change, passed through film-based lobbying efforts, or shifts in public dialogue and behavior. Legislative change typically takes place beyond the social movement stage, when there is enough support to pressure legislators to change or create policy. Film-inspired activism has been seen in issues ranging from environmental causes such as agriculture (Food Inc.) and toxic products (Blue Vinyl) to social causes such as foreign conflict (Invisible Children) and education (Waiting for Superman). Documentary films can also have a strong influence as media agenda-setters, as films provide dramatic "news pegs" for journalists seeking to either sustain or generation new coverage of an issue (Nisbet "Introduction" 5), such as the media coverage of climate change in conjunction with An Inconvenient Truth. Barrett and Leddy, however, note that not all films target all five impacts and that different films may lead to different impacts. "In some cases we could look to key legislative or policy changes that were driven by, or at least supported by the project... In other cases, we can point to shifts in public dialogue and how issues are framed and discussed" (7). It is possible that specific film and/or campaign characteristics may lead to different impacts; this is a nascent area for research and one with great promise for both practical and theoretical utility. Innovations in Tools and Methods Finally, the selection of tools is a vital component for assessing impact and the new media landscape is enabling innovations in the methods and strategies for program evaluation. Whereas the traditional domain of film impact measurement included box office statistics, focus groups, and exit surveys, innovations in data collection and analysis have expanded the reach of what questions we can ask and how we are able to answer them. For example, press coverage can assist in understanding and measuring the increase in awareness about an issue post-release. Looking directly at web-traffic changes "enables the creation of an information-seeking curve that can define the parameters of a teachable moment" (Hart and Leiserowitz 360). Audience reception can be measured, not only via interviews and focus groups, but also through content and sentiment analysis of web content and online analytics. "Sophisticated analytics can substantially improve decision making, minimize risks, and unearth valuable insights that would otherwise remain hidden" (Manyika et al. 5). These new tools are significantly changing evaluation, expanding what we can learn about the social impacts of film through triangulation of self-report data with measurement of actual behavior in virtual environments. Conclusion The changing media landscape both allows and impels evaluation of film impacts on individual viewers and the broader culture in which they are imbedded. Although such analysis may have previously been limited to box office numbers, critics' reviews, and theater exit surveys, the rise of new media provides both the ability to connect filmmakers, activists, and viewers in new ways and the data in which to study the process. This capability, combined with significant growth in the documentary landscape, suggests a great potential for documentary film to contribute to some of our most pressing social and environmental needs. A social scientific approach, that combines empirical analysis with theory applied from basic science, ensures that impact can be measured and leveraged in a way that is useful for both filmmakers as well as funders. In the end, this attention to impact ensures a continued thriving marketplace for issue-based documentary films in our social landscape. References Abrash, Barbara. "Social Issue Documentary: The Evolution of Public Engagement." American University Center for Social Media 21 Apr. 2010. 26 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.centerforsocialmedia.org/›. Aufderheide, Patricia. "The Changing Documentary Marketplace." Cineaste 30.3 (2005): 24-28. Barnouw, Eric. Documentary: A History of the Non-Fiction Film. New York: Oxford UP, 1993. Barrett, Diana and Sheila Leddy. "Assessing Creative Media's Social Impact." The Fledgling Fund, Dec. 2008. 15 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.thefledglingfund.org/media/research.html›. Barsam, Richard M. Nonfiction Film: A Critical History. Bloomington: Indiana UP. 1992. BRITDOC Foundation. The End of the Line: A Social Impact Evaluation. London: Channel 4, 2011. 12 Oct. 2011 ‹http://britdoc.org/news_details/the_social_impact_of_the_end_of_the_line/›. Cieply, Michael. "Uneven Growth for Film Studio with a Message." New York Times 5 Jun. 2011: B1. Ellsworth, Elizabeth. "Emerging Media and Documentary Practice." The New School Graduate Program in International Affairs. Aug. 2008. 22 Sep. 2011. ‹http://www.gpia.info/node/911›. Grierson, John. "First Principles of Documentary (1932)." Imagining Reality: The Faber Book of Documentary. Eds. Kevin Macdonald and Mark Cousins. London: Faber and Faber, 1996. 97-102. Hart, Philip Solomon and Anthony Leiserowitz. "Finding the Teachable Moment: An Analysis of Information-Seeking Behavior on Global Warming Related Websites during the Release of The Day After Tomorrow." Environmental Communication: A Journal of Nature and Culture 3.3 (2009): 355-66. Jenkins, Henry. Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide. New York: New York UP, 2006. ———. "Transmedia Storytelling 101." Confessions of an Aca-Fan. The Official Weblog of Henry Jenkins. 22 Mar. 2007. 10 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www.henryjenkins.org/2007/03/transmedia_storytelling_101.html›. Madaus, George, and Daniel Stufflebeam. "Program Evaluation: A Historical Overview." Evaluation in Education and Human Services 49.1 (2002): 3-18. Manyika, James, Michael Chui, Jacques Bughin, Brad Brown, Richard Dobbs, Charles Roxburgh, and Angela Hung Byers. Big Data: The Next Frontier for Innovation, Competition, and Productivity. McKinsey Global Institute. May 2011 ‹http://www.mckinsey.com/mgi/publications/big_data/›. Muraskin, Lana. 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IntroductionIn regional Australia and New Zealand, museums and art galleries are increasingly becoming primary sites of cultural engagement. They are one of the key tourist attractions for regional towns and expected to generate much needed tourism revenue. In 2017 in New South Wales alone, there were three million visitors to regional galleries and museums (MGNSW 13). However, apart from those (partially) funded by local councils, they are often run on donations, good will, and the enthusiasm of volunteers. Regional museums and galleries provide some paid, and more unpaid, employment for ageing populations. While two-thirds of Australia’s population lives in capital cities, the remainder who live in regional towns are likely to be in the 60+ age cohort because people are choosing to retire away from the bustling, growing cities (ABS). At last count, there were about 3000 museums and galleries in Australia with about 80% of them located in regional areas (Scott). Over the last 40 years, this figure has tripled from the 1000 regional and provincial museums estimated by Peter Piggott in his 1975 report (24). According to a 2014 survey (Shaw and Davidson), New Zealand has about 470 museums and galleries and about 70% are located outside capital cities. The vast majority, 85%, have less than five, full-time paid staff, and more than half of these were run entirely by ageing volunteers. They are entrusted with managing the vast majority of the history and heritage collections of Australia and New Zealand. These ageing volunteers need a diverse range of skills and experience to care for and interpret collections. How do you find the time and budget for professional development for both paid staff and volunteers? Many professional development events are held in capital cities, which are often a significant distance from the regional museum—this adds substantially to the costs of attending and the time commitment required to get there. In addition, it is not uncommon for people working in regional museums to be responsible for everything—from security, collection management, conservation, research, interpretation and public programs to changing the light bulbs. While there are a large number of resources available online, following a manual is often more difficult than learning from other colleagues or learning in a more formal educational or vocational environment where you can receive timely feedback on your work. Further, a foundational level of prior knowledge and experience is often required to follow written instructions. This article will suggest some strategies for low cost professional development and networking. It involves planning, thinking strategically and forming partnerships with others in the region. It is time to harness the power of modern communications technology and use it as a tool for professional development. Some models of professional development in regional areas that have been implemented in the past will also be reviewed. The focus for this article is on training and professional development for workers in regional museums, heritage sites and keeping places. Regional art galleries have not been included because they tend to have separate regional networks and training opportunities. For example, there are professional development opportunities provided through the Art Galleries Association of Australia and their state branches. Regional galleries are also far more likely to have one or more paid staff members (Winkworth, “Fixing the Slums” 2). Regional Museums, Volunteers, and Social CapitalIt is widely accepted that regional museums and galleries enhance social capital and reduce social isolation (Kelly 32; Burton and Griffin 328). However, while working in a regional museum or gallery can help to build friendship networks, it can also be professionally isolating. How do you benchmark what you do against other places if you are two or more hours drive from those places? How do you learn from other colleagues if all your colleagues are also isolated by the ‘tyranny of distance’ and struggling with the same lack of access to training? In 2017 in New South Wales alone, there were 8,629 active volunteers working in regional museums and galleries giving almost five million hours, which Museums and Galleries NSW calculated was worth over $150 million per annum in unpaid labour (MGNSW 1). Providing training and professional development to this group is an investment in Australia’s social and cultural capital.Unlike other community-run groups, the museums and heritage places which have emerged in regional Australia and New Zealand are not part of a national or state branch network. Volunteers who work for the Red Cross, Scouts or Landcare benefit from being part of a national organisation which provides funding, support workers, a website, governance structure, marketing, political advocacy and training (Winkworth, “Let a Thousand Flowers” 11). In Australia and New Zealand, this role is undertaken by the Australian Museums and Galleries Association AMaGA (formerly Museums Australia) and Museums Aotearoa respectively. However, both of these groups operate at the macro policy level, for example organising annual conferences, publishing a journal and developing Indigenous policy frameworks, rather than the local, practical level. In 1995, due to their advocacy work, Landcare Australia received $500 million over five years from the federal government to fund 5000 Landcare groups, which are run by 120,000 volunteers (Oppenheimer 177). They argued successfully that the sustainable development of land resources started at the local level. What do we need to do to convince government of the need for sustainable development of our local and regional museum and heritage resources?Training for Volunteers Working in Regional Museums: The Current SituationAnother barrier to training for regional museum workers is the assumption that the 70:20:10 model of professional development should apply. That is, 70% of one’s professional development is done ‘on the job’ by completing tasks and problem-solving; 20% is achieved by learning from mentors, coaches and role models and 10% is learnt from attending conferences and symposia and enrolling in formal courses of study. However, this model pre-supposes that there are people in your workplace whom you can learn from and who can show you how to complete a task, and that you are not destroying or damaging a precious, unique object if you happen to make a mistake.Some museum volunteers come with skills in research, marketing, administration, customer service or photography, but very few come with specific museum skills like writing exhibition text, registering an acquisition or conserving artefacts. These skills need to be taught. As Kylie Winkworth has written, museum management now requires a [...] skills set, which is not so readily found in small communities, and which in many ways is less rewarding for the available volunteers, who may have left school at 15. We do not expect volunteer librarians to catalogue books, which are in any case of low intrinsic value, but we still expect volunteers in their 70s and 80s to catalogue irreplaceable heritage collections and meet ever more onerous museum standards. That so many volunteers manage to do this is extraordinary. (“Let a Thousand Flowers” 13)Workers in regional museums are constantly required to step outside their comfort zones and learn new skills with minimal professional support. While these challenging experiences can be very rewarding, they are also potentially damaging for our irreplaceable material cultural heritage.Training for museum professionals has been on the agenda of the International Council of Museums (ICOM) since 1947 (Boylan 62). However, until 1996, their work focused on recommending curricula for new museum professionals and did not include life-long learning and on-going professional development. ICOM’s International Committee for the Training of Personnel (ICTOP) and the ICOM Executive has responded to this in their new curricula—ICOM Curricula Guidelines for Professional Museum Development, but this does not address the difficulties staff or volunteers working in regional areas face in accessing training.In some parts of Australia, there are regional support and professional development programs in place. For example, in Queensland, there is the Museum Development Officer (MDO) network. However, because of the geographic size of the state and the spread of the museums, these five regionally based staff often have 60-80 museums or keeping places in their region needing support and so their time and expertise is spread very thinly. It is also predominantly a fee-for-service arrangement. That is, the museums have to pay for the MDO to come and deliver training. Usually this is done by the MDO working with a local museum to apply for a Regional Arts Development Fund (RADF) grant. In Victoria there is a roving curator program where eligible regional museums can apply to have a professional curator come and work with them for a few days to help the volunteers curate exhibitions. The roving curator can also provide advice on “develop[ing] high quality exhibitions for diverse audiences” via email, telephone and networking events. Tasmania operates a similar scheme but their two roving curators are available for up to 25 days of work each year with eligible museums, provided the local council makes a financial contribution. The New South Wales government supports the museum advisor program through which a museum professional will come to your museum for up to 20 days/year to give advice and hands-on training—provided your local council pays $7000, an amount that is matched by the state government—for this service. In 2010, in response to recommendations in the Dunn Report (2007), the Collections Council of Australia (CCA) established a pilot project with the City of Kalgoorlie-Boulder in Western Australia and $120,000 in funding from the Myer Foundation to trial the provision of a paid Collections Care Coordinator who would provide free training, expertise and support to local museums in the region. Tragically, CCA was de-funded by the Cultural Ministers Council the same year and the roll-out of a hub and spoke regional model was not supported by government due to the lack of an evidence base (Winkworth, “Let a Thousand Flowers” 18). An evaluation of the trial project would have tested a different model of regional training and added to the evidence base.All these state-based models (except the aborted Collections Care hub in Western Australia) require small regional museums to compete with each other for access to a museum professional and to successfully apply for funding, usually from their local council or state government. If they are successful, the training that is delivered is a one-off, as they are unlikely to get a second slice of the regional pie.An alternative to this competitive, fly-in fly-out, one-off model of professional development is to harness the technology and resources of local libraries and other cultural facilities in regional areas. This is what the Sydney Opera House Trust did in March 2019 to deliver their All about Women program of speakers via live streaming to 37 satellite sites throughout Australia and New Zealand.Harnessing Technology and Using Regional Library Infrastructure to Provide Training: ScenarioImagine the following scenario. It is a Monday morning in a regional library in Dubbo, New South Wales. Dubbo is 391 km or five hours drive by car from the nearest capital city (Sydney) and there are 50 regional museums within a 100 km radius. Ten people are gathered in a meeting room at the library watching a live stream of the keynote speakers who are presenting at their national museums conference. They are from five regional museums where they work as volunteers or part-time paid staff. They cannot afford to pay $2000, or more, to attend the conference, but they are happy to self-fund to drive for an hour or two to link up with other colleagues to listen to the presentations. They make notes and tweet in their questions using the conference twitter handle and hashtag. They have not been exposed to international speakers in the industry before and the ideas presented are fresh and stimulating. When the conference breaks for morning tea, they take a break too and get to know each other over a cuppa (provided free of charge by the library). Just as the networking sessions at conferences are vitally important for the delegates, they are even more important to address social isolation amongst this group. When they reconvene, they discuss their questions and agree to email the presenters with the questions that are unresolved. After the conference keynote sessions finish, the main conference (in the capital city) disperses into parallel sessions, which are no longer available via live stream.To make the two-hour drive more worthwhile and continue their professional development, they have arranged to hold a significance assessment workshop as well. Each museum worker has brought along photographs of one item in their collection that they want to do more research on. Some of them have also brought the object, if it is small and robust enough to travel. They have downloaded copies of Significance 2.0 and read it before they arrived. They started to write significance reports but could not fully understand how to apply some of the criteria. They cannot afford to pay for professional workshop facilitators, but they have arranged for the local studies librarian to give them an hour of free training on using the library’s resources (online and onsite) to do research on the local area and local families. They learn more about Trove, Papers Past and other research tools which are available online. This is hands-on and computer-based skills training using their own laptops/tablets or the ones provided by the library. After the training with the librarian, they break into two groups and read each other’s significance reports and make suggestions. The day finishes with a cuppa at 2.30pm giving them time to drive home before the sun sets. They agree to exchange email addresses so they can keep in touch. All the volunteers and staff who attended these sessions in regional areas feel energised after these meetings. They no longer feel so isolated and like they are working in the dark. They feel supported just knowing that there are other people who are struggling with the same issues and constraints as they are. They are sick of talking about the lack of budget, expertise, training and resources and want to do something with what they have.Bert (fictional name) decides that it is worth capitalising on this success. He emails the people who came to the session in Dubbo to ask them if they would like to do it again but focus on some different training needs. He asks them to choose two of the following three professional development options. First, they can choose to watch and discuss a recording of the keynote presentations from day two of the recent national conference. The conference organisers have uploaded digital recordings of the speakers’ presentations and the question time to the AMaGA website. This is an option for local libraries that do not have sufficient bandwidth to live stream video. The local library technician will help them cast the videos to a large screen. Second, they can each bring an object from their museum collection that they think needs conservation work. If the item is too fragile or big to move, they will bring digital photographs of it instead. Bert consulted their state-based museum and found some specialist conservators who have agreed to Skype or Facetime them in Dubbo free of charge, to give them expert advice about how to care for their objects, and most importantly, what not to do. The IT technician at Dubbo Library can set up their meeting room so that they can cast the Skype session onto a large smart screen TV. One week before the event, they will send a list of their objects and photographs of them to the conservator so that she can prepare, and they can make best use of her time. After this session, they will feel more confident about undertaking small cleaning and flattening treatments and know when they should not attempt a treatment themselves and need to call on the experts. Third, they could choose to have a training session with the council’s grants officer on writing grant applications. As he assesses grant applications, he can tell them what local councils look for in a successful grant application. He can also inform them about some of the grants that might be relevant to them. After the formal training, there will be an opportunity for them to exchange information about the grants they have applied for in the past—sometimes finding out what’s available can be difficult—and work in small groups to critique each other’s grant applications.The group chooses options two and three, as they want more practical skills development. They take a break in the middle of the day for lunch, which gives them the opportunity to exchange anecdotes from their volunteer work and listen to and support each other. They feel validated and affirmed. They have gained new skills and don’t feel so isolated. Before they leave, Alice agrees to get in touch with everyone to organise their next regional training day.Harnessing Technology and Using Regional Library Infrastructure to Provide Training: BenefitsThese scenarios need not be futuristic. The training needs are real, as is the desire to learn and the capacity of libraries to support regional groups. While funding for regional museums has stagnated or declined in recent years, libraries have been surging ahead. In August 2018, the New South Wales Government announced an “historic investment” of $60 million into all 370 public libraries that would “transform the way NSW’s public libraries deliver much-needed services, especially in regional areas” (Smith). Libraries are equipped and charged with the responsibility of enabling local community groups to make best use of their resources. Most state and national museum workers are keen to share their expertise with their regional colleagues: funding and distance are often the only barriers. These scenarios allow national conference keynote speakers to reach a much larger audience than the conference attendees. While this strategy might reduce the number of workers from regional areas who pay to attend conferences, the reality is that due to distance, other volunteer commitments, expense and family responsibilities, they probably would not attend anyway. Most regional museums and galleries and their staff might be asset-rich, but they are cash-poor, and the only way their workers get to attend conferences is if they win a bursary or grant. In 2005, Winkworth said: “the future for community museums is to locate them within local government as an integral part of the cultural, educational and economic infrastructure of the community, just like libraries and galleries” (“Fixing the Slums” 7). Fourteen years on, very little progress has been made in this direction. Those museums which have been integrated into the local council infrastructure, such as at Orange and Wagga Wagga in western New South Wales, are doing much better than those that are still stuck in ‘cultural poverty’ and trying to operate independently.However, the co-location and convergence of museums, libraries and archives is only successful if it is well managed. Helena Robinson has examined the impact on museum collection management and interpretation of five local government funded, converged collecting institutions in Australia and New Zealand and found that the process is complex and does not necessarily result in “optimal” cross-disciplinary expertise or best practice outcomes (14158).ConclusionRobinson’s research, however, did not consider community-based collecting institutions using regional libraries as sites for training and networking. By harnessing local library resources and making better use of existing communications technology it is possible to create regional hubs for professional development and collegiate support, which are not reliant on grants. If the current competitive, fly-in fly-out, self-funded model of providing professional development and support to regional museums continues, then the future for our cultural heritage collections and the dedicated volunteers who care for them is bleak. Alternatively, the scenarios I have described give regional museum workers agency to address their own professional development needs. This in no way removes the need for leadership, advocacy and coordination by national representative bodies such as AMaGA and Museums Aotearoa. If AMaGA partnered with the Australian Library and Information Association (ALIA) to stream their conference keynote sessions to strategically located regional libraries and used some of their annual funding from the Department of Communication and the Arts to pay for museum professionals to travel to some of those sites to deliver training, they would be investing in the nation’s social and cultural capital and addressing the professional development needs of regional museum workers. This would also increase the sustainability of our cultural heritage collections, which are valuable economic assets.ReferencesAustralian Bureau of Statistics. “2071.0—Census of Population and Housing: Reflecting Australia—Snapshot of Australia, 2016”. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2017. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Lookup/by%20Subject/2071.0~2016~Main%20Features~Snapshot%20of%20Australia,%202016~2>.Boylan, Patrick. “The Intangible Heritage: A Challenge and an Opportunity for Museums and Museum Professional Training.” International Journal of Intangible Heritage 1 (2006): 53–65.Burton, Christine, and Jane Griffin. “More than a Museum? Understanding How Small Museums Contribute to Social Capital in Regional Communities.” Asia Pacific Journal of Arts & Cultural Management 5.1 (2008): 314–32. 17 Mar. 2019 <http://apjacm.arts.unimelb.edu.au/article/view/32>.Dunn, Anne. The Dunn Report: A Report on the Concept of Regional Collections Jobs. Adelaide: Collections Council of Australia, 2007.ICOM Curricula Guidelines for Professional Museum Development. 2000. <http://museumstudies.si.edu/ICOM-ICTOP/comp.htm>.Kelly, Lynda. “Measuring the Impact of Museums on Their Communities: The Role of the 21st Century Museum.” New Roles and Issues of Museums INTERCOM Symposium (2006): 25–34. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://media.australianmuseum.net.au/media/dd/Uploads/Documents/9355/impact+paper+INTERCOM+2006.bb50ba1.pdf>.Museums and Galleries New South Wales (MGNSW). 2018 NSW Museums and Galleries Sector Census. Museums and Galleries of New South Wales. Data and Insights—Culture Counts. Sydney: MGNSW, 2019. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://mgnsw.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/2018-NSW-Museum-Gallery-Sector-Census.pdf>Oppenheimer, Melanie. Volunteering: Why We Can’t Survive without It. Sydney: U of New South Wales P, 2008.Pigott, Peter. Museums in Australia 1975. Report of the Committee of Inquiry on Museums and National Collections Including the Report of the Planning Committee on the Gallery of Aboriginal Australia. Canberra: Australian Government Printing Service, 1975. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://apo.org.au/node/35268>.Public Sector Commission, Western Australia. 70:20:10 Framework Learning Philosophy. Perth: Government of Western Australia, 2018. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://publicsector.wa.gov.au/centre-public-sector-excellence/about-centre/702010-framework>.Robinson, Helena. “‘A Lot of People Going That Extra Mile’: Professional Collaboration and Cross-Disciplinarity in Converged Collecting Institutions.” Museum Management and Curatorship 31 (2016): 141–58.Scott, Lee. National Operations Manager, Museums Australia, Personal Communication. 22 Oct. 2018.Shaw, Iain, and Lee Davidson, Museums Aotearoa 2014 Sector Survey Report. Wellington: Victoria U, 2014. 17 Mar. 2019 <http://www.museumsaotearoa.org.nz/sites/default/files/documents/museums_aotearoa_sector_survey_2014_report_-_final_draft_oct_2015.pdf>.Smith, Alexandra. “NSW Libraries to Benefit from $60 Million Boost.” Sydney Morning Herald 24 Aug. 2018. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/nsw-libraries-to-benefit-from-60-million-boost-20180823-p4zzdj.html>. Winkworth, Kylie. “Fixing the Slums of Australian Museums; or Sustaining Heritage Collections in Regional Australia.” Museums Australia Conference Paper. Canberra: Museums Australia, 2005. ———. “Let a Thousand Flowers Bloom: Museums in Regional Australia.” Understanding Museums—Australian Museums and Museology. Eds. Des Griffin and Leon Paroissien. Canberra: National Museum of Australia, 2011. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://nma.gov.au/research/understanding-museums/KWinkworth_2011.html>.

The contemporary supermarket is a work of classification and cataloguing as marvellous as any museum. Barcodes are hallmarks by which its computer systems could know, in their own electronic language, every possible product of a certain kind afoot in the nation. It is a rather special institution in this respect -- a huge fund of contemporary synchronic cultural memory, a database and storehouse of collected human tastes to which individuals turn to seek out their own. However, this means that just as Wittgenstein demonstrated the impossibility of a purely private language, there can be no such thing as a purely private taste. Taste is demonstrated by choosing from a range of public items, that is, products. Therefore let's bracket the liberal concept of sovereign personal taste for now and beat a different track: the supermarket is the site of aggregation of multiple discourses by which the individual is sewn into and sews the fabric of collective life. Techniques used to sell food today, such as freebies (like plastic toys), free offers, forms of gambling, and images of healthiness, convenience, celebrity and enhanced relationships, appeal to -- must appeal to for commercial reasons -- shared values. It is inviting to view the supermarket as an emblem of a postmodern condition. The gaggle of images and words that line its aisles defy unity, play fast and loose with reality, create a simulacral space of copied quotes and sight bites that is coterminous with radically decentred selves. It conforms to the Jamesonian topography of a culture that has lost it -- that sense of real placed history that identity used to be tied up with. But my aim in this essay is to critique such a rhetoric of loss. Discourse remains the province of the self-imaginings of social groups in spite of the diversity of images in circulation. And although the media through which group solidarity is transmitted change with technological developments, the fact of such transmission does not. Hence, by looking at the imagery used on food packets, I will analyse the way that one rhetorical strategy used to sell the food we find on supermarket shelves -- nationalism -- is part of a longstanding cultural trajectory by which citizens of a nation imagine their relationship with their land. This, however, involves the equation of 'the nation' with the ethnic imagery of the group that dominates its political apparatus and territory, a process of circumscription that I shall ultimately suggest has political ramifications, especially in the context of nations like Australia which were formed by largely European settler colonisation of the land. Nationalism, then, is a strand of marketing rhetoric used most often, but not exclusively, for the promotion of products in the country of their origin. As such it grafts a tradition of art commemorating place and ethnic identity into the seemingly unlikely genre of the product label. Indeed, for Benedict Anderson the sociopolitical sentiment of nationalism requires forums and images through which to articulate itself, or more accurately, to imaginatively create its auratic object of adoration -- as nationalism is itself innovative (Anderson 15). It also depends upon technologies that can produce a sense of simultaneity between dispersed people who will never meet each other. The distribution of the packaged 'gifts' of a land to 'its people' provides one such opportunity for the transmission of sacralised images of land and the solidarity of its inhabitants. So the genre of the label that comes with a specific distribution and selling system provides the technical medium, and the land, its produce, its people and their relationships in ecosocial community, form the imagery. A limit case example of pride in the gifts of the land can be found on the label of New Zealand's Steinlager: "New Zealand's Finest ... World's Best Lager ... Brewed with the finest New Zealand Hops, Yeast, Barley and Pure Water ... Since 1854". It embodies a series of associations found in other examples: the products of the land are associated with firstly, high quality, and secondly, natural purity. New Zealand seems to be repeated with two slightly different senses. In its juxtaposition with "the world", the two places centre on the finished product of lager, which is presented as a literally world-beating national product. The last line of the label reads "Brewed and Bottled by New Zealand Breweries Limited", the company name both emphasising the agency of New Zealand people in processing ingredients taken from their land's soil, and the legally New Zealandian status of their enterprise. The second sense implies the physical basis for all this: the giftedness of the land which subtends an economy and a culture. "Since 1854" brings these components together on the axis of continuity, making the origination of national production temporal as well as spatial. In other words this benign relationship of production becomes part of national heritage. A certain double sense is in play. Land is both a nation comprising citizens and physical resource; the word that perfectly fuses the sense of the former's political proprietary relationship with the latter into a working unity. Accordingly many packets transfigure the legal requirement to mention the place of production into an attention-grabbing declaration of country of origin whilst also referring to the physical land. The latter may be parsed into two general categories: imagery of animals, plants, landscapes, the elements, etc, and rustic images of human management of the land. So Bulla ice cream advertises its Australianness to a pastoral backdrop; Saxa salt, which has been "Australia's own ... Since 1911", is being hauled by a hat-wearing Aussie man and loyal horse; Bundaberg caster sugar is both "pure Australian" and "Australian made" thanks to the blessing of the (Australian) sun. And other products, such as Australian Natural Foods Non Dairy Soy Mango Smoothie and Pureland Organic Tofu make links between nation and nature through 'land-based' company names similarly buttressed by images of Australian agricultural landscape and the Australian made hallmark respectively. The three conceptual categories often found in correlation with the concrete particulars of 'the land' -- healthiness, purity and naturalness -- are well represented in the packets analysed here. A series of metonymic implications is set up between the terms. They are all potential qualities of the land that are realised in the products it yields. Pureland and Australian Natural Foods juxtapose nation and healthiness closely and the pastoral visions of Bürgen and Dairy Vale have the approval of the National Heart Foundation. Bundaberg and Pureland make the most direct appeals to purity, but concepts such as Bulla's "Australian made real dairy" and Devondale's "choice grade" and "premium Australian" also convey a certain sense of uncorrupted pedigree in their products' provenance. Most products seem to evoke naturalness pictorially, with green rolling landscapes and cows feeding on the verdure featuring particularly highly. Thus at this point a critique of capitalist industrial culture is possible. The missing links are the contemporary factory and office: the places of the processing and assembly of the product physically and discursively; the places where the fruits of the land meet their packaging and are primed for the marketplace. The gifts of nature become commodities but are inscribed as the gifts of nature still, such that the point of sale obfuscates the point of production: profit. The whole enterprise seems to be based on a principle of distantiation. Because of urbanisation, the vast majority of people live away from farm land, and because most food is not consumed by the local communities that produce it, but is produced for larger markets, it is packed and written upon for transport to strangers who will buy it and perhaps also an idealisation of the land. Yet they aren't strangers. This mediation of group solidarity by food-as-commodity does not tear social bonds apart, it forms them. It forms ecosocial community just as it provides a projection of one. And the very invocation of group loyalty as the reason for buying means we should question, as John Frow has done, whether the commodity is always simply a token of abstraction in conceptual opposition to 'the gift' (Frow, "Gift and Commodity"). It is not simply the case that capitalists dupe consumers into thinking of commodities in gift-like terms. Indeed, the discourses of the land we find on supermarket shelves go back a long way in Western culture. As Raymond Williams says: "in English, 'country' is both a nation and a part of a 'land'; 'the country' can be the whole society or its rural area. In the long history of human settlements, this connection between the land from which directly or indirectly we all get our living and the achievements of human society has been deeply known" (1). The majority of the packets analysed extend the pastoral tradition of European art, a tradition which determines the "innate bounty" (33) of the land as the province of benign, 'total' social relations as reflected in the "timeless rhythm" of the authentic agrarian life (10). But the pastoral tradition is itself a media technical one. Williams points out that "a working country is hardly ever a landscape. The very idea of landscape implies separation and observation" (120). The same is true of pastoral in its nationalistic guise. It is transmitted by books, paintings and packets, is predicated on such a 'separation and observation'. The idealisation of the common land that subtends 'us' may be an attempt to bridge that distance, yet it is, ironically, transmitted through inscribed objects that create bonds between spatially and temporally dispersed people. It achieves what Anderson calls "unisonance", "a special kind of contemporaneous community which language alone suggests -- above all in the form of poetry and songs" (132). So, if the supermarket turns inner desire outward to the realm of public items that provides its possibilities, nationalistic desire moves in the same way, both inside and outside the supermarket context. There is no purely internal or purely external nation, just as there is no private language. Rather cultural memory, whether transmitted by a food packet or a poem is a thread transmitted through selves, language, technological milieux, and groups of people. Thus as Thongchai Winichakul succinctly states, "a nation is not a given reality. Rather it is the effect of imagining about it" (14). "We can know about it as long as we employ certain technologies to inscribe the possible sphere. In turn, such technologies create the knowledge of it, create a fact of it, and the entity comes into existence." (15). The contemporary food packet is one such media technology as certainly as a book or a song, and all media inscriptions of the possible sphere of 'the land' are lived ecosocial experience of the land. They make the land a unity by fusing its first physical sense with its second sociopolitical one. Invocation of the land as a prior given that subtends and provides the continuity of a sociopolitical group that has power over its resources, nests the historical contingency of that power relationship into a secure vision of the provenance of nation with the self-origination of 'its' land. That natural element, free, pure and healthy, is the one in which the group's ownership rights are rooted and legitimated. However, in fact, any nation is itself an historical innovation, an inherently unstable ideological product of strategy, technique, rhetorical and material. Nation-states are not naturally correlative with the land, nor are the ethnic groups that politically dominate the nation. They arise where other socio-economic political organisations existed before; they emerge. In The City and the Country Williams's main concern was to point out an alternative class-based history of the real and largely exploitative management of the land, a history that is actively occluded by idealised renderings of the countryside. Here in a parallel way but without room for explication, I want to suggest an alternative history of the management of the land that is indissociable from the emergence of the modern Australian nation -- a race-based history. Thus, here's the rub: the totems of pastoral that are equated with Australianness in the packets I have referred to, are European. The 'food packet' pastoral idealises group totems such as to transform historically contingent relationships of certain ethnic groups with the land into naturalised ones. The cows of Bulla and Devondale, the pastures of Dairy Vale, Bürgen's wheat, the agricultural infrastructure, the men imaged and their modes of management of the land, are European in lineage, and so is most of the food they sacralise as 'Australian'. These things are not natural to the land but were introduced, as was a related political and economic infrastructure that created 'Australia'. And there is a whole history to this appropriation of the land that is not active in the rhetorical force field of the European Australian pastoral, just as the living cultural memories of Aboriginal peoples disposed by the creation of the Australian nation-state are not. ... In "Australia Day at the Aboriginal Tent Embassy", Felicia Fletcher and John Leonard mention how representatives of Aboriginal countries in Australia assembled at Parliament House eat food to sustain themselves in their bid to right this dispossession: "vegetables are cooked in the coals, bread is toasted over the fire, endless cups of tea are poured, pots of three dozen eggs are boiled again and again to keep up the strengths and spirits of the people" (16). However, they add, quoting the group rather than a specific individual: "'It's nice, but at home we'd have a nice bit of kangaroo tail in the fire -- you've got to know how to do it properly -- and damper'": a different memory of and relationship with 'the land' (in both its senses). To conclude, the memories of the land create it at the time of commemoration. How we commemorate it is a present-day matter of great communal and political significance. Plates 1 Ducks Nuts 7 Bürgen High-Bake Heritage White bread 2 Steinlager Beer 8 Devondale Extra Soft margarine 3 Bulla Real Dairy Ice Cream 9 Bundaberg Caster Sugar 4 Saxa Table Salt 10 Dairy Vale Skim Milk 5 Pureland Organic Tofu 11 Devondale Cheese 6 So Natural Mango Smoothie 12 Edgell References Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 1983. Fletcher, Felicia, and John Leonard. "Australia Day at the Aboriginal Tent Embassy." Meanjin 58.1 (1999): 10-17. Frow, John. "Gift and Commodity." Time and Commodity Culture: Essays in Cultural Theory and Postmodernity. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1997. ---. "Toute la Mémoire du Monde: Repetition and Forgetting." Time and Commodity Culture: Essays in Cultural Theory and Postmodernity. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1997. Williams, Raymond. The Country and the City. London: Chatto & Windus, 1973. Winichakul, Thongchai. Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-Body of a Nation. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1994. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Guy Redden. "Packaging the Gifts of Nation." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.7 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/gifts.php>. Chicago style: Guy Redden, "Packaging the Gifts of Nation," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 7 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/gifts.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Guy Redden. (1999) Packaging the gifts of nation. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(7). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/gifts.php> ([your date of access]).

As a scholarly discourse, transmedia storytelling relies heavily on conservative constructions of authorship that laud corporate architects and patriarchs such as George Lucas and J.J. Abrams as exemplars of “the creator.” This piece argues that transmedia theory works to construct patriarchal ideals of individual authorship to the detriment of alternative conceptions of transmediality, storyworlds, and authorship. The genesis for this piece was our struggle to find a transmedia storyworld that we were both familiar with, that also qualifies as “legitimate” transmedia in the eyes of our prospective scholarly readers. After trying to wrangle our various interests, fandoms, and areas of expertise into harmony, we realized we were exerting more effort in this process of validating stories as transmedia than actually examining how stories spread across various platforms, how they make meanings, and what kinds of pleasures they offer audiences. Authorship is a definitive criterion of transmedia storytelling theory; it is also an academic red herring. We were initially interested in investigating the possible overdeterminations between the healthcare industry and Breaking Bad (2008-2013). The series revolves around a high school chemistry teacher who launches a successful meth empire as a way to pay for his cancer treatments that a dysfunctional US healthcare industry refuses to fund. We wondered if the success of the series and the timely debates on healthcare raised in its reception prompted any PR response from or discussion among US health insurers. However, our concern was that this dynamic among medical and media industries would not qualify as transmedia because these exchanges were not authored by Vince Gilligan or any of the credited creators of Breaking Bad. Yet, why shouldn’t such interfaces between the “real world” and media fiction count as part of the transmedia story that is Breaking Bad? Most stories are, in some shape or form, transmedia stories at this stage, and transmedia theory acknowledges there is a long history to this kind of practice (Freeman). Let’s dispense with restrictive definitions of transmediality and turn attention to how storytelling behaves in a digital era, that is, the processes of creating, disseminating and amending stories across many different media, the meanings and forms such media and communications produce, and the pleasures they offer audiences.Can we think about how health insurance companies responded to Breaking Bad in terms of transmedia storytelling? Defining Transmedia Storytelling via AuthorshipThe scholarly concern with defining transmedia storytelling via a strong focus on authorship has traced slight distinctions between seriality, franchising, adaptation and transmedia storytelling (Jenkins, “Transmedia Storytelling;” Johnson, “Media Franchising”). However, the theoretical discourse on authorship itself and these discussions of the tensions between forms are underwritten by a gendered bias. Indeed, the very concept of transmediality may be a gendered backlash against the rising prominence of seriality as a historically feminised mode of storytelling, associated with television and serial novels.Even with the move towards traditionally lowbrow, feminized forms of trans-serial narrative, the majority of academic and popular criticism of transmedia storytelling reproduces and reinstates narratives of male-centred, individual authorship that are historically descended from theorizations of the auteur. Auteur theory, which is still considered a legitimate analytical framework today, emerged in postwar theorizations of Hollywood film by French critics, most prominently in the journal Cahiers du Cinema, and at the nascence of film theory as a field (Cook). Auteur theory surfaced as a way to conceptualise aesthetic variation and value within the Fordist model of the Hollywood studio system (Cook). Directors were identified as the ultimate author or “creative source” if a film sufficiently fitted a paradigm of consistent “vision” across their oeuvre, and they were thus seen as artists challenging the commercialism of the studio system (Cook). In this way, classical auteur theory draws a dichotomy between art and authorship on one side and commerce and corporations on the other, strongly valorising the former for its existence within an industrial context dominated by the latter. In recent decades, auteurist notions have spread from film scholarship to pervade popular discourses of media authorship. Even though transmedia production inherently disrupts notions of authorship by diffusing the act of creation over many different media platforms and texts, much of the scholarship disproportionately chooses to vex over authorship in a manner reminiscent of classical auteur theory.In scholarly terms, a chief distinction between serial storytelling and transmedia storytelling lies in how authorship is constructed in relation to the text: serial storytelling has long been understood as relying on distributed authorship (Hilmes), but transmedia storytelling reveres the individual mastermind, or the master architect who plans and disseminates the storyworld across platforms. Henry Jenkins’ definition of transmedia storytelling is multifaceted and includes, “the systematic dispersal of multiple textual elements across many channels, which reflects the synergies of media conglomeration, based on complex story-worlds, and coordinated authorial design of integrated elements” (Jenkins, “Transmedia Storytelling”). Jenkins is perhaps the most pivotal figure in developing transmedia studies in the humanities to date and a key reference point for most scholars working in this subfield.A key limitation of Jenkins’ definition of transmedia storytelling is its emphasis on authorship, which persists in wider scholarship on transmedia storytelling. Jenkins focuses on the nature of authorship as a key characteristic of transmedia productions that distinguishes them from other kinds of intertextual and serial stories:Because transmedia storytelling requires a high degree of coordination across the different media sectors, it has so far worked best either in independent projects where the same artist shapes the story across all of the media involved or in projects where strong collaboration (or co-creation) is encouraged across the different divisions of the same company. (Jenkins, “Transmedia Storytelling”)Since the texts under discussion are commonly large in their scale, budget, and the number of people employed, it is reductive to credit particular individuals for this work and implicitly dismiss the authorial contributions of many others. Elaborating on the foundation set by Jenkins, Matthew Freeman uses Foucauldian concepts to describe two “author-functions” focused on the role of an author in defining the transmedia text itself and in marketing it (Freeman 36-38). Scott, Evans, Hills, and Hadas similarly view authorial branding as a symbolic industrial strategy significant to transmedia storytelling. Interestingly, M.J. Clarke identifies the ways transmedia television texts invite audiences to imagine a central mastermind, but also thwart and defer this impulse. Ultimately, Freeman argues that identifiable and consistent authorship is a defining characteristic of transmedia storytelling (Freeman 37), and Suzanne Scott argues that transmedia storytelling has “intensified the author’s function” from previous eras (47).Industry definitions of transmediality similarly position authorship as central to transmedia storytelling, and Jenkins’ definition has also been widely mobilised in industry discussions (Jenkins, “Transmedia” 202). This is unsurprising, because defining authorial roles has significant monetary value in terms of remuneration and copyright. In speaking to the Producers Guild of America, Jeff Gomez enumerated eight defining characteristics of transmedia production, the very first of which is, “Content is originated by one or a very few visionaries” (PGA Blog). Gomez’s talk was part of an industry-driven bid to have “Transmedia Producer” recognised by the trade associations as a legitimate and significant role; Gomez was successful and is now recognised as a transmedia producer. Nevertheless, his talk of “visionaries” not only situates authorship as central to transmedia production, but constructs authorship in very conservative, almost hagiographical terms. Indeed, Leora Hadas analyses the function of Joss Whedon’s authorship of Marvel's Agents of S.H.I.E.L.D (2013-) as a branding mechanism and argues that authors are becoming increasingly visible brands associated with transmedia stories.Such a discourse of authorship constructs individual figures as artists and masterminds, in an idealised manner that has been strongly critiqued in the wake of poststructuralism. It even recalls tired scholarly endeavours of divining authorial intention. Unsurprisingly, the figures valorised for their transmedia authorship are predominantly men; the scholarly emphasis on authorship thus reinforces the biases of media industries. Further, it idolises these figures at the expense of unacknowledged and under-celebrated female writers, directors and producers, as well as those creative workers labouring “below the line” in areas like production design, art direction, and special effects. Far from critiquing the biases of industry, academic discourse legitimises and lauds them.We hope that scholarship on transmedia storytelling might instead work to open up discourses of creation, production, authorship, and collaboration. For a story to qualify as transmedia is it even necessary to have an identifiable author? Transmedia texts and storyworlds can be genuinely collaborative or authorless creations, in which the harmony of various creators’ intentions may be unnecessary or even undesirable. Further, industry and academics alike often overlook examples of transmedia storytelling that might be considered “lowbrow.” For example, transmedia definitions should include Antonella the Uncensored Reviewer, a relatively small-scale, forty-something, plus size, YouTube channel producer whose persona is dispersed across multiple formats including beauty product reviews, letter writing, as well as interactive sex advice live casts. What happens when we blur the categories of author, celebrity, brand, and narrative in scholarship? We argue that these roles are substantially blurred in media industries in which authors like J.J. Abrams share the limelight with their stars as well as their corporate affiliations, and all “brands” are sutured to the storyworld text. These various actors all shape and are shaped by the narrative worlds they produce in an author-storyworld nexus, in which authorship includes all people working to produce the storyworld as well as the corporation funding it. Authorship never exists inside the limits of a single, male mind. Rather it is a field of relations among various players and stakeholders. While there is value in delineating between these roles for purposes of analysis and scholarly discussion, we should acknowledge that in the media industry, the roles of various stakeholders are increasingly porous.The current academic discourse of transmedia storytelling reconstructs old social biases and hierarchies in contexts where they might be most vulnerable to breakdown. Scott argues that,despite their potential to demystify and democratize authorship between producers and consumers, transmedia stories tend to reinforce boundaries between ‘official’ and ‘unauthorized’ forms of narrative expansion through the construction of a single author/textual authority figure. (44)Significantly, we suggest that it is the theorisation of transmedia storytelling that reinforces (or in fact constructs anew) an idealised author figure.The gendered dimension of the scholarly distinction between serialised (or trans-serial) and transmedial storytelling builds on a long history in the arts and the academy alike. In fact, an important precursor of transmedia narratives is the serialized novel of the Victorian era. The literature of Charlotte Brontë, George Eliot and Harriet Beecher Stowe was published in serial form and among the most widely read of the Victorian era in Western culture (Easley; Flint 21; Hilmes). Yet, these novels are rarely given proportional credit in what is popularly taught as the Western literary canon. The serial storytelling endemic to television as a medium has similarly been historically dismissed and marginalized as lowbrow and feminine (at least until the recent emergence of notions of the industrial role of the “showrunner” and the critical concept of “quality television”). Joanne Morreale outlines how trans-serial television examples, like The Dick Van Dyke Show, which spread their storyworlds across a number of different television programs, offer important precursors to today’s transmedia franchises (Morreale). In television’s nascent years, the anthology plays of the 1940s and 50s, which were discrete, unconnected hour-length stories, were heralded as cutting-edge, artistic and highbrow while serial narrative forms like the soap opera were denigrated (Boddy 80-92). Crucially, these anthology plays were largely created by and aimed at males, whereas soap operas were often created by and targeted to female audiences. The gendered terms in which various genres and modes of storytelling are discussed have implications for the value assigned to them in criticism, scholarship and culture more broadly (Hilmes; Kuhn; Johnson, “Devaluing”). Transmedia theory, as a scholarly discourse, betrays similarly gendered leanings as early television criticism, in valorising forms of transmedia narration that favour a single, male-bodied, and all-powerful author or corporation, such as George Lucas, Jim Henson or Marvel Comics.George Lucas is often depicted in scholarly and popular discourses as a headstrong transmedia auteur, as in the South Park episode ‘The China Problem’ (2008)A Circle of Men: Fans, Creators, Stories and TheoristsInterestingly, scholarly discourse on transmedia even betrays these gendered biases when exploring the engagement and activity of audiences in relation to transmedia texts. Despite the definitional emphasis on authorship, fan cultures have been a substantial topic of investigation in scholarly studies of transmedia storytelling, with many scholars elevating fans to the status of author, exploring the apparent blurring of these boundaries, and recasting the terms of these relationships (Scott; Dena; Pearson; Stein). Most notably, substantial scholarly attention has traced how transmedia texts cultivate a masculinized, “nerdy” fan culture that identifies with the male-bodied, all-powerful author or corporation (Brooker, Star Wars, Using; Jenkins, Convergence). Whether idealising the role of the creators or audiences, transmedia theory reinforces gendered hierarchies. Star Wars (1977-) is a pivotal corporate transmedia franchise that significantly shaped the convergent trajectory of media industries in the 20th century. As such it is also an anchor point for transmedia scholarship, much of which lauds and legitimates the creative work of fans. However, in focusing so heavily on the macho power struggle between George Lucas and Star Wars fans for authorial control over the storyworld, scholarship unwittingly reinstates Lucas’s status as sole creator rather than treating Star Wars’ authorship as inherently diffuse and porous.Recent fan activity surrounding animated adult science-fiction sitcom Rick and Morty (2013-) further demonstrates the macho culture of transmedia fandom in practice and its fascination with male authors. The animated series follows the intergalactic misadventures of a scientific genius and his grandson. Inspired by a seemingly inconsequential joke on the show, some of its fans began to fetishize a particular, limited-edition fast food sauce. When McDonalds, the actual owner of that sauce, cashed in by promoting the return of its Szechuan Sauce, a macho culture within the show’s fandom reached its zenith in the forms of hostile behaviour at McDonalds restaurants and online (Alexander and Kuchera). Rick and Morty fandom also built a misogynist reputation for its angry responses to the show’s efforts to hire a writer’s room that gave equal representation to women. Rick and Morty trolls doggedly harassed a few of the show’s female writers through 2017 and went so far as to post their private information online (Barsanti). Such gender politics of fan cultures have been the subject of much scholarly attention (Johnson, “Fan-tagonism”), not least in the many conversations hosted on Jenkins’ blog. Gendered performances and readings of fan activity are instrumental in defining and legitimating some texts as transmedia and some creators as masterminds, not only within fandoms but also in the scholarly discourse.When McDonalds promoted the return of their Szechuan Sauce, in response to its mention in the story world of animated sci-fi sitcom Rick and Morty, they contributed to transmedia storytelling.Both Rick and Morty and Star Wars are examples of how masculinist fan cultures, stubborn allegiances to male authorship, and definitions of transmedia converge both in academia and popular culture. While Rick and Morty is, in reality, partly female-authored, much of its media image is still anchored to its two male “creators,” Justin Roiland and Dan Harmon. Particularly in the context of #MeToo feminism, one wonders how much female authorship has been elided from existing storyworlds and, furthermore, what alternative examples of transmedia narration are exempt from current definitions of transmediality.The individual creator is a social construction of scholarship and popular discourse. This imaginary creator bears little relation to the conditions of creation and production of transmedia storyworlds, which are almost always team written and collectively authored. Further, the focus on writing itself elides the significant contributions of many creators such as those in production design (Bevan). Beyond that, what creative credit do focus groups deserve in shaping transmedia stories and their multi-layered, multi-platformed reaches? Is authorship, or even credit, really the concept we, as scholars, want to invest in when studying these forms of narration and mediation?At more symbolic levels, the seemingly exhaustless popular and scholarly appetite for male-bodied authorship persists within storyworlds themselves. The transmedia examples popularly and academically heralded as “seminal” centre on patrimony, patrilineage, and inheritance (i.e. Star Wars [1977-] and The Lord of the Rings [1937-]). Of course, Harry Potter (2001-2009) is an outlier as the celebrification of J.K. Rowling provides a strong example of credited female authorship. However, this example plays out many of the same issues, albeit the franchise is attached to a woman, in that it precludes many of the other creative minds who have helped shape Harry Potter’s world. How many more billions of dollars need we invest in men writing about the mysteries of how other men spread their genetic material across fictional universes? Moreover, transmedia studies remains dominated by academic men geeking out about how fan men geek out about how male creators write about mostly male characters in stories about … men. There are other stories waiting to be told and studied through the practices and theories of transmedia. These stories might be gender-inclusive and collective in ways that challenge traditional notions of authorship, control, rights, origin, and property.Obsession with male authorship, control, rights, origin, paternity and property is recognisible in scholarship on transmedia storytelling, and also symbolically in many of the most heralded examples of transmedia storytelling, such as the Star Wars saga.Prompting Broader DiscussionThis piece urges the development of broader understandings of transmedia storytelling. A range of media scholarship has already begun this work. Jonathan Gray’s book on paratexts offers an important pathway for such scholarship by legitimating ancillary texts, like posters and trailers, that uniquely straddle promotional and feature content platforms (Gray). A wave of scholars productively explores transmedia storytelling with a focus on storyworlds (Scolari; Harvey), often through the lens of narratology (Ryan; Ryan and Thon). Scolari, Bertetti, and Freeman have drawn together a media archaeological approach and a focus on transmedia characters in an innovative way. We hope to see greater proliferation of focuses and perspectives for the study of transmedia storytelling, including investigations that connect fictional and non-fictional worlds and stories, and a more inclusive variety of life experiences.Conversely, new scholarship on media authorship provides fresh directions, models, methods, and concepts for examining the complexity and messiness of this topic. A growing body of scholarship on the functions of media branding is also productive for reconceptualising notions of authorship in transmedia storytelling (Bourdaa; Dehry Kurtz and Bourdaa). Most notably, A Companion to Media Authorship edited by Gray and Derek Johnson productively interrogates relationships between creative processes, collaborative practices, production cultures, industrial structures, legal frameworks, and theoretical approaches around media authorship. Its case studies begin the work of reimagining of the role of authorship in transmedia, and pave the way for further developments (Burnett; Gordon; Hilmes; Stein). In particular, Matt Hills’s case study of how “counter-authorship” was negotiated on Torchwood (2006-2011) opens up new ways of thinking about multiple authorship and the variety of experiences, contributions, credits, and relationships this encompasses. Johnson’s Media Franchising addresses authorship in a complex way through a focus on social interactions, without making it a defining feature of the form; it would be significant to see a similar scholarly treatment of transmedia. At the very least, scholarly attention might turn its focus away from the very patriarchal activity of discussing definitions among a coterie and, instead, study the process of spreadability of male-centred transmedia storyworlds (Jenkins, Ford, and Green). Given that transmedia is not historically unique to the digital age, scholars might instead study how spreadability changes with the emergence of digitality and convergence, rather than pontificating on definitions of adaptation versus transmedia and cinema versus media.We urge transmedia scholars to distance their work from the malignant gender politics endemic to the media industries and particularly global Hollywood. The confluence of gendered agendas in both academia and media industries works to reinforce patriarchal hierarchies. The humanities should offer independent analysis and critique of how media industries and products function, and should highlight opportunities for conceiving of, creating, and treating such media practices and texts in new ways. As such, it is problematic that discourses on transmedia commonly neglect the distinction between what defines transmediality and what constitutes good examples of transmedia. This blurs the boundaries between description and prescription, taxonomy and hierarchy, analysis and evaluation, and definition and taste. Such discourses blinker us to what we might consider to be transmedia, but also to what examples of “good” transmedia storytelling might look like.Transmedia theory focuses disproportionately on authorship. This restricts a comprehensive understanding of transmedia storytelling, limits the lenses we bring to it, obstructs the ways we evaluate transmedia stories, and impedes how we imagine the possibilities for both media and storytelling. Stories have always been transmedial. What changes with the inception of transmedia theory is that men can claim credit for the stories and for all the work that many people do across various sectors and industries. It is questionable whether authorship is important to transmedia, in which creation is most often collective, loosely planned (at best) and diffused across many people, skill sets, and sectors. While Jenkins’s work has been pivotal in the development of transmedia theory, this is a ripe moment for the diversification of theoretical paradigms for understanding stories in the digital era.ReferencesAlexander, Julia, and Ben Kuchera. “How a Rick and Morty Joke Led to a McDonald’s Szechuan Sauce Controversy.” Polygon 4 Apr. 2017. <https://www.polygon.com/2017/10/12/16464374/rick-and-morty-mcdonalds-szechuan-sauce>.Aristotle. Aristotle's Poetics. New York: Hill and Wang, 1961. Barsanti, Sami. “Dan Harmon Is Pissed at Rick and Morty Fans Harassing Female Writers.” The AV Club 21 Sep. 2017. <https://www.avclub.com/dan-harmon-is-pissed-at-rick-and-morty-fans-for-harassi-1818628816>.Bevan, Alex. “Nostalgia for Pre-Digital Media in Mad Men.” Television & New Media 14.6 (2013): 546-559.Boddy, William. Fifties Television: The Industry and Its Critics. Chicago: U of Illinois P, 1993.Bourdaa, Mélanie. “This Is Not Marketing. 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IntroductionBallarat’s Theatre Royal was the first permanent theatre built in inland Australia. Upon opening in 1858, it was acclaimed as having “the handsomest theatrical exterior in the colony” (Star, “Editorial” 7 Dec. 1889) and later acknowledged as “the grandest playhouse in all Australia” (Spielvogel, Papers Vol. 1 160). Born of Gold Rush optimism, the Royal was loved by many, yet the over-arching story of its ill-fated existence has failed to surface, in any coherent fashion, in official history. This article takes some first steps toward retrieving lost knowledge from fragmented archival records, and piecing together the story of why this purpose-built theatre ceased operation within a twenty-year period. A short history of the venue will be provided, to develop context. It will be argued that while a combination of factors, most of which were symptomatic of unfortunate timing, destroyed the longevity of the Royal, the principal problem was one of stigmatisation. This was an era in which the societal pressure to visibly conform to conservative values was intense and competition in the pursuit of profits was fierce.The cultural silence that befell the story of the Royal, after its demise, is explicable in relation to history being written by the victors and a loss of spokespeople since that time. As theatre arts historiographer McConachie (131) highlights, “Theatres, like places for worship and spectator sports, hold memories of the past in addition to providing a practical and cognitive framework for performance events in the present.” When that place, “a bounded area denoted by human agency and memory” (131), is lost in time, so too may be the socio-cultural lessons from the period, if not actively recalled and reconsidered. The purpose of this article is to present the beginning of an investigation into the disjointed narrative of Ballarat’s Theatre Royal. Its ultimate failure demonstrates how dominant community based entertainment became in Ballarat from the 1860s onwards, effectively crushing prospects for mid-range professional theatre. There is value in considering the evolution of the theatre’s lifespan and its possible legacy effects. The connection between historical consciousness and the performing arts culture of by-gone days offers potential to reveal specks of cross-relevance for regional Australian theatrical offerings today.In the BeginningThe proliferation of entertainment venues in Ballarat East during the 1850s was a consequence of the initial discovery of surface alluvial gold and the ongoing success of deep-lead mining activities in the immediate area. This attracted extraordinary numbers of people from all over the world who hoped to strike it rich. Given the tough nature of life on the early gold diggings, most disposable income was spent on evening entertainment. As a result, numerous venues sprang into operation to cater for demand. All were either canvas tents or makeshift wooden structures: vibrant in socio-cultural activity, however humble the presentation values. It is widely agreed (Withers, Bate and Brereton) that noteworthy improvements occurred from 1856 onwards in the artistry of the performers, audience tastes, the quality of theatrical structures and living standards in general. Residents began to make their exit from flood and fire prone Ballarat East, moving to Ballarat West. The Royal was the first substantial entertainment venture to be established in this new, affluent, government surveyed township area. Although the initial idea was to draw in some of the patronage which had flourished in Ballarat East, Brereton (14) believed “There can be no doubt that it was [primarily] intended to attract those with good taste and culture”. This article will contend that how society defined ‘good taste’ turned out to be problematic for the Royal.The tumultuous mid-1850s have attracted extensive academic and popular attention, primarily because they were colourful and politically significant times. The period thereafter has attracted little scholarly interest, unless tied to the history of surviving organisations. Four significant structures designed to incorporate theatrical entertainment were erected and opened in Ballarat from 1858 onwards: The Royal was swiftly followed by the Mechanics Institute 1859, Alfred Hall 1867 and Academy of Music 1874-75. As philosopher Albert Borgmann (41) highlighted, the erection of “magnificent settings in which the public could gather and enjoy itself” was the dominant urban aspiration for cultural consumption in the nineteenth century. Men of influence in Victorian cities believed strongly in progress and grand investments as a conscious demonstration of power, combined with Puritan vales, teetotalism and aggressive self-assertiveness (Briggs 287-88). At the ceremonial laying of the foundation stone for the Royal on 20 January 1858, eminent tragedian, Gustavos Brooke, announced “… may there be raised a superstructure perfect in all its parts, and honourable to the builder.” He proclaimed the memorial bottle to be “a lasting memento of the greatness of Ballarat in erecting such a theatre” and philosophised that “the stage not only refines the manners, but it is the best teacher of morals, for it is the truest and most intelligible picture of life. It stamps the image of virtue on the mind …” (Star, “Laying” 21 Jan. 1858). These initial aspirations seem somewhat ambitious when viewed with the benefit of hindsight. Ballarat’s Theatre Royal opened in December 1858, ironically with Jerrold’s comedy ‘Time Works Wonders’. The large auditorium holding around 1500 people “was crowded to overflowing and was considered altogether brilliant in its newness and beauty” by all in attendance (Star, “Local and General” 30 Dec. 1858). Generous descriptions abound of how splendid it was, in architectural terms, but also in relation to scenery, decorations and all appointments. Underneath the theatre were two shops, four bars, elegant dining rooms, a kitchen and 24 bedrooms. A large saloon was planned to be attached soon-after. The overall cost of the build was estimated at a substantial 10,000 pounds.The First Act: 1858-1864In the early years, the Royal was deemed a success. The pleasure-seeking public of Ballarat came en masse and the glory days seemed like they might continue unabated. By the early 1860s, Ballarat was known as a great theatrical centre for performing arts, its population was famous both nationally and internationally for an appreciation of good acting, and the Royal was considered the home of the best dramatic art in Ballarat (Withers 260). Like other theatres of the 1850s diggings, it had its own resident company of actors, musicians, scenic artists and backstage crew. Numerous acclaimed performers came to visit and these were prosperous and happy times for the Royal’s lively theatrical community. As early as 1859, however, there was evident rivalry between the Royal and the Mechanics Institute, as suggested on numerous occasions in the Ballarat Star. As a multi-purpose venue for education and the betterment of the working classes, the latter venue had the distinct advantage of holding the moral high ground. Over time this competition increased as audiences decreased. As people shifted to family-focussed entertainments, these absorbed their time and attention. The transformation of a transient population into a township of families ultimately suffocated prospects for professional entertainment in Ballarat. Consumer interest turned to the growth of strong amateur societies with the establishment of the Welsh Eisteddfod 1863; Harmonic Society 1864; Bell Ringers’ Club 1866 and Glee and Madrigal Union 1867 (Brereton 38). By 1863, the Royal was reported to have “scanty patronage” and Proprietor Symonds was in financial trouble (Star, “News and Notes” 15 Sep. 1864). It was announced that the theatre would open for the last time on Saturday, 29 October 1864 (Australasian). On that same date, the Royal was purchased by Rowlands & Lewis, the cordial makers. They promptly on-sold it to the Ballarat Temperance League, who soon discovered that there was a contract in place with Bouchier, the previous owner, who still held the hotel next door, stating that “all proprietors … were bound to keep it open as a theatre” (Withers 260-61). Having invested immense energy into the quest to purchase it, the Temperance League backed out of the deal. Prominent Hotelier Walter Craig bought it for less than 3,000 pounds. It is possible that this stymied effort to quell the distribution of liquor in the heart of the city evoked the ire of the Protestant community, who were on a dedicated mission “to attack widespread drunkenness, profligacy, licentiousness and agnosticism,” and forming an interdenominational Bible and Tract Society in 1866 (Bate 176). This caused a segment of the population to consider the Royal a ‘lost cause’ and steer clear of it, advising ‘respectable’ families to do the same, and so the stigma grew. Social solidarity of this type had significant impact in an era in which people openly demonstrated their morality by way of unified public actions.The Second Act: 1865-1868The Royal closed for renovations until May 1865. Of the various alterations made to the interior and its fittings, the most telling was the effort to separate the ladies from the ‘town women’, presumably to reassure ‘respectable’ female patrons. To this end, a ladies’ retiring room was added, in a position convenient to the dress circle. The architectural rejuvenation of the Royal was cited as an illustration of great progress in Sturt Street (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 27 May 1865). Soon after, the Royal hosted the Italian Opera Company.However, by 1866 there was speculation that the Royal may be converted into a dry goods store. References to what sort of impression the failing of theatre would convey to the “old folks at home” in relation to “progress in civilisation'' and "social habits" indicated the distress of loyal theatre-goers. Impassioned pleas were written to the press to help preserve the “Temple of Thespus” for the legitimate use for which it was intended (Ballarat Star, “Messenger” and “Letters to the Editor” 30 Aug. 1866). By late 1867, a third venue materialised. The Alfred Hall was built for the reception of Ballarat’s first Royal visitor, the Duke of Edinburgh. On the night prior to the grand day at the Alfred, following a private dinner at Craig’s Hotel, Prince Alfred was led by an escorted torchlight procession to a gala performance at Craig’s very own Theatre Royal. The Prince’s arrival caused a sensation that completely disrupted the show (Spielvogel, Papers Vol. 1 165). While visiting Ballarat, the Prince laid the stone for the new Temperance Hall (Bate 159). This would not have been required had the League secured the Royal for their use three years earlier.Thereafter, the Royal was unable to reach the heights of what Brereton (15) calls the “Golden Age of Ballarat Theatre” from 1855 to 1865. Notably, the Mechanics Institute also experienced financial constraints during the 1860s and these challenges were magnified during the 1870s (Hazelwood 89). The late sixties saw the Royal reduced to the ‘ordinary’ in terms of the calibre of productions (Brereton 15). Having done his best to improve the physical attributes and prestige of the venue, Craig may have realised he was up against a growing stigma and considerable competition. He sold the Royal to R.S. Mitchell for 5,500 pounds in 1868.Another New Owner: 1869-1873For the Saturday performance of Richard III in 1869, under the new Proprietor, it was reported that “From pit to gallery every seat was full” and for many it was standing room only (Ballarat Star, “Theatre Royal” 1 Feb. 1869). Later that year, Othello attracted people with “a critical appreciation of histrionic matters” (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 19 July 1869). The situation appeared briefly promising. Unfortunately, larger economic factors were soon at play. During 1869, Ballarat went ‘mad’ with mine share gambling. In 1870 the economic bubble burst, and hundreds of people in Ballarat were financially ruined. Over the next ten years the population fell from 60,000 to less than 40,000 (Spielvogel, Papers Vol. 3 39). The last surviving theatre in Ballarat East, the much-loved Charles Napier, put on its final show in September 1869 (Brereton 15). By 1870 the Royal was referred to as a “second-class theatre” and was said to be such bad repute that “it would be most difficult to draw respectable classes” (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 17 Jan. 1870). It seems the remaining theatre patrons from the East swung over to support the Royal, which wasn’t necessarily in the best interests of its reputation. During this same period, family-oriented crowds of “the pleasure-seeking public of Ballarat” were attending events at the newly fashionable Alfred Hall (Ballarat Courier, “Theatre Royal” June 1870). There were occasional high points still to come for the Royal. In 1872, opera drew a crowded house “even to the last night of the season” which according to the press, “gave proof, if proof were wanting, that the people of Ballarat not only appreciate, but are willing to patronise to the full any high-class entertainment” (Ballarat Courier, “Theatre Royal” 26 Aug. 1872). The difficulty, however, lay in the deterioration of the Royal’s reputation. It had developed negative connotations among local temperance and morality movements, along with their extensive family, friendship and business networks. Regarding collective consumption, sociologist John Urry wrote “for those engaged in the collective tourist gaze … congregation is paramount” (140). Applying this socio-cultural principle to the behaviour of Victorian theatre-going audiences of the 1870s, it was compelling for audiences to move with the masses and support popular events at the fresh Alfred Hall rather than the fading Royal. Large crowds jostling for elbow room was perceived as the hallmark of a successful event back then, as is most often the case now.The Third Act: 1874-1878An additional complication faced by the Royal was the long-term effect of the application of straw across the ceiling. Acoustics were initially poor, and straw was intended to rectify the problem. This caused the venue to develop a reputation for being stuffy and led to the further indignity of the Royal suffering an infestation of fleas (Jenkins 22); a misfortune which caused some to label it “The Royal Bug House” (Reid 117). Considering how much food was thrown at the stage in this era, it is not surprising that rotten debris attracted insects. In 1873, the Royal closed for another round of renovations. The interior was redesigned, and the front demolished and rebuilt. This was primarily to create retail store frontage to supplement income (Reid 117). It was reported that the best theatrical frontage in Australasia was lost, and in its place was “a modestly handsome elevation” for which all play-goers of Ballarat should be thankful, as the miracle required of the rebuild was that of “exorcising the foul smells from the old theatre and making it bright and pretty and sweet” (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 26 Jan. 1874). The effort at rejuvenation seemed effective for a period. A “large and respectable audience” turned out to see the Fakir of Oolu, master of the weird, mystical, and strange. The magician’s show “was received with cheers from all parts of the house, and is certainly a very attractive novelty” (Ballarat Courier, “Theatre Royal” 29 Mar. 1875). That same day, the Combination Star Company gave a concert at the Mechanics Institute. Indicating the competitive tussle, the press stated: “The attendance, however, doubtless owing to attractions elsewhere, was only moderately large” (Courier, “Concert at the Mechanics’” 29 Mar. 1875). In the early 1870s, there had been calls from sectors of society for a new venue to be built in Ballarat, consistent with its status. The developer and proprietor, Sir William Clarke, intended to offer a “higher class” of entertainment for up to 1700 people, superior to the “broad farces” at the Royal (Freund n.p.) In 1875, the Academy of Music opened, at a cost of twelve thousand pounds, just one block away from the Royal.As the decade of decreasing population wore on, it is intriguing to consider an unprecedented “riotous” incident in 1877. Levity's Original Royal Marionettes opened at the Royal with ‘Beauty and the Beast’ to calamitous response. The Company Managers, Wittington & Lovell made clear that the performance had scarcely commenced when the “storm” arose and they believed “the assault to be premeditated” (Wittington and Lovell in Argus, “The Riot” 6 Apr. 1877). Paid thuggery, with the intent of spooking regular patrons, was the implication. They pointed out that “It is evident that the ringleaders of the riot came into the theatre ready armed with every variety of missiles calculated to get a good hit at the figures and scenery, and thereby create a disturbance.” The mob assaulted the stage with “head-breaking” lemonade bottles, causing costly damage, then chased the frightened puppeteers down Sturt Street (Mount Alexander Mail, “Items of News” 4 Apr. 1877). The following night’s performance, by contrast, was perfectly calm (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 7 Apr. 1877). Just three months later, Webb’s Royal Marionette pantomimes appeared at the Mechanics’ Institute. The press wrote “this is not to be confounded, with the exhibition which created something like a riot at the Theatre Royal last Easter” (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 5 July 1877).The final performance at the Royal was the American Rockerfellers’ Minstrel Company. The last newspaper references to the Royal were placed in the context of other “treats in store” at The Academy of Music, and forthcoming offerings at the Mechanics Institute (Star, “Advertising” 3 July 1878). The Royal had experienced three re-openings and a series of short-term managements, often ending in loss or even bankruptcy. When it wound up, investors were left to cover the losses, while the owner was forced to find more profitable uses for the building (Freund n.p.). At face value, it seemed that four performing arts venues was one too many for Ballarat audiences to support. By August 1878 the Royal’s two shop fronts were up for lease. Thereafter, the building was given over entirely to retail drapery sales (Withers 260). ReflectionsThe Royal was erected, at enormous expense, in a moment of unbridled optimism, after several popular theatres in Ballarat East had burned to the ground. Ultimately the timing for such a lavish investment was poor. It suffered an inflexible old-fashioned structure, high overheads, ongoing staffing costs, changing demographics, economic crisis, increased competition, decreased population, the growth of local community-based theatre, temperance agitation and the impact of negative rumour and hear-say.The struggles endured by the various owners and managers of, and investors in, the Royal reflected broader changes within the larger community. The tension between the fixed nature of the place and the fluid needs of the public was problematic. Shifting demographics meant the Royal was negatively affected by conservative values, altered tastes and competing entertainment options. Built in the 1850s, it was sound, but structurally rigid, dated and polluted with the bacterial irritations of the times. “Resident professional companies could not compete with those touring from Melbourne” by whom it was considered “… hard to use and did not satisfy the needs of touring companies who required facilities equivalent to those in the metropolitan theatres” (Freund n.p.). Meanwhile, the prevalence of fund-raising concerts, created by charitable groups and member based community organisations, detracted from people’s interest in supporting professional performances. After-all, amateur concerts enabled families to “embrace the values of British middle class morality” (Doggett 295) at a safe distance from grog shops and saloons. Children aged 5-14 constituted only ten percent of the Ballarat population in 1857, but by 1871 settler families had created a population in which school aged children comprised twenty-five of the whole (Bate 146). This had significant ramifications for the type of theatrical entertainments required. By the late sixties, as many as 2000 children would perform at a time, and therefore entrance fees were able to be kept at affordable levels for extended family members. Just one year after the demise of the Royal, a new secular improvement society became active, holding amateur events and expanding over time to become what we now know as the Royal South Street Society. This showed that the appetite for home-grown entertainment was indeed sizeable. It was a function that the Royal was unable to service, despite several ardent attempts. Conclusion The greatest misfortune of the Royal was that it became stigmatised, from the mid 1860s onwards. In an era when people were either attempting to be pure of manners or were considered socially undesirable, it was hard for a cultural venue to survive which occupied the commercial middle ground, as the Royal did. It is also conceivable that the Royal was ‘framed’, by one or two of its competitor venues, or their allies, just one year before its closure. The Theatre Royal’s negative stigma as a venue for rough and intemperate human remnants of early Ballarat East had proven insurmountable. The Royal’s awkward position between high-class entrepreneurial culture and wholesome family-based community values, both of which were considered tasteful, left it out-of-step with the times and vulnerable to the judgement of those with either vested interests or social commitments elsewhere. This had long-term resonance for the subsequent development of entertainment options within Ballarat, placing the pendulum of favour either on elite theatre or accessible community based entertainments. The cultural middle-ground was sparse. The eventual loss of the building, the physical place of so much dramatic energy and emotion, as fondly recalled by Withers (260), inevitably contributed to the Royal fading from intergenerational memory. The telling of the ‘real story’ behind the rise and fall of the Ballarat Theatre Royal requires further exploration. If contemporary cultural industries are genuinely concerned “with the re-presentation of the supposed history and culture of a place”, as Urry believed (154), then untold stories such as that of Ballarat’s Theatre Royal require scholarly attention. This article represents the first attempt to examine its troubled history in a holistic fashion and locate it within a context ripe for cultural analysis.ReferencesBate, Weston. Lucky City: The First Generation at Ballarat 1851–1901. Carlton South: Melbourne UP, 1978.Brereton, Roslyn. Entertainment and Recreation on the Victorian Goldfields in the 1850s. BA (Honours) Thesis. 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