Articles de revues sur le sujet « Libya – History – 1969- »

In the course of the two decades since 1969, archaeological and architectural investigations relating to the Islamic period in Libya have made sufficient progress for it to be possible now to see the country's Islamic antiquities with a reasonable degree of perspective within Libya and in relation to a broader context. Nevertheless, a great deal of work remains to be done, both with regard to extending the geographical scope of research on Islamic Libya and to studying relatively neglected periods. At present we are better informed about certain Fāṭimid monuments in Libya than any other Islamic buildings in the country. While the importance of Libya in the tenth and eleventh centuries AD is a matter of great interest, it must not be forgotten that even today, we know very much less in detail about the mosques and houses of later times. A marked imbalance therefore exists in the relative degree of information available for an account of the Islamic archaeology and architecture of Libya in the period as a whole. This imbalance is very clear in the present survey.The extent of the increase in knowledge of the Islamic archaeology of Libya becomes immediately clear by referring to K. A. C. Creswell'sA Bibliography of the Architecture, Arts and Crafts of Islam to 1st Jan. 1960and the Supplements to it (Creswell 1973; Pearsonet al.1984). In his originalBibliographyCreswell found nothing on Libyan architecture except for some studies on Tripoli. Even in the 1960s, very little further research on the Islamic period was published, although it was in this period that Ajdābiyah and Madīnah Sulṭān were initially investigated: this work formed the foundation of that which was to follow after 1969. Bys the time that the latestSupplementto Creswell'sBibliographyappeared in 1984, a plethora of published material had emerged as a result of the sharp rise of interest in Islamic Libya during the period from 1969 onwards. As a result, no comprehensive survey of Islamic archaeology and architecture in North Africa written in the future will be complete without giving some account of the information that has been accumulated during the period 1969 to 1989.

In the 15 years following the Second World War, the available data on the prehistory of North Africa were summarised in a series of major syntheses (notably Alimen 1955; Balout 1955; Ford-Johnston 1959; and Vaufrey 1955). With stratified sequences few and far between, radiometric techniques of absolute dating still at the developmental stage, and little detailed information on palaeoenvironments, it was inevitable that the emphasis of all these studies was on the description and classification of the archaeological record, and its organisation into regional cultural sequences. As far as Libya was concerned, the prehistoric rock carvings of the Fezzan were already well known, particularly from the studies by Graziosi before the war (Graziosi 1934; 1937; 1942), but in terms of artifact assemblages Libyan prehistory was much less understood than the prehistoric sequences of the Maghreb to the west and accordingly much less represented in the syntheses of the 1950s. In general, the prehistory of North Africa was described as a succession of ‘cultural groups’ that were correlated more or less with the better-documented palaeolithic, mesolithic, and neolithic sequences of Europe.During the 1960s, two major studies of Libyan prehistory were published which have had a dominating influence on research in the following 20 years. The first was the publication by Charles McBurney (1967) of the deep stratigraphy of the Haua Fteah cave on the coast of Cyrenaica. McBurney began research on the Libyan Palaeolithic in the years immediately after the war, publishing a variety of surface collections (1947), trial excavations in the Hagfet ed Dabba cave (1950), and a joint study with C. W. Hey (1955) of the relationship between Pleistocene geological and archaeological sequences in Cyrenaica. His excavations in the Haua Fteah were conducted in 1951, 1952, and 1955, the deep sounding revealing a detailed sequence of layers spanning the middle and upper palaeolithic, epipalaeolithic (or mesolithic), and neolithic occupations of the cave (for initial reports: McBurney 1960; 1961; 1962). The full report was able not only to describe the remarkable sequence of assemblages, but also to correlate these with a palaeoenvironmental sequence established from faunal, molluscan, and sedimentary studies of the cave stratigraphy, the sequence also being tied to an absolute chronology based on 20 radiocarbon determinations. The Haua Fteah stratigraphy remains unique not only in Libya but in North Africa as a whole.

Political geography can be taken to include the geographical analysis of formal political territories of all kinds, and an interest in political spheres of influence. Thus defined, Libya must have provided an almost unparalleled range of topics for study in the past 20 years. Internal administrative districts have been changed three times. The international boundaries of the state have been the subject of debate and dispute. In 1975 Libya occupied a large tract of northern Chad and became heavily involved in the Chadian civil war in 1980. Maritime boundary delimitation began in the 1980s and Libyan claims to historic water status for the Gulf of Sirte were disputed by the United States. At least eight attempts at political mergers with other states have been made by Colonel Qadhafi, while other Libyan foreign policy adventures have been widespread, especially in Africa. In the face of this plethora of geopolitical activity it is disappointing to report that the political geography of Libya has not received the attention it deserves from scholars in Britain or elsewhere. Only in one area of study — international boundaries — is the literature reasonably plentiful, and of a high calibre (detailed bibliographies in Alawar 1983; Lawless 1987). While this emphasis may be justified on the grounds that Libya's boundaries are major potential ‘flashpoints’ (Copson 1982) it leaves a great deal of potentially useful geopolitical insights as yet unexplored. No publications have been traced for example on the implications of the changing location of Libya's designated capital city, from Tripoli to Benghazi — Tripoli to Beida to Tripoli and now — conceivably — to Sirte.

AbstractBased on the papers of former Italian statesman Aldo Moro and on several secondary sources, this article investigates the Italo-Libyan relationship between the rise to power of Qadhafi in 1969 and the mid-1970s. Qadhafi initially pursued a policy of confrontation with the former colonial power: he expelled the remaining Italian citizens in Libya, asked for post-colonial compensations and a revision of the 1956 treaty.Gradually, however, a new relationship developed: Italy badly needed Libyan oil, especially in view of the closing of the Suez Canal because of the Arab-Israeli wars, while Qadhafi needed to secure a fixed amount of oil revenues in order to build up domestic and international support for his revolution. Italian companies were also granted public works which were meant to improve Libyan infrastructure while Libyan oil profits could be invested in Italian stocks. Finally, Italy would provide Qadhafi with weapons and support for his regime, as the revelations about the ‘Hilton Assignment’ demonstrate. The author argues that this relationship gave both actors a wide freedom of manoeuvre within the context of the Cold War.

The research in the Egyptian - Libyan relation dates back to ancient history. The change of leaders and the political system had affected these relations ,so they had changed from being so close to unly passing through tension and even conflict There is long borders between the two countries more than a thousand kilo-which made some kind of social relations ship between the people of the two countries . the relation between the two states had grew stronger ,after their in dependence especially when Libya tried to follow the steps of Egypt during Nasir era, but their relations deteriorated after Egypt's peace treaty with Israel , but it had flourished buck in the nineties. In spite of the improvement in the relation. between the two part after 2003.on the economic level , it had passed through tensions because of the mutual acquisitions of the two authorities,the Egyptian and the Libyan because of Libyan decision to abandon weapons of mass distraction, and the Libyan close relations with the muslim brother hood in Egypt,the main opposition forcei-Egypt at that time.

AbstractThis paper deals with the Libyan industrialisation programme since the revolution in 1969. Although Libya is striving to achieve national development within the next 20 years on a par with other advanced ‘Newly Industrialising Countries', it seems that the declining oil prices and the decreasing income from foreign trade since 1981 is retarding the build-up significantly. The main problem is that the necessary foreign labour can no longer be financed. The annual growth rates achieved in industry since 1981 indicate virtual stagnation.

Water is a familiar resource and one which is rarely properly valued, and worse, frequently treated as if it were a ‘free good’. In a country such as Libya, which has no perennial surface-runoff and where no permanently flowing stream reaches the Mediterranean Sea, the value of its available water is proportionately important. At the same time Libya has some deeply rooted attitudes to resources, often culturally based, which have militated against the optimum long term use of its none too abundant renewable and non-renewable water. In addition Libya has undergone some remarkable changes in economic circumstances in the past twenty years. These changes of circumstance have been of particular importance because they stimulated expectations and water demand much more effectively than they brought about changes of attitude at national and local levels to regulate water allocation and inform water utilisation policies. The changes have been especially powerful where they have resulted from the deployment of new technologies which have had significant environmental impacts.

The formation of the Libyan state had an atypical chronology and history. It was not until the 1940s that the construction of the state and the formation of the Libyan nation took place, during the death throes of Italian colonial rule. The arrival of Idrīs on the throne was a compromise: although on the one hand it was the return to a pre-colonial and pre-modern political leadership, on the other this leadership lay within a modern institutional framework, derived from European constitutionalism. In the process of renewal of the tradition linked to the figure of Idrīs, the leader of the al-Sanūsiyyah, the Islam has been inestimably important. At the point of independence, the task was to transform Libya from an artifice of colonialism into a shared political and cultural reality; it was Islam, much more than Arabism, that was identified as the lowest common denominator. The twenty years of rule by Idrīs, from his appointment as Amīr of an autonomous Cyrenaica on 1 July 1949 to the revolution of 1 September 1969, can be summarized as a continual attempt at the opening-up and controlled reform of a strongly conservative political system, which, in view of a rapidly changing society, sought to move from a fragmented political perspective to a truly national one, without any conclusive success. Internal instability became increasingly related to external interference, not just by former colonial countries or the superpowers but also by other Arab countries such as Egypt, who were the purveyors of a project of militant nationalism: Libya became a zone of political and ideological conflict between the West and the Third World.

Abstract Background There are a few studies from the Middle East and North Africa. Several notable cases of acromegaly and giantism in the west found their way to public life and media. Case History One of the cases is discussed in this article. The case lived between 1943 and 1991. He was one of few individuals in medical history to reach or surpass 8 feet in height. In the 1960s, he reportedly underwent repeated (perhaps 4) pituitary surgery at 17 in Rome, Italy, to halt his growth. A few photos and one short video clip in Italian demonstrate his physical features. He was one of the tallest basketball players ever at 245 cm, though when he featured as a basketball player, he was closer to 239 cm and played for Libya. He was a medical anomaly and the eighteenth tallest person in the history of the world. He was also credited with being the tallest actor in history by appearing in a single Italian fantasy drama movie in 1969. He died in 1991 due to heart disease. Conclusion The case presented in this vignette is depicted in the public domain and is imprinted in the folk memory of the residents of Tripoli, Libya. However, due to its uniqueness, it deserves a place in the regional medical literature.

Libya is by most definitions an oil-based economy. Yet academic study of the national oil industry is at best fragmentary. The reasons for the poor showing of the Libyan oil industry in the literature stem partly from the relative decline in its international importance since the mid-1970s and partly from the ambiguity over acknowledgement of the role of the oil industry within Libya.The growth of the Libyan oil industry dates from 1951 and the coming of national independence. There had been surveys of a small scale and technologically limited kind in Libya in the Italian period. Some shows of oil had been discovered in Tripolitania as early as 1914 when water wells were drilled to supply Tripoli city (Waddams 1980, 27). Other oil was discovered in Tripolitania in the 1930s and a full scale exploration programme was prepared in the years 1937–1940 by the Italian national oil corporation under the geological guidance of Professor Ardito Desio, but never fully implemented due to the onset of war. Indeed, Desio was to return as a consultant to the oil companies working in Libya in the 1950s.In 1953 a mineral law was issued which paved the way for the grant of concessions to foreign oil companies to explore and develop oil resources. A petroleum law was promulgated in 1955 which offered rather more favourable terms on fees, rents, royalties and expensing to the oil companies than were available in other longer established oil producing states of North Africa and the Middle East (cf. Waddams, 1980, 57–70). At the same time, the assets of the oil companies in Libya were given far reaching protection under amendments of the petroleum law. The consequence of the generous operating terms of this and subsequent revisions of the law (1961 and 1965) was a rapid growth in the number of concessionaries exploring for oil within the country. The open-door policy pursued by the government was much criticised at a later period. Undoubtedly, however, it did succeed in attracting a wide spectrum of oil companies into Libya, including the major ones, such as Esso, Royal Dutch/Shell, Texaco, Gulf, BP and Mobil, together with many small independent interests. The best international techniques for exploration and development were put to work in Libya within a very short space of time, bringing the country rapidly into the ranks of the main oil-exporting states. Oil exports began on a commercial scale in September 1961 from Esso's Zelten fields in the Sirtican area, concession No. 6.

Between 1946 and 1951 Richard Goodchild carried out the fieldwork that was to result in a seminal series of articles and publications on the ancient settlements of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica (Goodchild 1948; 1949a/b; 1950a/b/c/d; 1951a/b/c; 1952a/b/c; 1953; 1954c; 1971; 1976; Goodchild and Ward-Perkins 1953; Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949; 1953). The cartographic results appeared in 1954 as two splendid sheets in the ill-fated Tabula Imperii Romani (TIR) series at a scale of 1:1,000,000 (Goodchild 1954a/b). These twenty-two publications remain of fundamental importance to our understanding of the ancient topography of Libya.Goodchild's map can with hindsight be seen as one of the few successes of the ill-fated TIR project. The TIR initiative aimed to produce 58 maps covering the Roman world, but huge problems have beset it all along and only 11 maps have ever appeared in definitive form. Although work continues in some areas, it must be considered improbable that this series will ever be completed (see Talbert 1992 for a thorough review of the history of the TIR).The fact that it is now nearly 40 years since the compilation of Goodchild's two TER sheets for Libya is probably reason enough for resuming his interest in mapping ancient Libya. Much has happened in the interim to refine our knowledge of both urban and rural settlement, as a glance at the relevant volumes of Libya Antiqua, Libyan Studies and Quaderni di Archeologia delta Libia will reveal. For the study of the ancient geography and toponomy of Cyrenaica, the studies by Stucchi (1975) and Laronde (1987) are of particular importance. In addition to map corrections necessitated by the new information and perspectives, one may cite the inconvenience caused by the incompleteness of the TIR coverage to the south, east and west of the Leptis Magna and Cyrene sheets. For instance, how can we hope to understand the settlement geography of Roman Tripolitania without reference to Tunisian western Tripolitania or to the desert tribes (Phazanii, Garamantes etc)?

Purpose This study aims to explain the driving forces behind the development of accounting regulatory institutions in post-colonial Libya. Design/methodology/approach The historical method is used to interpret relevant documentary evidence in the development of accounting in Libya vis-à-vis developments in the country’s post-colonial political-economic history. Findings The development of accounting regulation in Libya is traced to post-colonial political-economic history that occurred independent of the country’s colonial past. The immediate aftermath of colonialism (1951-1968) showed that Western accounting practices used by Western businesses operating in Libya were imbued by pro-Western ideology. Basic legislative requirements for accounting and auditing emerged during this period through legislation. Two distinct epochs surfaced during Muammar Gaddafi’s rule: initially, the state advocated a centrally planned economy, but in the 1980s, an ideological shift occurred, which opened the Libyan economy to the global market. The first epoch saw the formation of accounting regulatory agencies consistent with the state-centred organisation of society, and the second epoch engendered the development of accounting standards consistent with the developments in market-centred societies during the era of globalisation. Originality/value The study offers unique historical evidence on the development of accounting regulation in a developing country independent of its colonial history. The study enhances our understanding of how the interplay between the political economy and the ideological basis of the state determines the historical path of accounting as a basis for predicting the possible future direction of accounting development.

The development of human history has proven that relations between countries are inevitable and are a necessity and often cause conflicts. Along with its development, an unavoidable event is an increase in violations of the provisions of international law, especially with regard to the principle of persona grata where officials or diplomat representatives should get protection when it has been received and placed in the recipient country. As happened in mid-2012 namely regarding the bombing incident carried out through a rocket attack on the United States Embassy (Libya) Office, Libya, in Benghazi City, on September 11, 2012. The attack resulted in the Ambassador and three embassy staff killed. In research that uses normative juridical methods, it is necessary to use secondary data, such as books, laws, and research results on research topics to determine the extent of the legal consequences of the principle of persona grata that has been violated. Based on the results of the study explained that the Libyan Government is responsible for the incident because it fulfills two elements of state responsibility including act or omission that can be imputable to a country, and the act or omission constitutes a violation of an international obligation, especially regarding the principle of persona grata. The Government of Libya as the recipient country is obliged to be responsible based on the 1961 Vienna Convention Article 22 Paragraph (2). As the injured party, the United States can hold the Libyan government diplomatically responsible, namely negotiations, bearing in mind that the benefits of negotiation settlement can be measured in all aspects.

The development of human history has proven that relations between countries are inevitable and are a necessity and often cause conflicts. Along with its development, an unavoidable event is an increase in violations of the provisions of international law, especially with regard to the principle of persona grata where officials or diplomat representatives should get protection when it has been received and placed in the recipient country. As happened in mid-2012 namely regarding the bombing incident carried out through a rocket attack on the United States Embassy (Libya) Office, Libya, in Benghazi City, on September 11, 2012. The attack resulted in the Ambassador and three embassy staff killed. In research that uses normative juridical methods, it is necessary to use secondary data, such as books, laws, and research results on research topics to determine the extent of the legal consequences of the principle of persona grata that has been violated. Based on the results of the study explained that the Libyan Government is responsible for the incident because it fulfills two elements of state responsibility including act or omission that can be imputable to a country, and the act or omission constitutes a violation of an international obligation, especially regarding the principle of persona grata. The Government of Libya as the recipient country is obliged to be responsible based on the 1961 Vienna Convention Article 22 Paragraph (2). As the injured party, the United States can hold the Libyan government diplomatically responsible, namely negotiations, bearing in mind that the benefits of negotiation settlement can be measured in all aspects.

The establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 significantly reduced the number of Jewish displaced persons in Italy's DP camps. However, it also marked the beginning of an unexpected movement of some eight thousand Jews who, between 1948 and 1949, travelled to Italy from Libya, seeking international assistance to resettle in Israel. This article explores the reasons for which the Jews of Libya illegally attempted to reach Italy's DP camps, the role Jewish and Zionist organisations played in this process, and the reaction of international humanitarianism to the ensuing emergency. It argues that a Eurocentric vision, intrinsically rooted in the international refugee regime of that time, deprived the Jews fleeing from Libya of the status of displaced persons.

The Italian/Italophone Jewish community is amongst those that suffered from the Holocaust and other traumas. Drawing on the work of thinkers of trauma theory such as Dori Laub and Cathy Caruth, this paper aims to add to the current discourse on literary production by Italian/Italophone Jews by analyzing the trauma of the Italian Jewish community in postcolonial Libya, a topic often neglected by scholars. In 1967, the long-established Jewish community in Libya was forced to leave, abandoning all its property and economic funds. Victor Magiar, a Sephardic Jew born in Libya in 1957, was among those who — like all Jews who lived in Arabic lands — experienced trauma due to a myriad of factors, such as pogroms and the fact that he had no passport and true nationality. Through Magiar’s novel E venne la notte: Ebrei in un paese arabo (2003), this paper examines the trauma of the “fear-induced exodus” to Italy on the writer and his community. Moreover, a continuous dialogue with the author informs the analysis of the trauma involved in his story and the Sephardi community history, which also includes the elucidation of Jewish identity in postcolonial Libya. This paper highlights the details of history and stories that go beyond the novel itself, illuminating a nearly unknown facet of Italian history and of the country’s current multilingual and multicultural society.

The 2011 Libya campaign highlighted the divergence of interests between France and Germany within the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in matters of Middle East and global security. This divergence calls for a reassessment of the meaning of their bilateral cooperation, as defined in the Treaty of Friendship between France and Germany, otherwise known as the Élysée Treaty, signed on 22 January 1963 by Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and President Charles de Gaulle. This article focuses on France, which engaged militarily in Libya cooperating with the United Kingdom as its principal European partner. Germany, for reasons explained by its history, political culture, and the nature of its federal system, chose to abstain in the United Nations vote to authorize the campaign. These differences between France and Germany suggest a contrast in their respective security and, particularly defense, policy objectives on the fiftieth anniversary of the Élysée Treaty.

To mark the twentieth year of publication of the Report of the Society for Libyan Studies, selective bibliographies have been compiled of publications of ancient art and architecture in Tripolitania (H. Walda) and Cyrenaica (S. Walker). Particular attention has been given to sculpture and architecture of the Punic, Greek and Roman periods. Byzantine and Islamic works are regretfully excluded. Brief overviews of the direction of recent research precede the bibliographies. To conform with the ‘house style’ ofLibyan Studies, the bibliographies have been edited using the Harvard reference system.

The political and economic upheaval in the Libyan Jamahiriyah since 1969 had a profound impact on the country’s educational institutions, its research facilities and the local academic community as well. Revolutionary Committees at the local universities and the relocation of ministries and research institutes led to the dispersal and sometimes destruction of research and data collections. This was exacerbated by a general suspicion of Western-style research and by the forced return of scores of young scholars as the Qadhdhafi regime increased its confrontation with the West.

Since 1968 the number of inscriptions newly found in Libya has been limited by the limited scale of excavations; but there has been some compensation from the results of surface surveys and from chance discoveries, especially in rural areas. Although the individual items are not necessarily stirring, they form, when taken together, a valuable base for study of the rural populations, at least within the city territories or near to the Roman forts.There has been, indeed, a steady stream of articles on inscriptions, or using inscriptions. Together with some new texts, they have presented many new readings and interpretations of ones previously published. In addition four small corpora have appeared: of the inscriptions of Apollonia (Reynolds 1976, 293–333), of Berenice (Reynolds 1977, 233–254), of the Jewish inhabitants of Cyrenaica (Lüderitz 1983), and of the Neo-Punic texts of Tripolitania known by 1967 (Levi della Vida and Amadasi Guzzo 1987).Another feature of the twenty years has been the intermittent publication of bibliographies of work in progress (Garbini 1974 (Neo-Punic), Gasperini and Paci 1975, Paci 1979 (Cyrenaica and Tripolitania), Reynolds 1972, 1980a (Cyrenaica), Le Glay 1974 (Tripolitania)). These, together with the running records produced approximately every year (L'Année Epigraphique, L'Année Philologique, Bulletin Epigraphique (in REG), SEG), obviate the need to do more here than note what seems to me to show best where the epigraphic contribution is leading us. The selection is inevitably much influenced by my current interests; it is not at all intended to suggest that what is omitted is lacking in importance.

AbstractThe classification/chronology system which Mori put forward in 1965 for the rock-drawing sequence of the Acacus mountains has not since then been modified. It now needs re-examination, taking into account the recently acquired archaeological, palaeoclimatological and archaeozoological data and also the rock-drawing sequence of the Tassili. Indeed, several schools are found in both massifs. Firstly, this article summarises the archaeological results from recent excavations, mainly from Ti-n-Torha; the 14C dates relevant to rock-pictures are set within their context and evaluated. Secondly, a new classification/chronology system is proposed, which matches the data provided by the other disciplines and the Tassilian sequence. Only some of Mori's initial units have been kept. Among the Acacus engravings, some have slight traits belonging to the ‘Naturalistic Bubaline’. Other engravings are considered unclassifiable. As for the paintings, the Round Heads are represented by their final phases only. A ‘Uan Amil Herders’ group corresponds to the ‘Final Bovidian’, not to the Early Bovidian. Finally the ‘Ti-n-Anneuin Herders’ group is the most strongly represented in the Tassili as well as in the Acacus mountains. It is contemporary with the Horse Period. Some sets of paintings also appear as unclassifiable. Whether the Garamantes are to be linked with the most recent schools remains questionable.

The past two decades have seen dramatic changes of perspective and an explosion of new information in the broad fields covered by this overview. Within the constraints of space allowed it is not possible to cover all aspects or to mention all relevant publications. References to pre-1969 work have been kept to a minimum, except where dramatic revision of older views is now necessary.The traditional picture of the Roman frontier in Tripolitania owes an incalculable debt to the pioneering work of Richard Goodchild. Much of his observation remains of the highest value (accessible particularly through the volume of collected articles (edited by Joyce Reynolds), Goodchild 1976), but in the 40 years since his initial work on the limes Tripolitanus (1949a/b; 1950a/b; Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949) the available body of data has increased greatly and the conceptual framework for interpreting it has changed considerably (the scale of the reappraisal may be judged by comparing Brogan and Smith 1957 and 1985). The most controversial aspects of Goodchild's work concern the date of the development of a frontier in Tripolitania and the interpretation of the fortified farms which are so characteristic of the zone: ‘…no traces of a pre-Severan limes have yet been found. In this respect it may be significant that the linear fossata which Baradez has proved to constitute the central feature of the Numidian limes, and which he tentatively dated to the Hadrianic period, have not yet been found in the area of modern Tripolitania … Apart from … the outer fortresses of Gheriat el-Garbia and Bu Ngem … the military works of the limes Tripolitanus seem to have consisted almost exclusively of fortified farmhouses occupied by Libyan limitanei.’ (Goodchild 1950 = 1976, 44).

AbstractA small Christian monument of centralised plan built against the West Wall of Apollonia was excavated and slightly restored by the Libyan Department of Antiquities under the directorship of the late Professor Goodchild during the sixties. In 1967 the present writer, then architect to the Michigan Apollonia Expedition, was commissioned to make a set of drawings of the monument as a basis for its publication by Professor Goodchild to appear in the Michigan Report. Professor Goodchild's untimely death in 1968 nullified the project and eventually in its stead only a cursory notice of the monument appeared. The substantive treatment of the monument, utilising the prepared set of drawings, was reserved for the long laboured Corpus of Christian Antiquities of Cyrenaica. Unfortunately in turn this design was frustrated by the death of Professor Ward Perkins in 1986 so that the detailed drawings of the monument remained unpublished for 25 years. In 1991 old prints of the drawings were recovered and are published here with a commentary.This small square monument with a dome on four pillars giving a rudimentary cross-in-square plan is of late sixth century date. It is clearly sepulchral, whether it be a simple tomb or a martyrion. Thus in spite of its provincial guise it is of interest and significance (together with the Church at Qasr el Lebia) in the long vexed question of the origins of the ecumenical Byzantine cross-in-square plan.

AbstractOver the past thirty-nine years, the Libyan maʾluf musical tradition undergone through several changes in order to ensure its existence. Most of these changes and/or innovations had generated new performance practices that changed the more familiar and traditional sonority of this musical genre as it used to be experienced by the Libyans in the context of the zāwīya (Sufi meeting place). These innovations were being proposed by a newly established ensemble that in 1963 was set up by the renowned Libyan musician Hassan Araibi as to revitalize a musical tradition which at that time was on the verge of extinction. At first, the people could not accept, for instance, the inclusion of “modern” instruments such as the violin and cello in a maʿlūf ensemble because such instruments were considered as not belonging to Arabic instrumentation. But then the same people began realizing that such innovative practices were not only stimulating a new interest in this musical tradition but were also assisting in the continuation and preservation of the same tradition. This article presents a case in which “modern” practices of performance and dissemination had guaranteed the existence of an “old” musical tradition to the extent that nowadays this same tradition is still enjoyed in both its “authentic” and “modern” forms.

During the past two decades all the major cities of Cyrenaica have seen new fieldwork, and much has been achieved. The Department of Antiquities has been active, particularly in the increasingly important area of rescue archaeology. Its resolute and skilful efforts have included very important work at Shahat (Cyrene) (Walker (in Walda and Walker), this volume) and at Benghazi (Berenice). At the latter city, one of the least known in Cyrenaica, the Department's excavations at Sidi Khrebish demonstrated the rich archaeological potential of the site and led to the large-scale campaigns of 1971-5, in which the Society for Libyan Studies was deeply involved.Generous support has also been extended to British teams at Euesperides (Berenice's predecessor), Driana (Hadrianopolis), Tocra (Tauchira) and Tolmeita (Ptolemais); to the Italian Mission, whose work at Cyrene has proceeded throughout the period; to the major American investigation of the extra-mural Demeter sanctuary at the same site; and to the French Mission, which has conducted annual campaigns at Susa (Apollonia) since 1976. There has also been productive research into the minor towns.Perhaps the outstanding feature of the period under review, however, has been publication. No less than thirteen major site reports (see bibliography under Apollonia, Berenice, Cirene, Cyrene and Tocra), several works of synthesis (Goodchild 1971; Huskinson 1975; Rosenbaum and Ward-Perkins 1980; Stucchi 1975), collected papers (Goodchild 1976) and a profusion of shorter studies in journals, conference proceedings (Barker, Lloyd and Reynolds 1985; Gadallah 1971; Stucchi and Luni 1987) and exhibition publications (Missione Italiana 1987) have appeared — a very rich harvest. Many of course, had their genesis in earlier research, particularly during the fecund years of Richard Goodchild's controllership. Amongst much else, this saw Boardman and Hayes' exemplary Tocra project, which in its use of quantification, scientific analysis and other techniques anticipated later British and American work; the University of Michigan's extensive research at Apollonia; and the inauguration of the Italian Mission, under S. Stucchi, to Cyrene (Stucchi 1967), whose work on the architectural development, art and anastylosis of the city continues to make an outstanding contribution to our appreciation of Libya's archaeology and cultural heritage.

‘Iraq in 1939’ makes an argument that this pivotal year in the history of the Greater Mediterranean was also pivotal for Iraq. The European contest among fascism, communism and liberalism, had strong echoes in Iraq. Whereas the existing historiography paints Arab Iraq as deeply influenced by fascism, the author found no evidence for this allegation. Iraqis were reported in the British archives to have been disgusted by Hitler's invasion of Poland as a form of colonialism. Italy's own colonial enterprise in Libya tarnished its image among Arabs, and the Iraqi monarch expressed unease about a Yemeni arms deal with Italy. Germany was not at that point interested in Arab nationalism, and still hoped for a British alliance of Aryans. The reach of German radio broadcasts has been exaggerated, and prominent Iraqi poets and political societies roundly condemned fascism. The Communist movement in Iraq was still in its infancy in 1939, and a left-leaning military dictatorship had recently been overthrown in favor of a return to constitutional monarchy. The victor in 1939 was the relatively pro-British liberal government of Nuri al-Sa'id. The Arab nationalists in the officer corps, however, did wish to use the rise of the Axis as a lever to escape the onerous postcolonial British dominance stipulated in the 1930 treaty. Although they did not seek an Axis alliance, merely a neutrality as between it and Britain, this attempt to move away from London's embrace set them on a collision course with Britain, which reoccupied the country only two years later. The war-time British interpretation of Iraqi elites' flirtation with a Turkish-style neutrality as an embrace of Nazism has too long influenced later historians, and needs to be abandoned in light of the evidence in the British archives themselves.

AbstractThis article analyzes the role of soil in the making of authoritarian regimes and illustrates twentieth-century practices and discourses related to fertility across the globe. It compares two different approaches to and understandings of soil fertility: the first emerged in North Libya under Italian Fascist rule (1922–1943), the second in Central Brazil during the civil-military dictatorship (1964–1985). We compare two soil-forming processes that changed physical and chemical properties of the original matter and were embedded within specific ideologies of modernization. In both cases, state agendas of agrarian production played a paramount role not only in socioeconomic projects but also as an instrument to suppress opposition. Technocratic and political aspects of building and maintaining fertility were interwoven, although in different patterns in the two countries. We show how the rejuvenation of land bled into the regeneration of communities through processes that anchored the self-definition and development of these authoritarian regimes, and argue that attempts at landscape transformations through agricultural activity and strategies of fertilization are inescapable features of dictatorships. In so doing, we elaborate the concept of “authoritarian soil.” The juxtaposition of these non-synchronous cases reveals how agricultural modernization developed throughout the twentieth century. Our study is rooted in environmental history and contributes to the ongoing dialogue between that field and science and technology studies. Its cross-temporal, comparative methodology draws upon sources and historiographical debates in English, Italian, and Portuguese.

Since 1989, the Society for Libyan Studies has been carrying out, in conjunction with the Libyan Department of Antiquities, excavation and fieldwork in El Merj (Dore 1990, 1991, 1992) which is held to be the site of two earlier towns named Barqa (also spelled Barca and Barka), one of medieval date and the other Greek, as also of a Roman-period village. In this paper I wish to review critically the evidence for the identification of El Merj as medieval Barqa.The broad outline of the case is as follows: a town called Barqa is mentioned by a considerable number of medieval authors writing in Arabic. To judge from them the town flourished between the ninth and eleventh centuries AD but declined thereafter. The association of the names Barqa and El Merj with a single site seems to stem from one author, Ibn Sa 'id, writing in the thirteenth century, though even he is tentative in his identification (see below). After the fourteenth century there is a period which is devoid of information. By the eighteenth century the town(s) of Barqa/El Merj had disappeared (i.e. ceased to be inhabited) but local memory preserved the name and location of El Merj because Pacho visited its ruins and recorded the name in 1825 (see below). About twenty years after this a new town called El Merj began to grow up around a castle newly built by the Ottoman authorities on the remains of an earlier town. This town was called Barce by the Italians but reverted to being called El Merj after the second world war, and was finally destroyed by an earthquake in 1963.

The article summarizes original and literary data on different aspects of studying Cylindrotheca closterium (Ehrenberg) Reimann et Lewin 1964 in two biotopes – phytoplankton and microphytobenthos – of the Black Sea, the Sea of Azov, and the Sea of Japan for the period from 1976 to 2016. The aim of the work is to present the results of the study mainly of own data on the morphology, systematics and ecology of C. closterium in different seas and under cultivation in the laboratory. Information on the history of the species origin and its nomenclature changes is given. C. closterium belongs to the phylum Bacillariophyta, class Bacillariophyceae, order Bacillariales Hendey 1937, family Bacillariaceae Ehrenb. 1831, genus Cylindrotheca Rabenhorst 1859 emend. Reim. et Lewin 1964. This benthoplanktonic species occurs in the plankton, in littoral and sublittoral zones of the seas. The species is marine and brackish-water; it is a cosmopolite common in different geographical zones of the World Ocean. The results of studying alga by various methods under natural and experimental conditions in light and transmission electron microscopes of C. Zeiss LIBRA-120 are presented. The quantitative data of C. closterium were determined by direct counting of the cells in the Goryaev’ camera (V = 0.9 mm³) in light microscopes BIOLAM L-212, C. Zeiss Axioskop 40 with the program AxioVision Rel. 4.6 at 10×40, 10×100, and Olympus BX41 (Tokyo, Japan) with lenses UPLanF140× and 100×1/30 oil immersion. Cultivation of C. closterium was carried out in the cumulative mode on the nutrient medium F, volume of 1 L under light intensity of 13.7 klx and temperature of +20…+21 °C. Morphology data of this species from different seas were obtained. The average cell sizes of C. closterium are: 25–260 µm length, 1.5–8 µm width; 12–25 fibulae in 10 µm. The results of cultivation in the laboratory conditions showed that the average cell sizes reached 148.17 µm (length) and 8 µm (width) at the temperature of +19…+20 °C and light intensity of 13 klx; length of cells reached 162.12 µm in the exponential phase of growth and 172.07 µm – in the stationary phase. C. closterium has an important practical significance as a source of fucoxanthin, since this alga is intensively cultivated for production of biologically active substances. Our experimental data showed that during laboratory cultivation the fucoxanthin concentration in a diatom biomass can reach 11 mg·g-1 of dry mass. The new data obtained are relevant and important; they can be used in different fields of science and medicine. The seasonal dynamics of population abundance of C. closterium in different ecotopes (epizoon of invertebrates and their food spectra, epiphyton of bottom vegetation, periphyton of the experimental and anthropogenic substrates of the different seas) is presented for the first time. The maximum abundance of the species population (65.6·10³ cells·cm-2) was registered in the epizoon of the mussel Mytilus galloprovincialis Lam. in March at the water temperature of +7.7 °C at a depth of 2.5 m in the Black Sea. The maximum abundance was registered in the epiphyton of green algae (896·10³ cells·cm-2) and in the periphyton of asbestos plates (728·10³ cells·cm-2) in August at the water temperature of +24.5 °C in the Sea of Japan. The abundance dynamics of C. closterium natural populations in the local habitats changed depending on the season, the depth, and the type of substrate. The similarities and differences in the distribution of C. closterium in the sea microphytobenthos are discussed.

The taxonomy of the Palearctic genusMegacraspedusZeller, 1839 (Lepidoptera, Gelechiidae) is revised, based on external morphology, genitalia and DNA barcodes. An integrative taxonomic approach supports the existence of 85 species which are arranged in 24 species groups (disputed taxa from other faunal regions are discussed). Morphology of all species is described and figured in detail. For 35 species both sexes are described; for 46 species only the male sex is reported, in one species the male is unknown, whereas in three species the female adult and/or genitalia morphology could not be analysed due to lack of material.DNA barcode sequences of the COI barcode fragment with > 500 bp were obtained from 264 specimens representing 62 species or about three-quarters of the species. Species delimitation is particularly difficult in a few widely distributed species with high and allegedly intraspecific DNA barcode divergence of nearly 14%, and with up to 23 BINs in a single species. Deep intraspecific or geographical splits in DNA barcode are frequently not supported by morphology, thus indicating a complex phylogeographic history or other unresolved molecular problems.The following 44 new species (22 of them from Europe) are described:Megacraspedusbengtssonisp. n.(Spain),M.junnilainenisp. n.(Turkey),M.similellussp. n.(Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey),M.golestanicussp. n.(Iran),M.tokarisp. n.(Croatia),M.nelisp. n.(France, Italy),M.faunierensissp. n.(Italy),M.gredosensissp. n.(Spain),M.bidentatussp. n.(Spain),M.fuscussp. n.(Spain),M.trineaesp. n.(Portugal, Spain),M.skouisp. n.(Spain),M.spinophallussp. n.(Spain),M.occidentellussp. n.(Portugal),M.granadensissp. n.(Spain),M.heckfordisp. n.(Spain),M.tenuiuncussp. n.(France, Spain),M.devoratorsp. n.(Bulgaria, Romania),M.brachypterissp. n.(Albania, Greece, Macedonia, Montenegro),M.barcodiellussp. n.(Macedonia),M.sumpichisp. n.(Spain),M.tabellisp. n.(Morocco),M.gallicussp. n.(France, Spain),M.libycussp. n.(Libya, Morocco),M.latiuncussp. n.(Kazahkstan),M.kazakhstanicussp. n.(Kazahkstan),M.knudlarsenisp. n.(Spain),M.tenuignathossp. n.(Morocco),M.glaberipalpussp. n.(Morocco),M.nupponenisp. n.(Russia),M.pototskiisp. n.(Kyrgyzstan),M.feminensissp. n.(Kazakhstan),M.kirgizicussp. n.(Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan),M.ibericussp. n.(Portugal, Spain),M.steinerisp. n.(Morocco),M.gibeauxisp. n.(Algeria, Tunisia),M.multipunctellussp. n.(Turkey),M.teriolensissp. n.(Croatia, Greece, Italy, Slovenia),M.korabicussp. n.(Macedonia),M.skuleisp. n.(Spain),M.longivalvellussp. n.(Morocco),M.peslierisp. n.(France, Spain),M.pacificussp. n.(Afghanistan), andM.armatophallussp. n.(Afghanistan).NevadiaCaradja, 1920,syn. n.(homonym),CauloecistaDumont, 1928,syn. n.,ReichardtiellaFilipjev, 1931,syn. n., andVadeniaCaradja, 1933,syn. n.are treated as junior synonyms ofMegacraspedus. Furthermore the following species are synonymised:M.subdolellusStaudinger, 1859,syn. n.,M.tuttiWalsingham, 1897,syn. n., andM.grossisquammellusChrétien, 1925,syn. n. ofM.lanceolellus(Zeller, 1850);M.culminicolaLe Cerf, 1932,syn. n.ofM.homochroaLe Cerf, 1932;M.separatellus(Fischer von Röslerstamm, 1843),syn. n.andM.incertellusRebel, 1930,syn. n.ofM.dolosellus(Zeller, 1839);M.mareotidellusTurati, 1924,syn. n.ofM.numidellus(Chrétien, 1915);M.litovalvellusJunnilainen, 2010,syn. n.ofM.imparellus(Fischer von Röslerstamm, 1843);M.kaszabianusPovolný, 1982,syn. n.ofM.leuca(Filipjev, 1929);M.chretienella(Dumont, 1928),syn. n.,M.halfella(Dumont, 1928),syn. n., andM.arnaldi(Turati & Krüger, 1936),syn. n.ofM.violacellum(Chrétien, 1915);M.escalerellusSchmidt, 1941,syn. n.ofM.squalidaMeyrick, 1926.Megacraspedusribbeella(Caradja, 1920),comb. n.,M.numidellus(Chrétien, 1915),comb. n.,M.albella(Amsel, 1935),comb. n.,M.violacellum(Chrétien, 1915),comb. n., andM.grisea(Filipjev, 1931),comb. n.are newly combined inMegacraspedus.

Target setting. In the modern musical culture of the Republic of Moldova M. V. Sechkin stands out as one of the key figures. He proved to be a multi skilled musician: piano player, conductor, and pedagogue. The scientific challenge disclosed in the article touches on creation of a coherent reflection of the work conducted by M. Sechkin in musical and artistic institutions of the Republic of Moldova during 1988–2015. Thus, notably contributing to the theoretical perception of the process of musical art development in the Republic of Moldova at the turn of the 21st century while filling up the gap in studying the history of Moldovan musical culture. Review of literature. The activity conducted by M. Sechkin was not reflected in the scientific literature. The present paper is the first attempt to present the creative portrait of the musician by summarizing press articles and a range of interviews. The purpose of this paper is confined to disclosing the contribution made by the famous piano player, conductor, and pedagogue M. Sechkin in the process of musical art development in Moldova at the turn of the 21st century. Research methodology. In the research of creative activity of M. Sechkin, use has been made of a complex of methods applicable in modern study of art: the empirical level of scientific research was established through informal personal conversations with M. Sechkin and other musicians, directly linked with his activity. Applied at the theoretical level were general scientific methods, such as analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, comparison, etc. Statement of basic material. Over the years, M. V. Sechkin, born on March 31, 1943 in the Ukrainian City of Kharkov, has contributed decisively to the development of musical culture in the Republic of Moldova as a pianist, opera and symphony orchestra conductor, professor and public figure. He took his first lessons in music from his mother Maria Sechkin Zakharchenko, the follower of K. N. Igumnov. He attended the profile secondary musical school, class of Regina Gorovitz – the sister to the famous pianist Vladimir Gorovitz. In 1966, M. Sechkin graduated from Kharkov Conservatoire as a pianist on the class of Professor Mikhail Khazanovsky and then selected to remain with the Chair as an assistant. However, his dream of making a carrier of symphony and opera conductor has taken the young musician to a different path. The interest for conducting appeared under the influence of the art of conducting revealed by Leonid Khudoley, disciple of Nikolay Golovanov. Therefore, two years later, after graduation, M. Sechkin has entered the faculty of conductors at Kharkov Institute of Arts. One year later, he moves to Kyiv Conservatoire named after P. I. Tchaikovsky, where he attended the class of Professor Mikhail Kanershtein, disciple of one of the founders of the Soviet school of conducting Nicolay Malko. Next followed probation assistantship, where M. Sechkin attended a training course headed by the outstanding Ukrainian conductor Stephan Turchak. Having accomplished his probation assistantship, M. Sechkin has joined the Symphonic orchestra of Zaporozhye Philharmonics and later on invited to Donetsk Opera Theatre, where he mastered a rather comprehensive theatrical repertoire. The Chisinau (Moldova) period of maestro’s creative biography started beck in 1988, when he accepted the invitation to join the Moldovan State Conservatoire as Professor of the Chair of Special Piano and the Chair of Operatic Training. By then he headed the Students Symphony Orchestra, being one of the first conductors of Opera Studio. The Studio repertoire included the best images of West European and Russian opera classics. Prepared from the scratch were such operas as Carmen by G. Bizet and the Noblewoman Vera Sheloga by N. А. Rimsky Korsakov. The students – alumni of this conservatoire then worked successfully at the National Opera Theatre, performed in prestigious opera scenes around the world; among these one could mention Petru Racovita, Natalia Margarit, Lilya Sholomey, Yuri Gasca, Robert Khvalov, Stephan Curudimov, Mefodie Bujor, and Liliana Lavric. The Opera Studio Orchestra was touring in Italy and Spain. For a number of decades, M. Sechkin acted as one of the key conductors at the National Opera and Ballet Theatre, while from 1990 to 1992 acted as the Principal Conductor and the Art Director. Here he worked on staging the ballets Romeo & Juliette by S. Prokofiev, Spartacus by А. Khachaturian, and operas the Marriage of Figaro by W. Mozart, Don Carlos by G. Verdi, and Iolanta by P. I. Tchaikovsky. In parallel to the theatre plays, M. Sechkin has brightly proven his qualities as a conductor of the Symphony Orchestra of the National Philharmonics named after S. Lunchevici. Under his leadership (2008–2013), the orchestra performed more than twenty show programs, including premiere hits by P. Tchaikovsky (Symphony No. 5, symphony Manfred), A. Scriabin (Symphony No. 2 and No. 3), and S. Rachmaninoff (Symphony No. 3). Many of the musicians are marking high conducting mastery of M. Sechkin in performing orchestral accompaniment and special work with the soloists prior to orchestra performance. Likewise appreciated was the work of maestro with young musicians. The conductor devotes a lot of his time to promoting the oeuvre of Moldovan composers. Since 2000 and until nowadays, within the frameworks of the Days of New Music Festival, jointly with the National Philharmonics Orchestra, the maestro prepared a number of programs compiled from the works of V. Polyakov, V. Zagorsky, V. Rotaru, A. Luxemburg, O. Negruza, B. Dubossarsky, and Z. Tcaci. In 30 years of his activity in Chisinau, M. Sechkin cooperated with all of the known orchestra ensembles. Back in 90th, maestro was successfully touring with the National Opera and Ballet Theatre in Italy, Spain, Portugal, Switzerland, Rumania and Chile. In Rumania, M. Sechkin was working full time as a conductor and then as the principal conductor of the Symphony Orchestra of the city of Botosani (1998–2013), where he managed to stage about 70 show programs. The multifaceted and fruitful activity of the musician was repeatedly marked with Certificates of Honor and Diplomas. In 1996, he was decorated with the award Maestru în Artă (Master of Arts) and in 2018 with the noble award of the People’s Artist of the Republic of Moldova. Conclusions and prospects. While appreciating the contribution made by this outstanding musician into the development of the musical culture in the Republic of Moldova, one could clearly see the determinant trajectory of his life and artistic journey – the stalwart devotion to music, musical education, nurturing young performers and listeners of different age group generations.

TotalEnergies Drills Dry Hole Offshore Suriname TotalEnergies has plugged and abandoned its Keskesi South-1 on Block 58 offshore Suriname after encountering noncommercial quantities of hydrocarbons. Keskesi South-1 was drilled about 6.2 km from the discovery well Keskesi East-1. “The first appraisal well at Keskesi was a substantial stepout designed to assess the southern extent of the feature,” said Tracey K. Henderson, senior vice president, exploration at APA, a partner in the block. “This location had the potential to confirm a very large resource in place if connected to the reservoir sands in the discovery well. However, suitable reservoir-quality sands were not developed in the Campanian target at the Keskesi South-1 location. Data gathered from the well will be used to calibrate our geologic model and inform the next steps for Keskesi appraisal.” Semisubmersible Maersk Developer has moved to the Sapakara South-1 well, where it will conduct a flow test of the previously announced appraisal success. Following the completion of the Sapakara South-1 flow test, the exploration program will continue with the spud of the Krabdagoe prospect just to the east of Keskesi. Drillship Maersk Valiant is currently drilling Bonboni, the first exploration prospect in the northern portion of Block 58. Both rigs are operated by TotalEnergies. APA Suriname holds a 50% working interest in the block, with TotalEnergies, the operator, holding the remaining 50% stake. Harbour Abandons Falklands Plan, Will Exit Basins in Brazil, Mexico Harbour Energy (formed with the merger of Premier and Chrysaor) announced it will not proceed with the Sea Lion development in the Falkland Islands. The producer will instead focus on the successful integration of Premier Oil’s assets. Sea Lion, discovered in 2010 by Rockhopper, is estimated to hold more than 500 million bbl, but development startup has been stuck in neutral. Rockhopper intends to pursue the project and will talk with other operators about participating in the wake of Harbour’s exit. Harbour also revealed plans to exit exploration license interests in the Ceará basin in Brazil and the Burgos basin in Mexico. The operator said it wants to reinvest in lower-risk opportunities in regions where the company already has a presence. Harbour is the largest UK-listed independent oil and gas producer with most of its assets located in Southeast Asia and the North Sea. BP Starts Production at Thunder Horse Expansion BP confirmed it started oil and gas production at its Thunder Horse South Phase 2 offshore expansion project in the US Gulf of Mexico. The project comprises two subsea drill centers in 6,350 ft of water. They are connected to BP’s Thunder Horse production and drilling platform by 10-in. dual flowlines and are expected to add up to 25,000 B/D of production. The scope of the expansion will see a total of eight wells brought online, adding as much as 50,000 B/D of production. “This is another significant milestone for BP, completing the delivery of our planned major projects for 2021,” said Ewan Drummond, BP senior vice president, projects, production, and operations. “This project is a great example of the type of fast-payback, high-return tieback opportunities we continue to deliver as we focus and high-grade our portfolio.” BP operates Thunder Horse with a 75% stake; ExxonMobil holds 25%. The Phase 2 expansion project is part of BP’s plans to grow its Gulf of Mexico oil and gas production to around 400,000 B/D by the middle of the decade. ReconAfrica Granted Extension in Namibia Reconnaissance Energy Africa (ReconAfrica) and its joint venture partner NAMCOR (the state oil company of Namibia) said the Ministry of Mines and Energy has granted a 1-year extension of the first renewal period to 29 January 2023, relating to the approximate 6.3-million-acre (PEL) 73 exploration license, due to the impacts of the pandemic. ReconAfrica holds a 90% interest in PEL 73 covering portions of northeast Namibia. The exploration license covers the entire Kavango sedimentary basin. Eni Achieves First Oil at Cabaça North off Angola Eni has started production from the Cabaça North development project in Block 15/06 of the Angolan deep offshore, via the Armada Olombendo FPSO vessel. The development, with an expected peak production rate in the range of 15,000 B/D, will increase and sustain the plateau of the FPSO with an overall capacity of 100,000 B/D. This is the second startup achieved by Eni Angola in 2021, after the Cuica early production achieved in July. A third startup is expected within the next few months, with the Ndungu early production in the western area of Block 15/06. Block 15/06 is operated by Eni Angola with a 36.84% share. Sonangol Pesquisa e Produção (36.84%) and SSI Fifteen Limited (26.32%) are joint venture partners. Further to Block 15/06, Eni is the operator of exploration blocks Cabinda North, Cabinda Centro, 1/14, and 28, as well as of the New Gas Consortium (NGC). In addition, Eni has stakes in the nonoperated blocks 0 (Cabinda), 3/05, 3/05A, 14, 14 K/A-IMI, and 15, and in the Angola LNG project. Gas Production at Groningen To Cease Next Year The Netherlands plans to end gas production at the large Groningen field next year, the Dutch government recently confirmed. Output at Groningen will be cut by more than 50% to 3.9 Bcm in the year through October 2022, which will be the last year of regular production. The recent runup in natural gas prices has not impacted the state’s plans. The Dutch government originally announced Groningen would shutter by mid-2022 to limit seismic risks in the region but left the possibility of emergency production in the event of extreme weather conditions from select sites. To keep these sites operational, around 1.5 Bcm of gas will be produced on a yearly basis, until a main gas storage site can be switched to the use of imported low-calorific gas instead of the high-calorific gas Groningen delivers. The government wants the conversion to happen quickly, but originally thought it would not happen until between 2025 and 2028. Discovered in 1959, the Groningen field is run by Shell and ExxonMobil joint venture NAM. BP Turns on the Taps at Matapal BP Trinidad and Tobago achieved first gas at its Matapal subsea development offshore Trinidad. The project comprises three wells which tie back into the existing Juniper platform. Matapal is located about 80 km off the southeast coast of Trinidad and approximately 8 km east of Juniper, in a water depth of 163 m. Equinor Spuds Egyptian Vulture Well off Norway Equinor has started drilling operations on the Egyptian Vulture exploration well located offshore Norway. According to well partner Longboat Energy, the drilling of the Egyptian Vulture prospect is being undertaken by Seadrill semisubmersible West Hercules. The well is expected to take up to 7 weeks to drill. The exploration probe is targeting gross mean prospective resources of 103 million BOE with further potential upside to bring the total to 208 million BOE on a gross basis. The chance of success associated with this prospect is 25% with the key risk related to reservoir quality and thickness. Longboat has gained access to a drilling program of seven exploration wells in Norway through agreements with three separate companies. Earlier, Vår Energi started drilling the Rødhette exploration well off Norway, the first in a series of seven wells where Longboat will participate as a nonoperator. SBM Secures Large FPSO Financing SBM Offshore has completed the project financing of FPSO Sepetiba for a total of $1.6 billion—the largest project financing in the company’s history. The financing was secured by a consortium of 13 international banks with insurance from Nippon Export, Investment Insurance (NEXI), and SACE SpA. China Export & Credit Insurance Corporation (Sinosure) intends to join this transaction by the end of the year and will replace a portion of the commercial banks’ commitments. Sepetiba is owned and operated by a special-purpose company owned by affiliated companies of SBM Offshore (64.5%) and its partners (35.5%). The vessel has a processing capacity of up to 180,000 B/D of oil, a water-injection capacity of 250,000 B/D, associated gas treatment capacity of 12 MMcf/D and a minimum storage capacity of 1.4 million bbl of crude oil. Sepetiba will be deployed at the Mero field in the Santos Basin offshore Brazil, 180 km offshore Rio de Janeiro. The vessel will be spread-moored in approximately 2000 m water depth. The Libra Block, where the Mero field is located, is under a production-sharing contract to a consortium (PSC) comprising operator Petrobras (40%), Shell Brasil (20%), TotalEnergies (20%), CNODC (10%), and CNOOC Limited (10%). The consortium also has the participation of state-owned Pré-Sal Petróleo SA (PPSA) as manager of the PSC.

Abstract This article examines Libyan–US relations through the historical lenses of decolonization, international law, the Cold War, and the international political economy. The Libyan government exercised its newfound sovereignty in the postwar era through the negotiation of ‘base rights’ for the US government and ‘oil rights’ for corporations owned by US nationals. They did so in conjunction with other petrostates and through international organizations such as the United Nations, the Arab League, and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. Libyan leaders’ strategy of using sovereignty to promote corporate competition relied on connections with similarly situated nations, and it was through global circuits of knowledge that they pressed the outer limits of economic sovereignty. At the same time, the US government consistently accommodated Libyan policies through Cold War arguments that linked the alliance with Libya to US national security. Those deep foundations of sovereignty and security created the conditions for the transformation of the global oil industry after Libya’s 1969 revolution.

Introduction In any list of dictators and antagonists of the West the name of Libya’s Colonel Muammar Qaddafi will always rank highly as one of the most memorable, colourful and mercurial. The roles he played to his fellow Libyans, to regional groupings, to revolutionaries and to the West were complex and nuanced. These various roles developed over time but were all grounded in his self-belief as a messianic revolutionary figure. More importantly, these roles and behaviours that stemmed from them were instrumental in preserving Qaddafi’s rule and thwarting challenges to it. These facets of Qaddafi’s public self accord with the model of “persona” described by Marshall. Whilst the nature of political persona and celebrity in the Western world has been explored by several scholars (for example Street; Wilson), little work has been conducted on the use of persona by non-democratic leaders. This paper examines the aspects of persona exhibited by Colonel Qaddafi and applied during his tenure. In constructing his role as a revolutionary leader, Qaddafi was engaging in a form of public performance aimed at delivering himself to a wider audience. Whether at home or abroad, this persona served the purpose of helping the Libyan leader consolidate his power, stymie political opposition and export his revolutionary ideals. The trajectory of his persona begins in the early days of his coming to power as a charismatic leader during a “time of distress” (Weber) and culminates in his bloody end next to a roadside drainage culvert. In between these points Qaddafi’s persona underwent refinement and reinvention. Coupled with the legacy he left on the Libyan political system, the journey of Muammar Qaddafi’s personas demonstrate how political personality can be the salvation or damnation of an entire state.Qaddafi: The Brotherly RevolutionaryCaptain Muammar Qaddafi came to power in Libya in 1969 at the age of just 27. He was the leader of a group of military officers who overthrew King Idris in a popular and relatively bloodless coup founded on an ideology of post-colonial Arab nationalism and a doing away with the endemic corruption and nepotism that were the hallmarks of the monarchy. With this revolutionary cause in mind and in an early indication that he recognised the power of political image, Qaddafi showed restraint in adopting the trappings of office. His modest promotion to the rank of Colonel was an obvious example of this, and despite the fact that in practical terms he was the supreme commander of Libya’s armed forces, he resisted the temptation to formally aggrandize himself with military titles for the ensuing 42 years of his rule.High military rank was in a way irrelevant to a man moving to change his persona from army officer to messianic national leader. Switching away from a reliance on military hierarchy as a basis for his authority allowed Qaddafi to re-cast himself as a leader with a broader mission. He began to utilise titles such as “Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council” (RCC) and “Brotherly Leader and Guide of the Revolution.” The persona on display here was one of detached impartiality and almost reluctant leadership. There was the suggestion that Qaddafi was not really acting as a head of state, but merely an ordinary Libyan who, through popular acclaim, was being begged to lead his people. The attraction of this persona remained until the bitter end for Qaddafi, with his professed inability to step aside from a leadership role he insisted he did not formally occupy. This accords with the contention of Weber, who describes how an individual favoured with charisma can step forward at a time of crisis to complete a “mission.” Once in a position of authority, perpetuating that role of leadership and acclamation can become the mission itself:The holder, of charisma seizes the task that is adequate for him and demands obedience and a following by virtue of his mission. His success determines whether he finds them. His charismatic claim breaks down if his mission is not recognized by those to whom he feels he has been sent. If they recognize him, he is their master—so long as he knows how to maintain recognition through ‘proving’ himself. But he does not derive his ‘right’ from their will, in the manner of an election. Rather, the reverse holds: it is the duty of those to whom he addresses his mission to recognize him as their charismatically qualified leader. (Weber 266-7)As his rule extended across the decades, Qaddafi fostered his revolutionary credentials via a typical cult of personality approach. His image appeared on everything from postage stamps to watches, bags, posters and billboards. Quotations from the Brother Leader were set to music and broadcast as pop songs. “Spontaneous” rallies of support would occur when crowds of loyalists would congregate to hear the Brotherly Leader speak. Although Qaddafi publicly claimed he did not like this level of public adoration he accepted it because the people wanted to adore him. It was widely known however that many of these crowds were paid to attend these rallies (Blundy and Lycett 16).Qaddafi: The Philosopher In developing his persona as a guide and a man who was sharing his natural gifts with the people, Qaddafi developed a post-colonial philosophy he called “Third Universal Theory.” This was published in volumes collectively known as The Green Book. This was mandatory reading for every Libyan and contained a distillation of Qaddafi’s thoughts and opinions on everything from sports to politics to religion to the differences between men and women. Whilst it may be tempting for outsiders to dismiss these writings as the scribbling of a dictator, the legacy of Qaddafi’s persona as political philosopher is worthy of some examination. For in offering his revelations to the Libyan people, Qaddafi extended his mandate beyond leader of a revolution and into the territory of “messianic reformer of a nation.”The Green Book was a three-part series. The first instalment was written in 1975 and focuses on the “problem of democracy” where Qaddafi proposes direct democracy as the best option for a progressive nation. The second instalment, published in 1977, focuses on economics and expounds socialism as the solution to all fiscal woes. (Direct popular action here was evidenced in the RCC making rental of real estate illegal, meaning that all tenants in the country suddenly found themselves granted ownership of the property they were occupying!) The final chapter, published in 1981, proposes the Third Universal Theory where Qaddafi outlines his unique solution for implementing direct democracy and socialism. Qaddafi coined a new term for his Islamically-inspired socialist utopia: Jamahiriya. This was defined as being a “state of the masses” and formed the blueprint for Libyan society which Qaddafi subsequently imposed.This model of direct democracy was part of the charismatic conceit Qaddafi cultivated: that the Libyan people were their own leaders and his role was merely as a benevolent agent acceding to their wishes. However the implementation of the Jamahiriya was anything but benevolent and its legacy has crippled post-Qaddafi Libya. Under this system, Libyans did have some control over their affairs at a very local level. Beyond this, an increasingly complex series of committees and regional groupings, over which the RCC had the right of veto, diluted the participation of ordinary citizens and their ability to coalesce around any individual leader. The banning of standard avenues of political organisation, such as parties and unions, coupled with a ruthless police state that detained and executed anyone offering even a hint of political dissent served to snuff out any opposition before it had a chance to gather pace. The result was that there were no Libyans with enough leadership experience or public profile to take over when Qaddafi was ousted in 2011.Qaddafi: The Liberator In a further plank of his revolutionary persona Qaddafi turned to the world beyond Libya to offer his brotherly guidance. This saw him champion any cause that claimed to be a liberation or resistance movement struggling against the shackles of colonialism. He tended to favour groups that had ideologies aligned with his own, namely Arab unity and the elimination of Israel, but ultimately was not consistent in this regard. Aside from Palestinian nationalists, financial support was offered to groups such as the Provisional Irish Republican Army, the Moro National Liberation Front (Philippines), Umkhonto we Sizwe (South Africa), ETA (Spain), the Polisario Front (Western Sahara), and even separatist indigenous Australians. This policy of backing revolutionary groups was certainly a projection of his persona as a charismatic enabler of the revolutionary mission. However, the reception of this mission in the wider world formed the basis for the image that Qaddafi most commonly occupied in Western eyes.In 1979 the ongoing Libyan support for groups pursuing violent action against Israel and the West saw the country designated a State-Sponsor of Terror by the US Department of State. Diplomatic relations between the two nations were severed and did not resume until 2004. At this point Qaddafi seemed to adopt a persona of “opponent of the West,” ostensibly on behalf of the world’s downtrodden colonial peoples. The support for revolutionary groups was changing to a more active use of them to strike at Western interests. At the same time Qaddafi stepped up his rhetoric against America and Britain, positioning himself as a champion of the Arab world, as the one leader who had the courage of his convictions and the only one who was squarely on the side of the ordinary citizenry (in contrast to other, more compliant Arab rulers). Here again there is evidence of the charismatic revolutionary persona, reluctantly taking up the burden of leadership on behalf of his brothers.Whatever his ideals, the result was that Qaddafi and his state became the focus of increasing Western ire. A series of incidents between the US and Libya in international waters added to the friction, as did Libyan orchestrated terror attacks in Berlin, Rome and Vienna. At the height of this tension in 1986, American aircraft bombed targets in Libya, narrowly missing Qaddafi himself. This role as public enemy of America led to Qaddafi being characterised by President Ronald Reagan (no stranger to the use of persona himself) as the “mad dog of the Middle East” and a “squalid criminal.” The enmity of the West made life difficult for ordinary Libyans dealing with crippling sanctions, but for Qaddafi, it helped bolster his persona as a committed revolutionary.Qaddafi: Leader of the Arab and African Worlds Related to his early revolutionary ideologies were Qaddafi’s aspirations as a pan-national leader. Inspired by Egypt’s Gamel Abdul Nasser from a young age, the ideals of pan-Arab unity were always a cornerstone of Qaddafi’s beliefs. It is not therefore surprising that he developed ambitions of being the person to bring about and “guide” that unity. Once again the Weberian description of the charismatic leader is relevant, particularly the notion that such leadership does not respect conventional boundaries of functional jurisdictions or local bailiwicks; in this case, state boundaries.During the 1970s Qaddafi was involved in numerous attempts to broker Arab unions between Libya and states such as Egypt, Syria and Tunisia. All of these failed to materialise once the exact details of the mergers began to be discussed, in particular who would assume the mantle of leadership in these super-states. In line with his persona as the rightly-guided revolutionary, Qaddafi consistently blamed the failure of these unions on the other parties, souring his relationship with his fellow Arab leaders. His hardline stance on Israel also put him at odds with those peers more determined to find a compromise. Following the assassination of Egypt’s Anwar Sadat in 1981 Qaddafi praised the act as justified because of Sadat’s signing of the Camp David Accords with Israel.Having given up on the hope of achieving pan-Arab Unity, Qaddafi sought to position himself as a leader of the African bloc. In 2009 he became Chairperson of the African Union and took to having himself introduced as “The King of Kings of Africa.” The level of dysfunction of the African Union was no less than that of the Arab League and Qaddafi’s grandiose plans for becoming the President of the United States of Africa failed to materialise.In both his pan-Arab and pan-Africa ambitions, we see a persona of Qaddafi that aims at leadership beyond his own state. Whilst there may be delusions of grandeur apparent in the practicalities of these goals, this image was nevertheless something that Qaddafi used to leverage the next phase of his political transformation.Qaddafi: The Post-9/11 Statesman However much he might be seen as erratic, Qaddafi’s innate intelligence could result in a political astuteness lacking in many of his Arab peers. Following the events of 11 September 2001, Qaddafi was the first international leader to condemn the attacks on America and pledge support in the War on Terror and the extermination of al-Qaeda. Despite his history as a supporter of terrorism overseas, Qaddafi had a long history of repressing it at home, just as with any other form of political opposition. The pan-Islamism of al-Qaeda was anathema to his key ideologies of direct democracy (guided by himself). This meant the United States and Libya were now finally on the same team. As part of this post-9/11 sniffing of the wind, Qaddafi abandoned his fledgling Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) program and finally agreed to pay reparations to the families of the victims of the Pan Am 107 flight downed over Lockerbie in 1987.This shift in Qaddafi’s policy did not altogether dispel his persona of brotherly leadership amongst African nations. As a bloc leader and an example of the possibility of ‘coming in from the cold’, Qaddafi and Libya were reintegrated into the world community. This included giving a speech at the United Nations in 2009. This event did little to add to his reputation as a statesman in the West. Given a 15-minute slot, the Libyan leader delivered a rambling address over 90 minutes long, which included him tearing up a copy of the UN Charter and turning his back to the audience whilst continuing to speak.Qaddafi: The Clown From the Western point of view, performances like this painted Qaddafi’s behaviour as increasingly bizarre. Particularly after Libya’s rapprochement with the West, the label of threatening terrorist supporter faded and was replaced with something along the lines of a harmless clown prince. Tales of the Libyan leader’s coterie of virgin female bodyguards were the subject of ridicule, as was his ardour for US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. Perhaps this behaviour was indicative of a leader increasingly divorced from reality. Surrounded by sycophants dependent on his regard for their tenure or physical survival, as well as Western leaders eager to contrast his amiability with that of Saddam Hussein, nobody was prepared to draw attention to the emperor’s new clothes.Indeed, elaborate and outlandish clothing played an increasing role in Qaddafi’s persona as the decades went on. His simple revolutionary fatigues of the early years were superseded by a vast array of military uniforms heavily decorated with medals and emblems; traditional African, Arab or Bedouin robes depending on the occasion; and in later years a penchant for outfits that included images of the African continent or pictures of dead martyrs. (In 2009 Vanity Fair did a tongue-in-cheek article on the fashion of Colonel Qaddafi entitled Dictator Chic: Colonel Qaddafi—A Life in Fashion. This spawned a number of similar features including one in TIME Magazine entitled Gaddafi Fashion: The Emperor Had Some Crazy Clothes.)The Bedouin theme was an aspect of persona that Qaddafi cultivated as an ascetic “man of the people” throughout his leadership. Despite having many palaces available he habitually slept in an elaborate tent, according once again with Weber’s description of the charismatic leader as one who eschews methodical material gain. This predisposition served him well in the 1986 United States bombing, when his residence in a military barracks was demolished, but Qaddafi escaped unscathed as he was in his tent at the time. He regularly entertained foreign dignitaries in tents when they visited Libya and he took one when travelling abroad, including pitching it in the gardens of a Parisian hotel during a state visit in 2007. (A request to camp in New York’s Central Park for his UN visit in 2009 was denied; “Inside the Tents of Muammar Gaddafi”).The role of such a clown was unlikely to have been an aim for Qaddafi, but was instead the product of his own increasing isolation. It will likely be his most enduring character in the Western memory of his rule. It should be noted though that clowns and fools do not maintain an iron grip on power for over 40 years.The Legacy of Qaddafi’s Many Personas Colonel Muammar Qaddafi was a clever and complex leader who exhibited many variations of persona during his four decades of rule. These personas were generally facets of the same core self-belief of a charismatic leader, but could be conflicting, and often confusing, to observers. His eccentricities often hid a layer of deeper cunning and ambition, but ultimately led to his marginalisation and an impression by world leaders that he was untrustworthy.His erratic performance at the UN in 2009 perhaps typifies the end stages of Qaddafi’s leadership: a man increasingly disconnected from his people and the realities of what was going on around him. His insistence that the 2011 Libyan revolution was variously a colonial or terrorist inspired piece of theatre belied the deep resentment of his rule. His role as opponent of the Western and Arab worlds alike meant that he was unsupported in his attempts to deal with the uprising. Indeed, the West’s rapid willingness to use their airpower was instrumental in speeding on the rebel forces.What cannot be disputed is the chaotic legacy this charismatic figure left for his country. Since the uprising climaxed in his on-camera lynching in October 2011, Libya has been plunged in to turmoil and shows no signs of this abating. One of the central reasons for this chaos is that Qaddafi’s supremacy, his political philosophies, and his use of messianic persona left Libya completely unprepared for rule by any other party.This ensuing chaos has been a cruel, if ironic, proof of Qaddafi’s own conceit: Libya could not survive without him.References Al-Gathafi, Muammar. The Green Book: The Solution to the Problem of Democracy; The Solution to the Economic Problem; The Social Basis of the Third Universal Theory. 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Street, John. “Celebrity Politicians: Popular Culture and Political Representation.” British Journal of Politics and International Relations 6 (2004): 435-52.Street, John. “Do Celebrity Politics and Celebrity Politicians Matter?” The British Journal of Politics & International Relations 14.3 (2012): 346-356.TIME Magazine. “Gaddafi Fashion: The Emperor Had Some Crazy Clothes.” ‹http://content.time.com/time/photogallery/0,29307,2055860,00.html›.TIME Magazine. “Inside the Tents of Muammar Gaddafi.” ‹http://content.time.com/time/photogallery/0,29307,2058074,00.html›.Totman, Sally, and Mat Hardy. “In the Green Zone: 40 years with Colonel Qaddafi.” Ed. Geoffrey Hawker. APSA 2009: Proceedings of the APSA Annual Conference 2009. Sydney: Macquarie University, 2009. 1-19.Totman, Sally, and Mat Hardy. “The Rise and Decline of Libya as a Rogue State.” OCIS 2008: Oceanic Conference on International Studies. Brisbane: University of Queensland, 2008. 1-25.Vanity Fair. “Dictator Chic: Colonel Qaddafi—A Life in Fashion.” ‹http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2009/08/qaddafi-slideshow200908›.Weber, Max, Hans Heinrich Gerth, and C. Wright Mills. From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology. London: Routledge, 2009.Wilson, J. “Kevin Rudd, Celebrity and Audience Democracy in Australia.” Journalism 15.2 (2013): 202-217.

Abstract Al-Muqrinat cave was first visited by the Italian researcher Umberto Paradisi in June 1964, after he was told by the locals of its location. Paradisi in turn conducted the first field study in the region. Archaeologist Charles McBurney made some observations on the study particularly with respect to the history of the engravings and the site was referred to as being the first discovery of rock art in the Green Mountain. No further field studies were carried out until 2001, when Libyan student Saad Buhajar investigated the site as part of his master's research. This article is the result of intermittent visits to the cave over a period of 27 years and provides the accurate descriptions of findings including new discoveries.

Don DeLillo reimagines and revisions the Kennedy assassination in Libra. Nicholas Branch, a retired senior analyst for the CIA, has been hired on contract to write a definitive account of the events at Dealey Plaza on November 22nd, 1963. In the process, Branch subsumes the role of the museum curator; he meticulously combs through the received records in order to challenge accepted versions of “history”. As the novel’s character-as-curator, Branch examines, positions, interprets, and displays the artifacts at hand to outline the numerous plots swirling around the assassination. This paper will demonstrate how DeLillo, through Branch, reimagines the space of the novel, transforming it into a museum display that challenges the Warren Commission’s “Single-Bullet Theory” and its “Lone-Gunman Theory”, to instead suggest the possible presence of multiple shooters. As the novel’s character-as-curator, Branch meticulously places the objects on display and leaves it to the reader to decide which view to adopt or accept.