Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Libertà religiose »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Libertà religiose"
1
Szewczul, Bożena. « Kształtowanie się prawa zakonników do należnej wolności w zakresie korzystania z sakramentu pokuty i kierownictwa duchowego (I) : (rys historyczno-prawny) ». Prawo Kanoniczne 50, no 1-2 (15 juin 2007) : 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.2007.50.1-2.02.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La dovuta libertà dei religiosi nella scelta del confessore e del direttore spirituale e stata definitivamente espressa nel diritto canonico piu di 30 anni fa. La liberta sembra sia chiara, riconosciuta e rispettata in ogni comunità religiosa ma non sempre succede così. Insorgono, infatti, dei problerni, sia da parte dei superiori che delle comunità, i quali possono scatenare conflitti di coscienza in alcuni religiosi. Nell’articolo, l’autrice vuole presentare le difficoltà createsi al diritto soprannominato lungo la storia della vita consacrata. Si augura, inoltre, che l’esperienza degli anacoreti e dei primi monaci aiuti a far comprendere meglio ai superiori religiosi e a tutti i membri delle comunità religiose la necesità della dovuta libertà per quanto riguarda il Sacramento della penitenza e la direzione della cosienza nella loro vita spirituale.
2
Souza, Lidyane Maria Ferreira de, et Luca Baccelli. « L'UTILITÀ DELL’ANALISI CULTURALE DEI DIRITTI SOGGETTIVI RELIGIOSI ». Revista Eletrônica do Curso de Direito da UFSM 17, no 1 (31 décembre 2022) : e79979. http://dx.doi.org/10.5902/1981369470979.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nei paesi democratici, l’ordine giuridico in genere riconosce diritti soggettivi religiosi, prima di tutti la libertà religiosa. Dalla Guerra dei Trent’anni, un’ esperienza storicamente e geograficamente abbastanza specIfica, la libertà religiosa è presentata come soluzione universale alla sfida della coesistenza di differenti credenze religiose nello stesso spazio politico. Di conseguenza, si osserva come questi diritti promuovano determinati tipi di soggettività e di organizzazione religiosa. Dato che tale critica è già stata rivolta alla categoria dei diritti soggettivi, così come a quella dei diritti umani, questo articolo investiga se le risposte fornite a queste critiche – nell’ambito dei studi sociogiuridici, dell’analisi culturale del diritto e della filosofia e sociologia dei diritti umani – possono contribuire a riflettere sull’utilità dei diritti soggettivi religiosi per le persone di fede non egemonica. Si conclude che l’analisi culturale permette identificare possibili reinvenzioni della strategia politica dei diritti soggettivI religiosi.
3
Bianca Ceffa, Claudia. « Fra coesistenza e convivenza. Le interazioni tra diritti individuali e collettivi all'interno delle confessioni religiose ». DIRITTO COSTITUZIONALE, no 2 (juin 2021) : 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/dc2021-002003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Muovendo dalle peculiarità di quelle particolari formazioni sociali costituite dalle confessioni religiose, l'articolo mira ad indagare come al loro interno sia affrontato il tema del rapporto fra tutela delle libertà individuali e salvaguardia dell'autonomia confessionale, anche alla luce delle nuove esigenze della società multiculturale. Queste ultime, infatti, imponendo all'ordinamento di considerare nuovi possibili profili di lesione dei diritti inviolabili dell'uomo all'interno dei gruppi religiosi, rinnovano il dibattito intorno all'opportunità dell'esistenza dei diritti collettivi in capo alle realtà confessionali, nonostante la funzionalità di tale categoria di diritti all'inveramento dell'obiettivo costituzionale dello sviluppo della personalità individuale.
4
Sgreccia, Elio. « Quando la fede si confronta con la legge nell’ambito delle biotecnologie umane ». Medicina e Morale 51, no 3 (30 juin 2002) : 407–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/mem.2002.691.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L’articolo analizza il rapporto tra istanze religiose e la legge civile, tenendo presente i possibili interventi della legge nel campo della genetica e della procreazione.
Dopo aver argomentato che il dialogo tra fedi religiose e regimi democratici stia diventando sempre più urgente per evitare sia i fondamentalismi religiosi sia presunte neutralità morali delle democrazie liberali, l’autore afferma che il fatto religioso cristiano-cattolico ponga tre esigenze fondamentali per un corretto rapporto tra fede e legge: l’esigenza antropologica, cioè di una concezione dell’uomo esigitiva del rispetto della dignità di ogni persona umana; l’esigenza epistemologica, per cui la fede non deve opporsi alla ricerca scientifica e razionale, ma deve indicare il senso della ricerca stessa, nel quadro dei fini dell’uomo; il principio dell’accettazione del sistema democratico nel quale deve essere garantito per ogni uomo il diritto alla libertà-responsabilità in un clima di dialogo e persuasione.
Infine, l’articolo si sofferma sugli orientamenti di carattere normativogiuridico sulla genetica e sulla procreazione artificiale che una visione centrata sulla dignità della persona umana richiede: 1. la protezione di individuo umano, cioè la tutela del diritto alla vita di ogni essere umano innocente; 2. il Principio di non discriminazione; 3. il divieto di ogni intervento genetico non terapeutico alterativo; 4. il divieto di brevettazione del genoma umano; 5. la promozione della ricerca in tema di terapia genetica; 6. la protezione degli individui che operano e sperimentano nei laboratori di biotecnologie sul DNA.
5
Casas, Santiago. « Silvia SCATENA, La fatica della libertà. L'elaborazione della dichiarazione «Dignitatis humanae» sulla libertà religiosa del Vaticano II, Il Mulino («Tesi e ricerche di scienze religiose», 31), Bologna 2003, 602 pp. » Anuario de Historia de la Iglesia 14 (18 avril 2018) : 570–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/007.14.23522.
Texte intégral
6
Cardia, Carlo. « Identitŕ religiosa e culturale europea : la questione del crocifisso ». CITTADINANZA EUROPEA (LA), no 1 (décembre 2010) : 33–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ceu2010-001003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La presenza del crocifisso nelle aule scolastiche in Italia č stata ritenuta incompatibile con la libertŕ di religione e di educazione dalla Corte di Strasburgo, con una sentenza (Lautsi) che appare in contrasto con la giurisprudenza costante della stessa Corte, la quale riconosce agli stati un ampio margine di apprezzamento in materia della libertŕ religiosa, a tal fine richiamandosi alla tradizione dei singoli paesi. La sentenza, disattendendo il suo stesso criterio di valutazione, che impone di esaminare il contesto storico-culturale, perviene, con una sorta di atteggiamento di ‘iconoclastia laica', a un concetto limitato e fuorviante di educazione delle nuove generazioni. Infatti, se si concepisce il simbolo religioso come un elemento negativo e conturbante, i bambini cresceranno con un senso di ostilitŕ verso questi simboli, come se fossero fattori di divisione, e il rapporto tra religioni diverrebbe un rapporto diffidente, ostile e potenzialmente conflittuale. Senza poi considerare il fatto che il diritto di una maggioranza religiosa va tutelato con la stessa cura di quelli delle minoranze.
7
Dammacco, Gaetano. « Riflessioni sul diritto di satira e i suoi limiti ». Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego 23 (30 décembre 2020) : 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/spw.10355.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La satira è un paradigma estremo della libertà di espressione, ma esistono incertezze sulla sua definizione concettuale e sulla relativa disciplina giuridica. Lo sviluppo della comunicazione ha prodotto numerose figure letterarie simili tra loro come la cronaca (una registrazione impersonale e non interpretativa di fatti accaduti), la critica (analisi soggettiva e giudizio relativi a fatti accaduti) e la satira (critica sarcastica di personaggi, comportamenti, modi di fare individuali con scopo di denuncia sociale). Gli elementi che caratterizzano la satira, sviluppatisi nel corso dei secoli, sono sostanzialmente due: attenzione alle contraddizioni (della politica, della società, della religione, della cultura) e intento moralistico per promuovere un cambiamento sociale. La satira religiosa colpisce il potere ecclesiastico e le sue contraddizioni, ma colpisce anche i simboli religiosi e i contenuti delle religioni. Ne conseguono differenti conseguenze giuridiche. Quando colpisce il patrimonio di fede dei credenti essa non è accettabile. La satira religiosa genera una specie di conflitto tra differenti valori costituzionali, e cioè tra il diritto alla libera espressione del pensiero e il diritto alla reputazione e alla tutela del sentimento religioso. Il diritto di satira in generale è riconosciuto dagli ordinamenti giuridici (sia internazionali, sia nazionali) come diritto soggettivo di rilevanza costituzionale, che deriva dalla libertà di espressione e di pensiero. Pensiero, coscienza e religione – per esempio nella Carta dei diritti fondamentali dell’Unione europea – sono omologhi (come beni giuridici o valori etici). Pertanto pensiero, coscienza e religione non possono essere in contrapposizione tra loro. Notevoli incertezze esistono sulla disciplina giuridica del diritto di satira, che non può mai offendere i diritti fondamentali della persona, la sua dignità, la sua reputazione. La Carta di Nizza ha favorito un orientamento, che considera il diritto di libera espressione nella sua forma più ampia ed espansiva. È tuttavia sempre stato affermato il valore prevalente dei diritti umani fondamentali, che non possono essere offesi dall’esercizio del diritto di satira. Negli ordinamenti giuridici nazionali, la forza del diritto di satira consiste nel riconoscimento del suo rango costituzionale, ma anche nei limiti che deve avere. La giurisprudenza ha elaborato i vincoli “formali”, tra i quali i più importanti sono il limite della continenza e della funzionalità.
8
Soler, Carlos. « Silvia SCATENA, La fatica della libertà. L’elaborazione della dichiarazione «Dignitatis humanae» sulla libertà religiosa del Vaticano II, Società Ed. Il Mulino («Testi e ricerche di scienze religiose, nuova serie», 31), Bologna 2003, 601 pp., 16 x 23, ISBN 88-15-09661-2. » Scripta Theologica 36, no 3 (30 novembre 2017) : 995. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/006.36.13802.
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Di Gesù, Jacopo. « Simboli religiosi e libertà religiosa. Profili costituzionali ». Persona y Derecho, no 77 (11 décembre 2017) : 195–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/011.77.195-226.
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10
De La Hera, Alberto. « LEZIROLI, Giuseppe : Aspetti della libertà religiosa nel quadro dell'attuale sistema di relazione fra Stato e Confessioni religiose, 1 vol. de 240 págs. Publicazioni della Facoltà Giuridica dell'Università di Ferrara, Giuffrè Editore, Milano, 1977 ». Ius Canonicum 20, no 39 (27 mars 2018) : 364–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/016.20.20326.
Texte intégralThèses sur le sujet "Libertà religiose"
1
Galiano, Mariangela. « Libertà religiosa e dimensione collettiva della libertà di non credere. Nuove tensioni e prospettive ». Doctoral thesis, Universita degli studi di Salerno, 2019. http://elea.unisa.it:8080/xmlui/handle/10556/4292.
Texte intégralRésumé :
2017 - 2018Il lavoro di tesi affronta il tema della libertà religiosa collettiva, con particolare riguardo alla posizione che oggi occupano all’interno del panorama nazionale ed europeo i soggetti atei, per via dei profili di ambiguità che caratterizzano il loro inquadramento giuridico. Manca infatti, all’interno della nostra Carta Costituzionale, un esplicito riferimento alla non credenza ed all’ateismo, in linea con l’assenza di qualsiasi riferimento al profilo negativo della libertà religiosa. Se infatti quest’ultimo non si riconosce espressamente, la sua esistenza è divenuta ormai innegabile per via della diffusione non soltanto di tutta una serie di nuovi fenomeni religiosi (ben lontani dalle religioni tradizionali di maggioranza), quanto soprattutto per via dell’emersione di nuove esigenze collettive, volte al riconoscimento della libertà di non credere o di credere. La parte centrale del lavoro è focalizzata sull’analisi dell’ormai celebre vicenda giudiziaria dell’Associazione degli Atei Agnostici Razionalisti Italiani (UAAR), avviata per il riconoscimento di un generale diritto all’accesso all’intesa ex art. 8, comma 3, della Costituzione, anche in assenza dell’elemento confessionale, e conclusasi dinnanzi alla Corte Costituzionale con sentenza 52/2016. Partendo dal disconoscimento ad opera della Consulta dell’esistenza di una pretesa di avvio alle trattative per l’intesa, passando per l’inquadramento della funzione dello strumento intesa ex art. 8, comma 3 Cost. e per l’attribuzione al Consiglio dei Ministri circa l’opportunità di stipulare intesa con lo Stato, si è arrivati ad affermare l’esistenza di un generale diritto all’eguale libertà per le confessioni religiose, anche in attesa di intesa. Il lavoro ha poi cercato di inquadrare la questione alla luce dell’art. 9 della CEDU, anche in vista della prossima pronuncia che la Corte Europea dei Diritti dell’Uomo dovrà rendere sul ricorso presentato dall’UAAR. Attraverso una disamina della giurisprudenza convenzionale e dottrinale sul punto, nonché degli ipotetici riflessi indiretti che sulla stessa potrebbero derivare dal diritto comunitario e dall’art. 17 TFUE, il lavoro è giunto alla conclusione che verosimilmente l’esito del ricorso sarà difficilmente favorevole all’associazione atea, in quanto difficilmente si prevede un deciso cambio di rotta nella direzione di un innalzamento qualitativo del grado di tutela della libertà religiosa. Il lavoro non si è limitato ad analizzare la questione de iure condito, ma ha anche analizzato la recente bozza del progetto di legge proposta della Fondazione Astrid per regolamentare l’intero fenomeno religioso in Italia, basato sulla volontà di sviluppare il principio di laicità in maniera più condivisa ed armonica con il sistema pattizio, attraverso il respingimento della tendenza a relegare la religiosità all’interno della generale ed asettica categoria del “no profit”, nonché di riaffermare il principio di distinzione degli ordini, ritenuto essenziale per il rafforzamento delle democrazie contemporanee. [a cura dell'autore]
XXXI ciclo
2
RESTA, VALENTINA. « Società digitale e libertà religiosa ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/215.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Gli sviluppi tecnologici vissuti nell'ultimo quarto di secolo hanno determinato forti mutamenti non solo nella materialità dell'esistere, ma anche nella dimensione spirituale della persona. L'avvento della cittadinanza digitale ha obbligato ad un ripensamento del catalogo dei diritti e delle forme di esercizio degli stessi. La libertà religiosa, tanto nella sua dimensione individuale quanto in quella associata non solo ha subito l'influenza di tali cambiamenti, ma si è dimostrata in molti casi settore privilegiato per verificare la validità delle nuove forme di governo derivanti dallo sviluppo sempre più massiccio delle tecnologie informatiche.
A partire, dunque, da un ripensamento dei rapporti tra diritto e religione sono stati individuati alcuni settori specifici di analisi al cui interno saggiare le nuove forme di governo elettronico, per comprendere le nuove declinazioni del diritto di libertà religiosa nella società digitale. Tali settori sono: la presenza delle confessioni nel sistema della stampa nazionale; il nuovo mondo di Internet e le problematiche connesse alla tutela dei marchi e del sentimento religioso; la presenza delle confessioni religiose nel sistema radio televisivo; la tutela dei dati sensibili religiosi nel nuovo Codice sulla privacy.Last 25 years, technological developments have determined very important changes both on the material side and on the spiritual one of the people. The introduction of digital citizenship has obliged to rethink the bunch of rights and the way to apply them. The religious freedom, both individually and in association, has suffered the effects of these changes, but moreover has been a preferred sector where testing new governance rules needed to manage the innovations due to constantly increasing presence of information technologies in day by day life. Therefore, starting from a deep rethinking of the relationships between law and religion, some sectors of analysis, where testing new electronic governance rules, has been identified, in order to understand new evolutions of religious freedom rights in the digital society. These sectors are: presence of religious denominations in the national press; Internet world and issues related both to the trademark management and to religious sentiments; presence of religious denominations in radio-TV system; protection of religious sensitive personal data in agreement with the new privacy Code.
3
RESTA, VALENTINA. « Società digitale e libertà religiosa ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/215.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Gli sviluppi tecnologici vissuti nell'ultimo quarto di secolo hanno determinato forti mutamenti non solo nella materialità dell'esistere, ma anche nella dimensione spirituale della persona. L'avvento della cittadinanza digitale ha obbligato ad un ripensamento del catalogo dei diritti e delle forme di esercizio degli stessi. La libertà religiosa, tanto nella sua dimensione individuale quanto in quella associata non solo ha subito l'influenza di tali cambiamenti, ma si è dimostrata in molti casi settore privilegiato per verificare la validità delle nuove forme di governo derivanti dallo sviluppo sempre più massiccio delle tecnologie informatiche.
A partire, dunque, da un ripensamento dei rapporti tra diritto e religione sono stati individuati alcuni settori specifici di analisi al cui interno saggiare le nuove forme di governo elettronico, per comprendere le nuove declinazioni del diritto di libertà religiosa nella società digitale. Tali settori sono: la presenza delle confessioni nel sistema della stampa nazionale; il nuovo mondo di Internet e le problematiche connesse alla tutela dei marchi e del sentimento religioso; la presenza delle confessioni religiose nel sistema radio televisivo; la tutela dei dati sensibili religiosi nel nuovo Codice sulla privacy.Last 25 years, technological developments have determined very important changes both on the material side and on the spiritual one of the people. The introduction of digital citizenship has obliged to rethink the bunch of rights and the way to apply them. The religious freedom, both individually and in association, has suffered the effects of these changes, but moreover has been a preferred sector where testing new governance rules needed to manage the innovations due to constantly increasing presence of information technologies in day by day life. Therefore, starting from a deep rethinking of the relationships between law and religion, some sectors of analysis, where testing new electronic governance rules, has been identified, in order to understand new evolutions of religious freedom rights in the digital society. These sectors are: presence of religious denominations in the national press; Internet world and issues related both to the trademark management and to religious sentiments; presence of religious denominations in radio-TV system; protection of religious sensitive personal data in agreement with the new privacy Code.
4
PALMIERI, SANDRO SIMON. « La Chiesa valdese nel secondo dopoguerra (1945-1958) : libertà religiosa, evangelizzazione e associazionismo giovanile ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/172.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La storia della Chiesa valdese nel secondo dopoguerra si inserisce nel filone di ricerca che ha come oggetto lo studio delle minoranze religiose in Italia.
La vicenda delle minoranze evangeliche nel secondo dopoguerra si colloca nella storia più vasta della creazione dello Stato repubblicano, verso cui è aumentato l'interesse degli storici soprattutto a partire dagli anni novanta.
il processo di reinserimento della Chiesa valdese nel dopoguerra fu complesso e problematico. Il tramonto definitivo dello Stato liberale, l'esperienza del fascismo scardinarono il quadro di riferimento politico e culturale entro cui si era sviluppata la presenza delle chiese evangeliche. Fu presto evidente che l'avvento dello Stato repubblicano, caratterizzato da una forte polarizzazione tra cattolici e comunisti, non avrebbe permesso un ritorno allo status quo anteriore al fascismo. In questo contesto, vanno inquadrati gli sforzi della Chiesa valdese di elaborare delle strategie volte ad ottenere un riconoscimento giuridico, culturale e religioso.The history of the Waldesian Church after World War two is the object of a study on religious minorities in Italy. The Evangelical minorities and their vicissitudes after World War two belong to the wider history of the creation of the Republican State, which historians have been increasingly interested in especially from the nineties onwards. The process of reintegration of the Waldesian Church after the war was complex and troublesome. The final collapse of the Liberal State and the experience of fascism tore down the political and cultural framework where Evangelical Churches had developed. It was soon clear that the rising of the Republican State, characterised by a powerful polarisation between Catholics and communists, would not allow to return to the status quo before fascism. The efforts of the Waldesian Church to elaborate strategies aiming at a juridical, cultural and religious recognition, need to be placed in such a context.
5
PALMIERI, SANDRO SIMON. « La Chiesa valdese nel secondo dopoguerra (1945-1958) : libertà religiosa, evangelizzazione e associazionismo giovanile ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/172.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La storia della Chiesa valdese nel secondo dopoguerra si inserisce nel filone di ricerca che ha come oggetto lo studio delle minoranze religiose in Italia.
La vicenda delle minoranze evangeliche nel secondo dopoguerra si colloca nella storia più vasta della creazione dello Stato repubblicano, verso cui è aumentato l'interesse degli storici soprattutto a partire dagli anni novanta.
il processo di reinserimento della Chiesa valdese nel dopoguerra fu complesso e problematico. Il tramonto definitivo dello Stato liberale, l'esperienza del fascismo scardinarono il quadro di riferimento politico e culturale entro cui si era sviluppata la presenza delle chiese evangeliche. Fu presto evidente che l'avvento dello Stato repubblicano, caratterizzato da una forte polarizzazione tra cattolici e comunisti, non avrebbe permesso un ritorno allo status quo anteriore al fascismo. In questo contesto, vanno inquadrati gli sforzi della Chiesa valdese di elaborare delle strategie volte ad ottenere un riconoscimento giuridico, culturale e religioso.The history of the Waldesian Church after World War two is the object of a study on religious minorities in Italy. The Evangelical minorities and their vicissitudes after World War two belong to the wider history of the creation of the Republican State, which historians have been increasingly interested in especially from the nineties onwards. The process of reintegration of the Waldesian Church after the war was complex and troublesome. The final collapse of the Liberal State and the experience of fascism tore down the political and cultural framework where Evangelical Churches had developed. It was soon clear that the rising of the Republican State, characterised by a powerful polarisation between Catholics and communists, would not allow to return to the status quo before fascism. The efforts of the Waldesian Church to elaborate strategies aiming at a juridical, cultural and religious recognition, need to be placed in such a context.
6
DE, PASQUAL LAURA. « L'Unione Europea e la sfida del post-secolarismo : un'analisi della giurisprudenza della Corte di Giustizia dell'Unione Europea in materia di discriminazione religiosa sul luogo di lavoro ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/122310.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L'obiettivo del presente lavoro è l'analisi dell'approccio che le istituzioni dell'Unione Europea hanno adottato fino ad oggi nei confronti del fenomeno religioso, indagando se l'applicazione fattuale degli strumenti regolatori dell'UE in materia di discriminazione religiosa sul luogo di lavoro sia adeguata al contesto post-secolare e pluralistico contemporaneo. Per raggiungere tale obiettivo, dopo aver discusso della nascita del concetto di post-secolarismo e aver indagato a livello preliminare se gli strumenti normativi europei in materia religiosa possano essere considerati adeguati all'attuale scenario post-secolare, il presente lavoro analizza e discute le sentenze della Corte di Giustizia dell'Unione Europea riguardanti sia l'esibizione di simboli e abbigliamento religioso sul luogo di lavoro che il grado di autonomia riconosciuto agli Stati Membri nell'organizzare le proprie relazioni con le organizzazioni religiose. In aggiunta, verrà analizzata nel dettaglio la giurisprudenza sviluppata dalla Corte Europea dei Diritti Umani in materia di utilizzo di capi d'abbigliamento religiosamente connotati e di autonomia delle organizzazioni religiose.The aim of the present work is to analyse the approach that the institutions of the European Union have developed so far with regards to the management of religion, evaluating whether the concrete application of EU regulatory instruments in matters of religious discrimination in the workplace can be considered adequate to a post-secular and pluralistic context. In order to answer such question, after having discussed the emergence of post-secularism and having conducted a preliminary assessment of whether or not the EU normative instruments concerning religion can be considered appropriate to the contemporary post-secular context, the present work analyses and makes considerations on the CJEU judgments concerning both the exhibition of religious apparel in the workplace and the degree of autonomy left to Member States in organizing their relations with religious organizations in the occupational field. In addition, a thorough examination of the jurisprudence developed by the European Court of Human Rights on the use of religious symbols and apparel and on religious organizations’ autonomy will be conducted.
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Fouquet-Armand, Maud. « Laicite et conflits de normes ». Caen, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000CAEN0054.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Les "affaires" du foulard islamique, du film larry flint, ou encore des suicides collectifs au sein de l'ordre du temple solaire et les debats souvent enflammes qu'elles ont souleves attestent de la nature conflictuelle inherente a toute manifestation religieuse dans un etat laique comme la france. Sollicitee pour donner une reponse juridique a ces divers conflits, la laicite fait alors l'objet de multiples interpretations correspondant a autant de solutions souhaitees par les belligerants. Pourtant, et contrairement a une opinion largement admise, il ne semble pas possible de reduire cette notion au seul principe de separation des eglises et de l'etat. Au contraire, la laicite connait une definition dichotomique impliquant la necessaire conciliation entre deux elements apparemment contradictoires : la non-confessionnalite de l'etat, certes, mais egalement la liberte de religion. La comprehension en ces termes de la notion de laicite ne permet cependant pas d'epuiser les conflits qui lui sont intrinseques. Tout au plus justifie-t-elle leur naissance puisqu'ils resultent d'une volonte des individus a ne voir appliquer a leur situation qu'une seule des deux normes composant la laicite. Ils revendiquent alors l'existence d'autres definitions de la laicite, que la doctrine nomme "laicite-liberte" ou "laicite de combat" selon la norme privilegiee, mais qui ne peuvent se developper et etre retenues en l'etat actuel du droit. Par ailleurs, la definition dichotomique de la laicite est egalement source de conflits extrinseques a la notion puisqu'elle positionne, d'une part, la liberte religieuse au coeur d'un conflit opposant l'ordre juridique laique et les ordres religieux et qu'elle place, d'autre part, le principe de separation dans une situation d'isolement au sein de l'union europeenne. La laicite francaise aura donc a se battre face aux differents droits europeens des religions pour tenter de s'imposer au dela de nos frontieres.
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Nieddu, Adriano <1991>. « Apostasia e Libertà Religiosa nell'Islam ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/7952.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La tesi tratta dell'apostasia nell'Islam, atto che viene ancora considerato un crimine in molti paesi musulmani. Il lavoro analizza il concetto di apostasia nell'Islam e le sue conseguenze nel diritto penale e nel diritto civile musulmano. In seguito, si analizza l'opinione dei giuristi delle principali scuole giuridiche sunnite e sciite, fino ad arrivare all'esposizione di alcuni casi di apostasia nei diversi paesi musulmani. Nell'ultimo capitolo si cercherà di rispondere alla domanda "Esiste la libertà di religione nell'Islam?"
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Bortoleto, Milton. « \"Não viemos para fazer aliança\" : faces do conflito entre adeptos das religiões pentecostais e afro-brasileiras ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8134/tde-31032015-101339/.
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A exacerbação da beligerância contra as religiões afro-brasileiras, seus adeptos e símbolos, é uma das faces do pentecostalismo que nas últimas duas décadas e meia tem ganho amplo destaque no debate público brasileiro. Blogueiros e jornalistas, militantes do movimento negro e de outros movimentos sociais, assim como delegados, advogados, juízes, sociólogos e antropólogos têm participado ativamente desse fenômeno que já possui agenda própria de investigação nas ciências sociais desde a década de 1990. Observar como os cientistas sociais abordaram este tema até o final da década de 2000 e analisar um estudo de caso, também ocorrido no final desta década, são os principais empreendimentos que esta investigação visa realizar. Para tanto, construo no corpo deste trabalho duas partes inter-relacionadas que analisam algumas faces deste tema de pesquisa que ficou conhecido como \"o conflito entre adeptos das religiões pentecostais e afro-brasileiras\" na esfera pública brasileira. Na primeira parte desta investigação, constituída na forma de um balanço teórico, procuro apresentar como os termos \"guerra santa\" e \"intolerância religiosa\" são centrais nos principais trabalhos que versaram sobre o tema ou o tangenciaram de tal forma que contribuíram para a constituição desse fenômeno com uma agenda própria. Na segunda parte desta investigação tomo como objeto privilegiado de pesquisa um estudo de caso exemplar do conflito entre pentecostais e religiões afro-brasileiras, ocorrido em junho de 2008 na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, quando quatro jovens \"invadem\" um centro espírita no bairro do Catete, suscitando amplo debate sobre o tema, que tem na prática discursiva dos mais diversos atores sociais a presença constante dos termos \"intolerância religiosa\", \"liberdade religiosa\" e \"liberdade de expressão religiosa\"The exacerbation of belligerence against afro-brazilian religions, their churchgoers and symbols, is one of the faces of pentecostalism in the past two and half decades has ample prominence in brazilian public debate. Bloggers and journalists, militant black movement and other social movements, as well as delegates, lawyers, judges, sociologists and anthropologists have actively participated in this phenomenon that already gets its own research agenda in the social sciences since the 1990s. Investigate how social scientists have addressed this phenomenon until the late 2000s and analyze a case study are the main projects that this research aims to accomplish. To do so, this work get two interdependent parties who seek to analyze some faces of this theme of research that became known as \"the conflict between adherents of pentecostal and afro-brazilian religions\" in the brazilian public sphere. In the first part of this investigation, constituted as a state-of-the-art, I try to make it clear that the terms \"guerra santa\" and \"religious intolerance\" are central to the principal investigations of around the theme, which contributed to the establishment of this phenomenon with its own research agenda in the social sciences . In the second part of this research, I take as a privileged object of research a case study example of the conflict between pentecostals and afro-brazilian religions occurred in June 2008 in the city of Rio de Janeiro, when four young \"invade\" a spiritualist center in Catete, generating widespread debate on the issue, which has in the discursive practice of many social actors the centrality of the terms \"religious intolerance\", \"religious liberty\" and \"freedom of religious expression\"
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Steinman, Lauren. « Religion and the problem of heterosexism : sexual orientation, prejudice, and religious liberty ». Thesis, McGill University, 2014. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=121319.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The analysis of the construction of the category of heterosexism will be the primary focus of this thesis. Arguably, the construction of the problem of heterosexism is the product of diverse ethical, social and religious theories including, various forms of feminist and queer theory. A common aim of these approaches is the deconstruction of conceptual paradigms that attempt to define the essential nature of sexual identity. This thesis will examine examples of the evolving critique of heterosexist bias in contemporary theory and the applications of these critiques to the Judeo-Christian tradition. The thesis will endeavour to assess the implications of this evolving discourse on heterosexism for the domains of ethics and public policy, and the potential consequences that these ethical and legal implications may pose for religious traditions in contemporary liberal democracies. The intersection of heterosexism, religious traditions and the right to freedom of religion represents an important and complex set of issues for contemporary societies. The era of human rights has brought forth numerous concerns that pertain to the dignity and inviolability of all persons, regardless of race, ethnicity, gender, age, disability, or sexual orientation. The dissertation attempts to explore some of the emerging conflicts and tensions at play in these legal and public policy debates as well as offering a critical discussion of various lines of argument in religious studies that struggle with the problems of inclusiveness, heterosexism and acceptance of sexual minorities in relation to the dominant religious traditions of the West.L'analyse de la construction de la catégorie de l'hétérosexisme sera le sujet primordial de cette thèse. Il ne fait pas grand doute que la construction du problème de l'hétérosexisme est le produit de diverses théories éthiques, sociales et religieuses, y compris, diverses formes de la théorie féministe et homosexuelle. L'objectif commun de ces approches est la déconstruction de paradigmes conceptuels qui essaient de définir la nature essentielle de l'identité sexuelle. Au cours de cette thèse nous examinerons des exemples de critiques, en constante évolution, de la partialité hétérosexiste dans la théorie contemporaine et l'application de ces critiques à la tradition judéo-chrétienne.La thèse tâchera d'évaluer les implications de ce discours sur l'hétérosexisme dans les domaines de l'éthique et des politiques publiques, ainsi que les conséquences potentielles que ces implications éthiques et juridiques pourraient entraîner pour les traditions religieuses dans les démocraties libérales contemporaines. La combinaison de l'hétérosexisme, des traditions religieuses et du droit à la liberté de religion soulève un ensemble important et complexe de problèmes pour les sociétés contemporaines. L'ère des droits de l'homme a mis de l'avant de nombreuses préoccupations qui se rapportent à la dignité et à l'intégrité de toutes les personnes, quelles que soient leur race, leur origine ethnique, leur sexe, leur âge, leur déficience physique ou leur orientation sexuelle. La thèse tentera d'explorer quelques-uns des conflits et tensions qui ont vu le jour dans ces débats politiques, juridiques et administratifs. Elle offrira aussi une analyse critique des différentes lignes d'argumentation dans les études religieuses qui traitent des problèmes d'inclusivité, d'hétérosexisme et d'acceptation des minorités sexuelles relativement aux traditions religieuses dominantes de l'Occident.
Livres sur le sujet "Libertà religiose"
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Ciampi, Carlo Azeglio. La libertà delle minoranze religiose. Bologna : Il Mulino, 2009.
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Franco, Casavola, Long Gianni et Margiotta Broglio Francesco, dir. La libertà delle minoranze religiose. Bologna : Il Mulino, 2009.
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Garrone, Daniele. Democrazia, libertà religiosa, diritti umani : Radici laiche o religiose ? Torino : Claudiana, 2012.
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Università degli studi di Salerno, dir. Europa e Islam : Ridiscutere i fondamenti della disciplina delle libertà religiose. Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro) : Rubbettino, 2009.
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Proposta di riflessione per l'emanazione di una legge generale sulle libertà religiose. Torino : Giappichelli, 2010.
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Libertà di coscienza e laicità nello Stato costituzionale : Sulle radici "religiose" dello Stato "laico". Torino : G. Giappichelli, 2008.
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Mario, Tedeschi, dir. La libertà religiosa. Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro) : Rubbettino, s. d.
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Mario, Tedeschi, dir. La libertà religiosa. Soveria Mannelli : Rubbettino, 2002.
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Mario, Tedeschi, dir. La libertà religiosa. Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro) : Rubbettino, 2002.
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Libertà religiosa e reciprocità. Milano : A. Giuffrè, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Libertà religiose"
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Mason, Alpheus Thomas, et Donald Grier Stephenson. « Religious Liberty ». Dans American Constitutional Law, 566–80. 18e éd. New York : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003164340-13.
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Mason, Alpheus Thomas, et Donald Grier Stephenson. « Religious Liberty ». Dans American Constitutional Law, 525–71. Seventeenth edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. : Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315394589-13.
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Carty, Thomas J. « Religious Liberty or Religious Test ? » Dans A Catholic in the White House ?, 67–82. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-8130-1_5.
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Kadt, Emanuel de. « Liberal religion ». Dans The Routledge Handbook of Religion, Politics and Ideology, 9–22. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367816230-3.
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Kozicki, Katya, et William Soares Pugliese. « Religious liberty in Brazil ». Dans Religious Liberty and the Law, 210–19. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. | : Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315270661-13.
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Ando, Clifford. « Religion, toleration, and religious liberty in republican empire ». Dans Liberty, 121–33. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003109594-7.
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« Introduction ». Dans Post-Liberal Religious Liberty, 1–24. Cambridge University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108873796.002.
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« The Liberal Egalitarian Account ». Dans Post-Liberal Religious Liberty, 25–58. Cambridge University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108873796.003.
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« Secularisation Challenged ». Dans Post-Liberal Religious Liberty, 59–99. Cambridge University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108873796.004.
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« Modern (Christian) Responses ». Dans Post-Liberal Religious Liberty, 100–141. Cambridge University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108873796.005.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Libertà religiose"
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Khitruk, Ekaterina. « Публичное и частное в философии религии Ричарда Рорти ». Dans The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-14.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article covers the religious conception in the work of the famous American philosopher Richard Rorty. The author emphasises the secular and finalist views of R. Rorty on the nature of religion, and on the philosopher’s gradual perception of the need for their creative reinterpretation due to the actualisation of the role of religion in intellectual and political spheres. The article uncovers two fundamental constituents of Richard Rorty’s religious philosophy. The first of them is associated with R. Rorty’s perception of the ‘weak thinking’ concept in the writings of Italian philosopher Gianni Vattimo. R. Rorty holds ‘weak thinking’ and ‘kenosis’ to be the key to understanding the possibility of religion in the postmodern era. The second aspect concerns the existence of religion in the public space. Here the distinction between ‘strong’ narratives and ‘weak’ thinking correlates with the politically significant distinction between ‘strong’ religious institutions and private (parish, community) religious practice. Rorty believes that the activity of ‘strong’ religious structures threatens liberal ‘social hope’ on the gradual democratisation of mankind. The article concludes that Richard Rorty’s philosophy of religion presents an original conception of religion in the context of modern temporal humanism; the concept positively evaluates religious experience to the extent that it does not become a basis for theoretical and political manipulations on the part of ‘strong’ religious institutes.
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Weller, Paul. « ROBUSTNESS AND CIVILITY : THEMES FROM FETHULLAH GÜLEN AS RESOURCE AND CHALLENGE FOR GOVERNMENT, MUSLIMS AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE UNITED KINGDOM ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/cdcf7302.
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The 7/7 (2005) attack on London Transport by Muslims brought up in the UK shocked the Government, many Muslims, and the wider civil society. Subsequently, the UK’s ‘multi- culturalist’ policy consensus has been subject to intensive questioning. Politicians and some parts of civil society have challenged a perceived ‘separatism’ among Muslims; emphasised a need for shared values and social cohesion; and advocated the promotion of ‘moderate Islam’ and ‘moderate Muslims’. This paper argues that, in legitimising simplistic distinctions between ‘good’ (understood as ‘liberal’ or ‘modernist’) and ‘bad’ or ‘suspect’ (understood as ‘traditionalist’, ‘radical’ or ‘fundamentalist’) Muslims and forms of Islam, there is a risk of eliding the condemnation of terrorist crimes conducted on religious grounds into the criminalisation, or at least social marginalisation, of religious conservatism and/or radicalism. This approach, it is argued, is more likely to undermine the development of inclusive approaches to the common good and that what is needed instead are authentically Islamic approaches that can offer both a resource and a challenge to Government, Muslims and the wider civil society. Finally, it is argued that such resource and challenge can be found in themes from Fethullah Gülen’s teaching. Gülen, on Islamic grounds, condemns terrorism in the name of religion. Further, being rooted in a confident Ottoman Muslim civilisational heritage and having during the period of the Turkish Republic engaged with both ideological ‘secularism’ and political ‘Islamism’, he also offers a critique of the political instrumentalisation of Islam while ar- guing for an active Muslim engagement with the wider (religious and secular) society based on a distinctive Islamic vision characterised by a robustness and civility that could make a positive contribution in the present UK context.
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Rieffer-Flanagan, Barb. « Promoting the Fundamental Human Right of Religious Liberty in US Foreign Policy ». Dans Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir14.11.
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Černěnko, Tomáš, et Dana Kuběnková. « A Rose by Another Name Would Smell the Same : Hidden Potential of Antisystem Parties in Slovakia ? » Dans XXV. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Brno : Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0068-2022-55.
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This article aims to identify voter attitudes, based on the results of the 2020 parliamentary elections, towards European integration, religious attitudes in politics, universal left-right integration, the rights of ethnic minorities, the position between cosmopolitan and national sentiments, and political decentralization in favour of regions at the district level of Slovakia, while considering factors that affect voter's selection. In the first step, we calculated the position of the district through the results of individual political parties (district level) in the elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic in 2020 and data from the 2019 Chapel Hill expert survey. In the second step, we used these results as dependent variables for regression analysis, examining their dependence on the variables average wage, unemployment rate, ethnic composition, and time availability of the district's seat from the regional centre and Bratislava (capital). A retrospective analysis of voter attitudes at individual districts has shown that concerns about possible covert support for anti-system parties are warranted. “Negative” results, especially on religious principles in politics, ethnic minority rights, inclination to national values, and centralized power, show that if expectations from standard (or liberal democratic) parties are not met, there is a risk of voters diverting to radical parties.
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Correard, Nicolas. « ¿Lazarillo Libertin ? Sobre la primera recepción en Europa del Norte : traducciones e inspiraciones anticlericales ». Dans Simposio internacional El Lazarillo y sus continuadores : Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación, 10 y 11 de octubre de 2019, Universidade da Coruña : [Actas]. Servicio de Publicaciones. Universidade da Coruña, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/spudc.9788497497657.29.
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It has often been argued that the picaresque genre derived from the Lazarillo castigado, if not from the Guzmán de Alfarache, more than from the original Lazarillo. Such an assumption neglects the fact that the first French and English translations did rely on the 1554 text, whose influence, conveyed by the 1555 sequel also translated in French in 1598, did last until the early 17th century. Probably designed in an Erasmian circle, the anticlerical satire, enhanced by provoking allusions to certain catholic dogmas, did not pass unnoticed: the marginal comments of the translations, for instance, testify for a strong interest for this theme. It is no wonder, therefore, if the first satirical narratives freely inspired by the Lazarillo, such like The Unfortunate Traveller by Nashe, the Euphormio Lusinini Satyricon by Barclay, or the Première journée by Viau, adapted its religious satire to their own actuality: in the context of the rise of libertine thinking, characters of Jesuits and Puritans could become new targets for novelistic scenes based on an obviously “lazarillesque” model.
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Haderbache, Ahmed. « Prise de parole et quête de liberté : les espaces de l’eau dans Aïcha de Yamina Benguigui. » Dans XXV Coloquio AFUE. Palabras e imaginarios del agua. Valencia : Universitat Politècnica València, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/xxvcoloquioafue.2016.2998.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Aïcha est une série française de quatre téléfilms de Yamina Benguigui réalisée entre 2008 et 2011. Aïcha est une jeune française d’origine algérienne habitant dans une cité de la banlieue parisienne. Les différents épisodes nous retracent son parcours personnel et sa lutte sociale au quotidien, tout comme ses rêves et ses aspirations, dans une cité où diverses communautés cohabitent sous le regard des autres. Elle cherche son indépendance par le biais d’un positionnement identitaire qui s’oppose aux principes du mariage traditionnel, sans renier pour autant entièrement aux traditions familiales. En effet, cette Shéhérazade des temps modernes du périphérique parisien essaie de faire valoir ses propres normes face à la rigidité des préceptes de la communauté à laquelle elle est appartient. C’est dans des espaces liés aux rituels de l’eau que ces désirs et ces ambitions se rendent visibles. Ainsi, tout au long des quatre épisodes, le hammam devient un lieu de liberté pour Aïcha et toutes ces femmes de tous âges, religions et origines qui tâchent, grâce à une prise de parole au féminin, de résoudre les problèmes des ces êtres oubliés par l’État : le racisme vis-à-vis des jeunes diplômés issus des différentes générations d’immigrés, la sécurité dans les cités ou les mariages mixtes. C’est également au salon de coiffure entre deux shampoings que d’autres conflits interpersonnels et interculturels vont trouver des solutions. Les espaces, liés aux rituels corporels de lavage et de mise en beauté entre femmes où l’eau est un élément central, deviennent de la sorte des lieux privilégiés de prise de parole et de quête de liberté.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/XXVColloqueAFUE.2016.2998
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Petrovich, Igor K. « Religious Issue in the Programs of Polish Liberal Political Parties at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century ». Dans Slavic World : Commonality and Diversity. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0869.2021.1.21.
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Celik, Gurkan, Kate Kirk et Yusuf Alan. « MODERN IDEALS AND MUSLIM IDENTITY : HARMONY OR CONTRADICTION ? - A TEXT LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THE GÜLEN TEACHING AND MOVEMENT ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/xlue9524.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At the global level there is an urgent need and increasing attention for a new sense of Muslim identity in harmony with modern realities. Fethullah Gülen, an educationalist, a religious guide and a peace maker, is one of the most persuasive and influential Turkish-Muslim voices in the contemporary world putting strong emphasis on peaceful coexistence and the synthesis of faith and reason in Western democracies through spirituality, religious diversity, dialogue and educational initiatives. This paper primarily examines how and to what extent Gülen’s teachings and the world-wide volunteer movement inspired by him are contributing to the dynamic and cheerful coexistence of Muslims and non-Muslims. In order to explore and ana- lyse this coexistence, the seven text linguistic principles (cohesion, coherence, intentionality, acceptability, informativity, situationality and intertextuality) are applied to Gülen’s teach- ings and his movement as an empirical case. Secondarily, these text linguistic standards are modelled to social sciences as a new theoretical and methodological approach for exploring and analysing social movements and phenomena. The originality of this study is specified as the correlations between a movement and a text, and the processes of cognition, production and reproduction of knowledge and its dissemination and transition in the Muslim world, multicultural societies and liberal democracies. This research’s practical relevance lies in the fact that it helps understand how the Gülen movement has been formed and accomplished, both nationally and internationally. Metaphorically, in this paper Fethullah Gülen has been considered as the writer; by-him-inspired movement refers to the text; and the readers are the transnational community and the whole humanity.
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Uzra, Mehbuba Tune, et Peter Scrivener. « Designing Post-colonial Domesticity : Positions and Polarities in the Feminine Reception of New Residential Patterns in Modernising East Pakistan and Bangladesh ». Dans The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online : SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4027pcwf6.
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When Paul Rudolph was commissioned to design a new university campus for East Pakistan in the mid-1960s, the project was among the first to introduce the expressionist brutalist lexicon of late-modernism into the changing architectural language of postcolonial South and Southeast Asia. Beyond the formal and tectonic ruptures with established colonial-modern norms that these designs represented, they also introduced equally radical challenges to established patterns of domestic space-use. Principles of open-planning and functional zoning employed by Rudolf in the design of academic staff accommodation, for example, evidently reflected a socially progressive approach – in light of the contemporary civil rights movement back in America – to the accommodation of domestic servants within the household of the modern nuclear family. As subsequent residents would recount, however, these same planning principles could have very different and even opposite implications for the privacy and sense of security of Bangladeshi academics and their families. The paper explores and interprets the post-occupancy experience of living in such novel ‘ultra-modern’ patterns of a new domesticity in postcolonial Bangladesh, and their reception and adaptation into the evolving norms of everyday residential development over the decades since. Specifically, it examines the reception of and responses to these radically new residential patterns by female members of the evolving modern Bengali Muslim middle class who were becoming progressively more liberal in their outlook and lifestyles, whilst retaining consciousness and respect for the abiding significance in their personal and family lives of traditional cultural practices and religious affinities. Drawing from the case material and methods of an on-going PhD study, the paper will offer a contrapuntal analysis of architectural and ethnological evidence of how the modern Bengali woman negotiates, adapts to and calibrates these received architectural patterns of domesticity whilst simultaneously crafting a reembraced cultural concept of femininity, in a fluid dialogical process of refashioning both space and self.
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Vicini, Fabio. « GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Libertà religiose"
1
Estelle, Sarah M. Religious Liberty in the States 2022. Center for Religion, Culture & Democracy, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54669/dryp4816.
Texte intégral
2
Monette, Barbara. The Anabaptist Contributions to the Idea of Religious Liberty. Portland State University Library, janvier 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6936.
Texte intégral
3
Yilmaz, Ihsan, et Nicholas Morieson. Nationalism, Religion, and Archaeology : The Civilizational Populism of Benjamin Netanyahu and Likud. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), octobre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0015.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper examines civilizational populism in Israel and focuses on the largest and most powerful party in Israel since the 1980s, National Liberal Movement (Likud), and its most significant leader of the past twenty years, the populist politician Benjamin Netanyahu. We show how Netanyahu incorporates ‘civilizationism’ into his populist discourses by, first, using the notion that Jewish civilization predates all others in the region to establish the legitimacy of the state of Israel, the hegemony of Jewish culture within Israel, and at times his own political decisions. Second, through his portrayal of the Arab-Muslim world as an antisemitic and barbaric bloc that, far from being a civilization, threatens Western civilization through its barbarism. Equally, this paper shows how Netanyahu argues that Israel is akin to protective wall that protects Western Civilization from the Islamist barbarians who wish to destroy it, and therefore on this basis calls for Europeans and North Americans to support Israel in its battle for civilization and against “the forces of barbarism.”
4
Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail et Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia : India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
5
Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail et Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia : India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.