Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Liberalism – Italy – History »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Liberalism – Italy – History"
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Scacchi, Luca, Angelo Benozzo, Domenico Carbone et Maria Grazia Monaci. « Neo-Liberalism in the Italian University : Encroachment and Resistance ». Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 17, no 3 (23 septembre 2016) : 205–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708616669524.
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Neo-liberalism has spread throughout the world in tandem with globalization. This article attempts to address the way in which neo-liberalism has operated in the Italian university system, an academic context that has its own history, values, and traditions. A brief overview of the consequences of neo-liberalism in Italy is followed by a description of the stages in the neo-liberal university reforms that have characterized the Italian academic world since the end of the 1980s. Finally, three forms of resistance that hinder the process of neo-liberalization and make it non-linear are examined in depth.
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McCann, Dermot. « Globalization, European integration and regulatory reform in Italy : liberalism, protectionism or reconstruction ? » Journal of Modern Italian Studies 12, no 1 (mars 2007) : 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710601132995.
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Hamre, Martin Kristoffer. « Norwegian Fascism in a Transnational Perspective : The Influence of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism on the Nasjonal Samling, 1933–1936 ». Fascism 8, no 1 (1 juillet 2019) : 36–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00801003.
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Following the transnational turn within fascist studies, this paper examines the role German National Socialism and Italian Fascism played in the transformation of the Norwegian fascist party Nasjonal Samling in the years 1933–1936. It takes the rivalry of the two role models as the initial point and focusses on the reception of Italy and Germany in the party press of the Nasjonal Samling. The main topics of research are therefore the role of corporatism, the involvement in the organization caur and the increasing importance of anti-Semitism. One main argument is that both indirect and direct German influence on the Nasjonal Samling in autumn 1935 led to a radicalization of the party and the endorsement of anti-Semitic attitudes. However, the Nasjonal Samling under leader Vidkun Quisling never prioritized Italo-German rivalry as such. Instead, it perceived itself as an independent national movement in the common battle of a European-wide phenomenon against its arch-enemies: liberalism and communism.
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Ungari, Andrea. « Umberto Zanotti Bianco and the Mogadishu events of 1948 ». Modern Italy 15, no 2 (mai 2010) : 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532941003676454.
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Soon after the Second World War and the signing of the 1947 Peace Treaty, Italy was faced with the traumatic loss of its African colonial Empire, an Empire whose establishment had been one of the main objectives of the Fascist regime's foreign policy. This article analyses Anglo-Italian relations in the Somalian context, highlighting the contributions made by Fascism and by the anti-Italian policies of British troops to the tensions that were to lead to the tragic events of January 1948. Attention is focused on the diplomatic mission carried out by Umberto Zanotti Bianco, President of the Italian Red Cross, an important figure in Italian Liberalism. Zanotti Bianco was conscious of the need for Italy to rejoin the ‘club’ of democratic powers and, in accordance with the diplomatic strategy of Foreign Minister Carlo Sforza, he sought to reopen dialogue between Britain and Italy. The dispute between Italy and Britain brought about by the Mogadishu events and, more generally, by the Italian presence in Africa was soon brought to a close, due both to Zanotti Bianco's shrewd strategy and to the clear need for the Western Allies to strengthen De Gasperi's government on the eve of the decisive April 1948 elections.
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ROMANI, ROBERTO. « RELUCTANT REVOLUTIONARIES : MODERATE LIBERALISM IN THE KINGDOM OF SARDINIA, 1849–1859 ». Historical Journal 55, no 1 (10 février 2012) : 45–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000525.
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ABSTRACTIn the 1850s, the Piedmontese ‘moderate’ liberals created a peculiar political culture, suited to the twofold task of strengthening representative institutions at home and justifying Piedmont's Italian mission. Inspired by both the whig tradition and the French Doctrinaires, the moderates elaborated arguments advocating elite government and countering democracy. Gioberti, Balbo, Carutti, Mamiani, and Boncompagni shared five theses: (1) natural (and/or divine) laws are both the ultimate source of right and wrong in politics and the guarantee of gradual progress; (2) only the citizens who understand the natural order should rule; (3) ‘democracy’, that is popular sovereignty and universal suffrage, is inherently wrong; (4) granted that citizens' attitudes play an important role in politics, certain virtues are required by representative government; and (5) moderatism was imbued with Burkeanism, meaning that it endorsed a realistic, prudent approach to politics, that much was made of Italian and especially Piedmontese history and traditions, and that mere constitutional machinery was to be disdained. This political culture led the moderates to portray everybody who was either on the right or the left of their camp, both in Piedmont and Italy, as a ‘sectarian’ and hence a dangerous revolutionary.
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Taverni, Barbara. « For Italy in a changing world : the political apogee of Alcide De Gasperi, 1948–1954 ». Modern Italy 14, no 4 (novembre 2009) : 459–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903237573.
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Following the political stabilisation achieved with the victory at the election in 1948 of the Christian Democrat Party, De Gasperi's leadership had to deal with new domestic and international dynamics. The government dialogue with the ‘laical’ parties did not end with the reconstruction of the identity of a nation divided by the Fascist phenomenon, nor did it solidify along the lines of an ideologically driven anti-Communist design. De Gasperi's leadership was interwoven with profound changes in the role of the Church, the economic system and political organisation, founded upon new party and government systems. The national and European dimensions influenced one another in this conjuncture, resulting in a new set of equilibria: in the stability of the executive, within the limits set by the primacy of the parliamentary institutions and the organisational role of the party as a focus for political support; in economics, with a revision of classical economic liberalism; and in a unique synthesis of the secular tradition with social Catholicism, with a new interpretation of the 1948 Constitutional model.
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Morris, Jonathan. « The organization of industrial interests in Italy, 1906–1925 ». Modern Italy 3, no 01 (mai 1998) : 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454794.
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Franklin Hugh Adler,Italian Industrialists from Liberalism to Fascism. The Political Development of the Industrial Bourgeoisie, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996, xv + 458 pp., ISBN 0–521–433406–8 hbk, £40.00Giuseppe Berta,Il governo degli interessi. Industriali, rappresentanza e politica nell'Italia del nord-ovest 1906–1924, Marsilio, Venice, 1996, xv + 175 pp., ISBN 88–317–6342–3 pbk, 32,000 LireGiorgio FioccaStoria della Confindustria 1900–1914, Marsilio, Venice, 1994, 266 pp., ISBN 88–317–5850–0 hbk, 70,000 LireThe three books under review trace the organization of industrial interests in Italy from the foundation of the Lega industrial di Torino (LIT) in 1906 to the insertion of Confindustria into the Fascist totalitarian state. As Franklin Hugh Adler's ambitious and detailed account relates the Lega (LIT) begat first a Federazione Industriali Piemontesi (1908) and then the Confederazione Italiana dell'Industria (CIDI) in 1910 which was relaunched as the Confederazione generale dell'industria Italiana (Confindustria) in 1919. All of these organizations came under the effective direction of Gino Olivetti, the first secretary of the Lega who emerges from Adler's analysis as the principal theorist of a liberalproductionist ideology that the author regards as the central value system of the Italian industrial bourgeoisie. The slimmer volumes (in both scope and size) of Giuseppe Berta and Giorgio Fiocca diverge from Adler's account in stressing the discontinuities in the process of association which are attributed to the triumph of one industrial faction over another, and the changes in direction consequent upon this. By presenting these organizations within the broader context of entrepreneurial and associational activity, their accounts also call into question the extent to which the positions of Confindustria can be assumed to be representative of Italian industrialists as a whole.
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Pirani, Pietro. « ‘The way we were’ : the social construction of Italian security policy ». Modern Italy 15, no 2 (mai 2010) : 217–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903573639.
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Italian security policy literature reveals, usually implicitly rather than explicitly, two distinct strains of analysis. One set of explanations, rooted in realist theory, views Italian foreign policy behaviour by reference to its power position. A second set of arguments, rooted in liberalism, assumes that policy-makers are ultimately influenced by domestic institutional factors in deciding foreign policy issues. The purpose of this article is to offer a theoretical contribution to the ongoing debate on continuity and change in Italian foreign policy. While neorealist and liberal theories have been widely used to explain the development of Italian international behaviour, neither approach has yet provided a full explanation of Italian security policy since the end of the Cold War. In contrast to these theories, it is argued that Italy has built its foreign policy on the basis of cultural considerations involving conflicting strategies of action.
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BOSWORTH, R. J. B. « THE ITALIAN NOVECENTO AND ITS HISTORIANS ». Historical Journal 49, no 1 (24 février 2006) : 317–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05005169.
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The politics of Italian national identity. Edited by Gino Bedani and Bruce Haddock. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2000. Pp. vii+296. ISBN 0-7083-1622-0. £40.00.Fascist modernities: Italy, 1922–1945. By Ruth Ben-Ghiat. Berkeley, University of California Press, 2001. Pp. x+317. ISBN 0-520-22363-2. £28.50.Le spie del regime. By Mauro Canali. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2004. Pp. 863. ISBN 88-15-09801-1. €70.00.I campi del Duce: l'internamento civile nell'Italia fascista (1940–1943). By Carlo Spartaco Capogreco. Turin: Einaudi, 2004. Pp. xi+319. ISBN 88-06-16781-2. €16.00.The American South and the Italian Mezzogiorno: essays in comparative history. Edited by Enrico Dal Lago and Rick Halpern. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Pp. 256. ISBN 0-333-73971-X. £28.50.Disastro! Disasters in Italy since 1860: culture, politics, society. Edited by John Dickie, John Foot, and Frank M. Snowden, Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Pp. ix+342. ISBN 0-312-23960-2. £32.50.Remaking Italy in the twentieth century. By Roy Palmer Domenico. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002. Pp. xiv+181. ISBN 0-8476-9637-5. £16.95.Twentieth century Italy: a social history. By Jonathan Dunnage. Harlow: Pearson, 2002. Pp. xi+271. ISBN 0-582-29278-6. £16.99.Milan since the miracle: city, culture and identity. By John Foot. Oxford: Berg, 2001. Pp. xiv+240. ISBN 1-85973-550-9. £14.99.Squadristi: protagonisti e tecniche della violenza fascista, 1919–1922. By Mimmo Franzinelli. Milan: Mondadori, 2003. Pp. 464. ISBN 88-04-51233-4. €19.00.For love and country: the Italian Resistance. By Patrick Gallo. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2003. Pp. viii+362. ISBN 0-7618-2496-0. $55.00.The struggle for modernity: nationalism, futurism and Fascism. By Emilio Gentile. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003. Pp. xix+203. ISBN 0-275-97692-0. $69.95.Italy and its discontents. By Paul Ginsborg. Harmondsworth: Allen Lane, 2001. Pp. xv+521. ISBN 0-713-99537-8. £25.00.Silvio Berlusconi: television, power and patrimony. By Paul Ginsborg. London: Verso, 2004. Pp. xvi+189. ISBN 1-84467-000-7. £16.00.Fascists. By Michael Mann. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. x+429. ISBN 0-521-53855-6. £15.99.Mussolini: the last 600 days of Il Duce. By Ray Moseley. Dallas: Taylor Trade publishing, 2004. Pp. vii+432. ISBN 1-58979-095-2. $34.95.Lo stato fascista e la sua classe politica, 1922–1943. By Didier Musiedlak. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2001. Pp. 585. ISBN 88-15-09381-8. €32.00.Italy's social revolution: charity and welfare from Liberalism to Fascism. By Maria Sophia Quine. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Pp. xv+429. ISBN 0-333-63261-3. £55.00.La seduzione totalitaria: guerra, modernità, violenza politica (1914–1918). By Angelo Ventrone. Rome: Donzelli, 2003. Pp. xvi+288. ISBN 88-7989-840-X. €24.00.With its winning of an American Academy Award, the film Life is beautiful (1997), brought its director and leading actor, Roberto Benigni, global fame. Benigni's zaniness and self-mockery seemed to embody everything that has convinced foreigners that Italians are, above all, brava gente (nice people). Sometimes, this conclusion can have a supercilious air – niceness can easily be reduced to levity or fecklessness. In those university courses that seek to comprehend the terrible tragedies of twentieth-century Europe, Italians seldom play a leading role. German, Russian, Polish, Yugoslav, and even British and French history are each riven with death and disaster or, alternatively, with heroism and achievement. In such austere company, brava gente can seem out of place.
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Azevedo, Ferdinand. « Os antecedentes históricos do conflito entre Dom Vital e o regalismo brasileiro e a sua resolução ineficaz ». Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 68, no 269 (5 avril 2019) : 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v68i269.1468.
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Uma melhor compreensão da importância de Dom Vital na história brasileira do século XIX exige uma visão mais ampla da política eclesiástica regalista no Brasil, verificando as suas raízes no iluminismo já no “ancien régime” em Portugal. Em sintonia com o movimento ultramontanista que vinha se formando frente aos movimentos de liberalismo e nacionalismo, especialmente na Itália, a experiência de Dom Vital na França o ajudou a ver de perto as suas possibilidades de enfrentar as políticas hostis à Igreja. De volta ao Brasil e já consagrado Bispo, tomou uma decisão imprevista, mas decisiva: enfrentou o Imperador ao defender-se contra uma parte mais radical da Maçonaria em Pernambuco. Para o Império, sua posição foi política e não contra a Maçonaria, contra a autoridade imperial, enquanto para Dom Vital foi uma expressão de fé, defendendo a liberdade de ação da Igreja.Abstract: A better understanding of the importance of Dom Vital in Brazilian history during the Nineteenth Century requires a larger vision of the regalist and ecclesiatical policies in Brasil, verifying its roots already in the enlightenment of the “ancien régime” in Portugal. In conformity with the utramontanist movement which was taking shape in reaction to liberalism and nationalism, specially in Italy, the experience of Dom Vital in France helped him grasp the possibilities of how to face up to the hostil policies against the Church. Back in Brazil and already consacrated Bishop, he made an unforeseen, but decisive decision. He confronted the Emperor by defending himself against the most radical elements of Free Masonry in Pernambuco. For the Empire, his stance was political and not against Free Masonry, against the imperial authority while for Dom Vital, it was an expression of faith, defending the Church’s freedom of action.
Thèses sur le sujet "Liberalism – Italy – History"
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Passaro, Joseph Sebastian. « Raising Italy : National Character and Public Education During the Liberal Era (1876-1888) ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1375158712.
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Bordignon, Mattia. « Forces Of Liberalism And Conservatism In The Nineteenth Century : A Comparative Study On The Italian Peninsula And The Ottoman Empire ». Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613829/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyses the position of the Ottoman Empire and the Italian penin-
sula and their position in the international scenario during the 19th century.
This work studies the developments in the Ottoman Empire and the Italian
peninsula from the beginning of the Tanzimat (in the Ottoman Empire) and
the Risorgimento (in the Italian peninsula), until the Crimean War, and eval-
uates the consequences of these events for the European balance of power.
These developments took place at a time when Europe was divided be-
tween conservative and liberal states, the formers being represented by Russia
and the Habsburg Empire, the latters by Great Britain and France. This the-
sis, while focusing on the role played by these great Powers in influencing the
Ottoman Empire and the Italian peninsula during the first half of the 19th
century, also considers the international developments that followed the out-
break of the Crimean War.
The Crimean War in fact saw the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of
Sardinia allying themselves with the liberal forces, a choice consistent with the
political path these two states were following in their internal reforms, which
they were undertaking to allow them to meet the challenges of evolving times.
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URBINATI, Nadia. « John Stuart Mill e il liberalismo italiano nell'età del positivismo ». Doctoral thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5414.
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Defence date: 29 June 1989Examining board: Athanasios Moulakis (I.U.E.), supervisor ; Norberto Bobbio (Università di Torino) ; Eugenio Garin (Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa) ; Birgitta Nedelmann (I.U.E.), co-supervisor ; Antonio Santucci (Università di Bologna)
First made available online: 23 September 2015
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MULLER, Johannes U. « Il partito che non c'era : il partito giovanile liberale Italiano e l'organizzazione della politica borghese in Italia tra liberalismo, nazionalismo e fascismo ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6905.
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Defence date: 14 June 2006Examining board: Prof. Raffaele Romanelli (Istituto Universitario Europeo)-supervisore ; Prof. Dr. Bo Stråth (Istituto Universitario Europeo) ; Prof. Fulvio Cammarano (Università di Bologna) ; Prof. Dr. Lutz Klinkhammer (Istituto Storico Germanico)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Livres sur le sujet "Liberalism – Italy – History"
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Robson, Mark. Italy : Liberalism and fascism, 1870-1945. London : Hodder & Stoughton, 1992.
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Robson, Mark. Italy : Liberalism and fascism, 1870-1945. 2e éd. London : Hodder & Stoughton, 2000.
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Evans, David. Years of liberalism and fascism : Italy 1870-1945. London : Hodder & Stoughton Educational, 2003.
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Adler, Franklin Hugh. Italian industrialists from liberalism to fascism : The political development of the industrial bourgeoisie, 1906-1934. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1995.
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Pischedda, Carlo. 1848 : Il vecchio Piemonte liberale alle urne. Torino : Centro studi piemontesi, 1998.
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Haywood, Geoffrey A. Failure of a dream : Sidney Sonnino and the rise and fall of liberal Italy 1847-1922. Firenze : L.S. Olschki, 1999.
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Piero Gobetti's new world : Antifascism, liberalism, writing. Toronto : University of Toronto Press, 2010.
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I profeti disarmati : 1945-1948, la guerra tra le due sinistre. Milano : Corbaccio, 2008.
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Serri, Mirella. I profeti disarmati : 1945-1948, la guerra tra le due sinistre. Milano : Corbaccio, 2008.
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Grand, Alexander J. De. The hunchback's tailor : Giovanni Giolitti and liberal Italy from the challenge of mass politics to the rise of fascism, 1882-1922. Westport, Conn : Praeger, 2001.
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Bellamy, Richard. « Liberalism and Historicism : Benedetto Croce and the Political Role of Idealism in Modern Italy 1890-1952 ». Dans The Promise of History, sous la direction de Athanasios Moulakis, 69–119. Berlin, Boston : De Gruyter, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110872439-006.
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Donohue, Christopher. « “A Mountain of Nonsense” ? Czech and Slovenian Receptions of Materialism and Vitalism from c. 1860s to the First World War ». Dans History, Philosophy and Theory of the Life Sciences, 67–84. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12604-8_5.
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AbstractIn general, historians of science and historians of ideas do not focus on critical appraisals of scientific ideas such as vitalism and materialism from Catholic intellectuals in eastern and southeastern Europe, nor is there much comparative work available on how significant European ideas in the life sciences such as materialism and vitalism were understood and received outside of France, Germany, Italy and the UK. Insofar as such treatments are available, they focus on the contributions of nineteenth century vitalism and materialism to later twentieth ideologies, as well as trace the interactions of vitalism and various intersections with the development of genetics and evolutionary biology see Mosse (The culture of Western Europe: the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Westview Press, Boulder, 1988, Toward the final solution: a history of European racism. Howard Fertig Publisher, New York, 1978; Turda et al., Crafting humans: from genesis to eugenics and beyond. V&R Unipress, Goettingen, 2013). English and American eugenicists (such as William Caleb Saleeby), and scores of others underscored the importance of vitalism to the future science of “eugenics” (Saleeby, The progress of eugenics. Cassell, New York, 1914). Little has been written on materialism qua materialism or vitalism qua vitalism in eastern Europe.The Czech and Slovene cases are interesting for comparison insofar as both had national awakenings in the middle of the nineteenth century which were linguistic and scientific, while also being religious in nature (on the Czech case see David, Realism, tolerance, and liberalism in the Czech National awakening: legacies of the Bohemian reformation. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2010; on the Slovene case see Kann and David, Peoples of the Eastern Habsburg Lands, 1526-1918. University of Washington Press, Washington, 2010). In the case of many Catholic writers writing in Moravia, there are not only slight noticeable differences in word-choice and construction but a greater influence of scholastic Latin, all the more so in the works of nineteenth century Czech priests and bishops.In this case, German, Latin and literary Czech coexisted in the same texts. Thus, the presence of these three languages throws caution on the work on the work of Michael Gordin, who argues that scientific language went from Latin to German to vernacular. In Czech, Slovenian and Croatian cases, all three coexisted quite happily until the First World War, with the decades from the 1840s to the 1880s being particularly suited to linguistic flexibility, where oftentimes writers would put in parentheses a Latin or German word to make the meaning clear to the audience. Note however that these multiple paraphrases were often polemical in the case of discussions of materialism and vitalism.In Slovenia Čas (Time or The Times) ran from 1907 to 1942, running under the muscular editorship of Fr. Aleš Ušeničnik (1868–1952) devoted hundreds of pages often penned by Ušeničnik himself or his close collaborators to wide-ranging discussions of vitalism, materialism and its implied social and societal consequences. Like their Czech counterparts Fr. Matěj Procházka (1811–1889) and Fr. Antonín LenzMaterialismMechanismDynamism (1829–1901), materialism was often conjoined with "pantheism" and immorality. In both the Czech and the Slovene cases, materialism was viewed as a deep theological problem, as it made the Catholic account of the transformation of the Eucharistic sacrifice into the real presence untenable. In the Czech case, materialism was often conjoined with “bestiality” (bestialnost) and radical politics, especially agrarianism, while in the case of Ušeničnik and Slovene writers, materialism was conjoined with “parliamentarianism” and “democracy.” There is too an unexamined dialogue on vitalism, materialism and pan-Slavism which needs to be explored.Writing in 1914 in a review of O bistvu življenja (Concerning the essence of life) by the controversial Croatian biologist Boris Zarnik) Ušeničnik underscored that vitalism was an speculative outlook because it left the field of positive science and entered the speculative realm of philosophy. Ušeničnik writes that it was “Too bad” that Zarnik “tackles” the question of vitalism, as his zoological opinions are interesting but his philosophy was not “successful”. Ušeničnik concluded that vitalism was a rather old idea, which belonged more to the realm of philosophy and Thomistic theology then biology. It nonetheless seemed to provide a solution for the particular characteristics of life, especially its individuality. It was certainly preferable to all the dangers that materialism presented. Likewise in the Czech case, Emmanuel Radl (1873–1942) spent much of his life extolling the virtues of vitalism, up until his death in home confinement during the Nazi Protectorate. Vitalism too became bound up in the late nineteenth century rediscovery of early modern philosophy, which became an essential part of the development of new scientific consciousness and linguistic awareness right before the First World War in the Czech lands. Thus, by comparing the reception of these ideas together in two countries separated by ‘nationality’ but bounded by religion and active engagement with French and German ideas (especially Driesch), we can reconstruct not only receptions of vitalism and materialism, but articulate their political and theological valances.
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Dyson, Kenneth. « Introduction ». Dans Conservative Liberalism, Ordo-liberalism, and the State, 1–16. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198854289.003.0001.
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This chapter stresses the recurrent sense of the fragility and contingent character of liberalism not just in relation to external challenges but also its capacity for self-harm. Liberalism’s ideals are prey to erosion through self-regarding practices of crony capitalism and competitive party politics. This diagnosis of liberalism’s ills forms the background to the cross-national attempt to rejuvenate liberalism as conservative liberalism and Ordo-liberalism. The chapter stresses the value of history in examining Ordo-liberalism as a tradition with its own roots and canon, rather than more narrowly as a school or theory; in setting it in its larger context of cross-national family resemblances; in using original archival evidence to go behind published texts; and in clearing up misconceptions of Ordo-liberalism, above all in the English-speaking world. History is also valuable in rescuing thinkers from the neglect and silence that accompanies processes of memorialization. It helps to bring out the nature and significance of stabilization traditions in France and Italy as well as in Germany. It also highlights the imperfect correspondence between Ordo-liberalism and economic policy practice in Germany as well as in the European Union and the euro area. The chapter concludes by asking why Ordo-liberalism is so important; by outlining what is distinctive about the book; and by explaining the book’s structure.
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Volkov, Shulamit. « Antisemitism in Context : Three Recent Volumes ». Dans Becoming Post-Communist, 187—C9N2. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197687215.003.0010.
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Abstract This chapter reviews three collections of essays on the history of antisemitism. The 19 essays in Antisemitism: Historical Concept, Public Discourse (2020) were written as responses to David Engel’s article of 2009, “Away from a Definition of Antisemitism: An Essay in the Semantics of Historical Description.” In it, Engel recapitulates his lingering frustration with the unclear nature of the term “antisemitism.” Meanwhile, the 17 essays in Jews, Liberalism, Antisemitism: A Global History (2021) deal with the complex links among Jews, antisemites, and liberals, not only in Italy, Spain, and Vienna, but also in the United States, Turkey, the Middle East, and even the Caribbean. In Key Concepts in the Study of Antisemitism (2021)—an alphabetical compendium beginning with anti-Judaism and ending with Zionism—the essays discuss emancipation, the Catholic church, nationalism, gender, orientalism, and postcolonialism.
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Nachmani, Amikam. « European realities : aspects of the ‘triangular’ relations between Europeans, Muslims and Jews ». Dans Haunted Presents. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784993078.003.0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Gordon Allport, the founder of modern prejudice research, observed, “People who reject one out-group will tend to reject other out-groups.” In a country-by-country overview this chapter surveys the mutual views and practices of Europeans and Muslim immigrants and the relevance of Jewish European history in their encounters. In the Netherlands, where Muslims are 5.5 percent of the population and live in “Muslim ghettos,” Dutch liberalism and tolerance rankles Islamic conservative sensitivities. The Dutch minority government with the support of the far-right Party of Freedom (PVV) and its controversial leader Geert Wilders, who compares the Koran to Hitler’s Mein Kampf, has passed some of the toughest restrictions against immigrants in Europe, including a ban on the women’s burqa and dual citizenship. A “Pig Day” in Bologna, Italy, protested the planned construction of a mosque. In Sweden once anti-Semitic skinheads and racists moved on to targeting Muslims, while young Muslims torch synagogues and attack Jews in reaction to Israeli ME policies. The internet with its far-reaching potential to recruit new supporters to causes of all extremist persuasions and to spread hate propaganda has become a fast-growing EU-wide trend and favoured “free-for-all tool” for many individuals, groups and political parties.
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Ulunyan, Artyom. « A. Ipsilanti’s Moldavo-Wallachian Saga in Newspapers of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and the Sardinian Kingdom (First Half of 1821) ». Dans 1821 in the History of Balkan Peoples (On the 200th anniversary of the Greek Revolution), 39–69. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences ; Hellenic Cultural Center, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0469-5.03.
Texte intégralRésumé :
International relations in Europe after the Vienna congress, the conferences following it and the treaties signed as a result, were shaped by a confrontation of two main ideological principles that emerged after the Napoleonic era - liberalism and conservatism, amplified by the internal political developments in most European states. From the point of view of the public news agenda, events in Greece have attracted widespread attention not just as another conflict po-tentially capable of turning into a full-scale war involving European empires, but also as one of the manifestations of the struggle for national independence based on liberal ideas. This chapter examines the way the uprising led by A. Ipsilanti in Moldavia and Wallachia was portrayed by the semi-official “Giornale del Regno delle Due Sicilie” and by two Sardinian publications, “Gazzetta di Genova” and “Gazetta piemontese”. Particular attention is given to the time-frame of publications, which usually came much later than the actual events, as well as the general tone of those publications, determined largely by situation in post-Revolutionary Italy, Austrian influence on Italian political life and the fact that Italian publications depended on Austrian sources for information about the events in Moldavia and Wallachia. The author deconstructs the reprinting system used by Italian publications and the usage of material in a de-chronologised, mosaic fashion which further transformed the image of the events for the Italian public, creating a “chorographic image” of the events in the Danube principalities as the Greek struggle for independence unfolded. The description of A. Ipsilanti’s actions, for all the details provide by the aforementioned publications, was inconsistent, as was the description of the results of his struggle, primarily due to the reliance on Austrian and German newspapers as a source of information.