Thèses : « Liberalism and religion »

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Pegram, Jeffrey Keefe. « Political liberalism, religion, and the prophetic tradition ». College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/7219.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2007.
Thesis research directed by: Education Policy, and Leadership. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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Bellolio, Cristóbal. « Political liberalism and the scientific claims of religion ». Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2017. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10025061/.

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Political liberalism is said to be neutral between what John Rawls called comprehensive doctrines. These doctrines are usually defined by their ethical and philosophical claims. However, how political liberalism should address factual disagreements in pluralistic societies is less clear. This is the broader question that this work aims to tackle. At a more specific level, the normative question is how liberal institutions should deal with factual claims put forward by religious traditions and communities. I take evolution vs. creationism as a case in point. While the former is a widely-accepted theory within scientific circles, the latter is advocated by religious groups in the US and elsewhere. The question is thus whether the liberal state can legitimately enlist its educational resources to teach Darwinism and exclude creationism as the true story about our origins. To this, creationists claim that (a) as Darwinism is a philosophically naturalistic doctrine, its exclusive teaching violates the promise of liberal neutrality to the detriment of non-naturalistic worldviews; and (b) liberal institutions – from courts of justice to educational boards and executive officials - are promoting a materialistic understanding of the scientific project by arbitrarily disallowing supernatural hypotheses. Accordingly, the best way to honour both metaphysical and epistemological fairness is to treat evolutionary theory and its foes in a balanced way within the framework of mandatory scientific education. Hence, the Creationist Claim (CC) is advanced as a logical implication of political liberalism’s purported impartiality. The first part of this thesis addresses three arguments that liberal theorists have articulated to dismiss CC: (i) Darwinian evolution is just a scientific theory, (ii) religion should not address matters of factuality, and (iii) science cannot handle supernatural hypotheses by definition. But these replies are unconvincing. I argue that Darwinism can be suitably presented as a partial worldview; that most religious narratives incorporate factual claims; and that theistic hypotheses should not be excluded from the purview of science under the disguise of a purely methodological naturalism. Nonetheless, this does not mean that creationism should be taught in the biology classroom. The second part of the thesis aims to provide a public justification for the exclusive teaching of Darwinian evolution. After distinguishing between two stages of liberal neutrality, I argue that the state is legitimated to adjudicate between competing factual claims through fair procedures, an adjudication that is indifferent to the naturalistic or supernaturalistic character of the hypotheses. Two justificatory strategies are then pursued. The first reconstructs the problem by mimicking the conditions of the Rawlsian Original Position, tracking the educational goods that every citizen under the veil of ignorance would sign up for. It concludes that a commitment to the aims of a broadly liberal education leads to the notion that every future citizen is entitled to an adequate degree of scientific literacy, which includes an understanding of the most fundamental idea in life sciences: evolution. The second appeals to Rawls’s suggestion that public reason encompasses the uncontroversial methods and conclusions of science. After addressing several possible objections, I conclude that scientific reasoning is a paradigmatic case of public reasoning, thus suitable for the aims of liberal public justification. Further, it offers a theory to think about scientific reasoning as an extension of everyday reasoning and common sense, a crucial assumption from which we can assert epistemic shared grounds. As a conclusion, this thesis argues that factual disagreements – such as the one that divides pluralistic societies over cosmic narratives - should be addressed by liberals within parameters of public justification, because this is the best way to show respect to all citizens. The scientific claims of religion might well be discarded, not because they are religious but because they fail to provide evidential support in a world in which scientific reasoning works as public epistemology.

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Wahlstrom, Andrew Kenneth. « Liberalism, perfectionism, and religious communities ». view abstract or download file of text, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3018399.

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Menezes, Leonardo Barros da Silva. « Em nome da tolerância : o papel da religião em sociedades democráticas liberais ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-22122015-105007/.

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O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o papel da religião em sociedades democráticas liberais. Inicialmente, descrevo os principais elementos das teorias exclusivas e inclusivas da religião. Os argumentos de tais teorias dizem respeito à (in)validez da justificação de razões religiosas para leis estatais de caráter coercitivo. Após apresentar estas linhas gerais, trago ao debate duas posições liberais a respeito da tolerância religiosa: primeiro, a de Ronald Dworkin, depois a de John Rawls com o intuito de defender uma concepção liberal igualitária de tolerância religiosa. Embora Rawls esteja normalmente situado entre os teóricos ditos exclusivistas, pretendo lançar mão de alguns elementos de sua teoria que sugerem, no entanto, a presença de uma certa visão inclusiva em seu argumento, ou ao menos uma visão menos restritiva de sua ideia / ideal de razão pública. Por fim, avalio os limites da teoria normativa rawlsiana ante as formulações de Jürgen Habermas a respeito dos desafios que a religião suscita em sociedades pós-seculares.
This work has the main goal of analyzing the role of religion in liberal democratic societies. First, I describe the main tenets of the exclusive and inclusive theories of religion. These theories concern the (in) validity of religious reasons to justify state laws of a coercive nature. After presenting the general outlines of the debate, I discuss how two different liberal theories, the Ronald Dworkins normative framework and then the rawlsian one, are both able to offer a liberal-egalitarian defense for a conception of religious tolerance. Although normally located among theories called exclusive I intend to use some elements of John Rawls theory that suggest, nonetheless, the presence of a certain inclusive vision in his argument, or at least a less restrictive view of his idea/ideal of public reason. Finally, I take up Jürgen Habermas assumptions on the place of religion in post-secular societies in order to test some normative limits which the theory of John Rawls must face.

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Storm, Ingrid. « Liberal and conservative religion as different socio-ecological strategies ». Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2007.

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Sehat, David Kasson John F. « The American moral establishment religion and liberalism in the nineteenth century / ». Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1154.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 27, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.

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Billingham, Paul. « Justification to all : liberalism, legitimacy, and theology ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3c205a0e-3d43-4037-abd6-eeedd249670f.

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This thesis concerns the reason-giving aspect of legitimacy. What reasons must be used to justify coercive laws, if citizens are to be respected as morally free and equal, in the face of their many moral, religious, and philosophical disagreements? Many theorists endorse 'political liberalism', according to which laws must be justified to all citizens by reasons that they can accept. This claim has been interpreted in two conflicting ways. The dominant view, which I call 'public reason liberalism', holds that laws must be justified by appeal to a set of values that all citizens can share, despite their many disagreements. In the first part of the thesis, I argue that this view should be rejected in favour of 'justificatory liberalism', which holds that laws must be conclusively justified to each citizen on the basis of all of their reasons. I also respond to the challenge of the 'right reasons view', which rejects the claim that laws need to be justified to citizens by reasons they can accept. Several prominent objections to political liberalism claim that it is incompatible with committed religious belief. In the second part of the thesis I investigate whether this is the case with regard to Christianity, by engaging with Christian theology. I argue that many of the common objections to political liberalism fail, but so do certain arguments that aim to show that Christians ought to endorse public reason liberalism on the basis of their religious beliefs. Nonetheless, Christians can accept political liberalism, and justificatory liberalism in particular. The requirements of justificatory liberalism and individuals' Christian beliefs will sometimes conflict, however. Justificatory liberals should accept that individuals can sometimes justifiably prioritise the latter over the former. My overall argument is that justificatory liberalism offers the best account of the reason-giving aspect of legitimacy, and that this is partly shown by its compatibility with Christian theology.

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Martin, Craig Edward. « Policing public/private borders religion, liberalism, and the 'private judgment of the magistrate' / ». Related electronic resource:, 2007. https://login.libezproxy2.syr.edu/login?qurl=http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1441187521&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3739&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Roy, Calvin W. « The evolution of American theology ». Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2005. http://www.tren.com.

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Ridden, Jennifer. « Making good citizens : national identity, religion and Liberalism among the Irish elite c.1800-1850 ». Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1998. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/making-good-citizens--national-identity-religion-and-liberalism-among-the-irish-elite-c18001850(90164d9a-7bc9-42b9-97df-e2175c1f7d6d).html.

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Diehl, Katarina. « "Fundamentalism, barnfängelser och religionsfrihet" : En diskursanalytisk studie av debatten kring religiösa friskolor ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Social and Welfare Studies, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-15834.

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Uppsatsens syfte är att analysera den mediala debatten kring konfessionella friskolor för att komma fram till hur diskursen kring de religiösa friskolorna konstrueras. Vilka teman är debatten uppbyggd kring, vilka utgångspunkter grundar sig den i och vilka begränsningar skapas det i talet om de religiösa friskolorna? Uppsatsen behandlar såväl olika syn på religion och dess betydelse, som integration, liberalistiska värden och hur makt skapas i samband med institutionaliserade diskurser.

Vidare kan man genom debatten även utröna diskussioner om vilken funktion skolan bör ha, hur mycket statlig styrning som är önskvärd och hur intolerans egentligen ska definieras. Genom analysen uppmärksammas det svenska svenska samhället och de sekulariserade samt liberalistiska värden som styr möjligheterna att utala sig som de religiösa friskolorna. Debatten kring de religiösa friksolorna kan bland annat ses som en sätt att försöka kontrollera och definiera religionen och dess alltmer påtagliga plats i det offentliga.

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Stewart, Iain. « Raymond Aron and the roots of the French Liberal Renaissance ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/raymond-aron-and-the-roots-of-the-french-liberal-renaissance(80d5362a-6256-40f2-821d-06eaec43e4c3).html.

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Raymond Aron is widely recognised as France's greatest twentieth-century liberal, but the specifically liberal quality of his thought has not received the detailed historical analysis that it deserves. His work appears to fit so well within widely accepted understandings of post-war European liberalism, which has been defined primarily in terms of its anti-totalitarian, Cold War orientation, that its liberal status has been somewhat taken for granted. This has been exacerbated by an especially strong perception of a correlation between liberalism and anti-totalitarianism in France, whose late twentieth-century renaissance in liberal political thought is viewed as the product of an 'anti-totalitarian turn' in the late 1970s. While the moral authority accumulated through decades of opposition to National Socialism and Soviet communism made Aron into an anti-totalitarian icon, his early contribution to the rediscovery of France's liberal tradition established his reputation as a leader of the renaissance in the study of liberal political thought. Aron's prominence within this wider renaissance suggests that an historical treatment of his thought is overdue, but while the assumptions underpinning his reputation are not baseless, they do need to be critically scrutinised if such a treatment is to be credible. In pursuit of this end, two main arguments are developed in the present thesis. These are, first, that Aron's liberalism was more a product of the inter-war crisis of European liberalism than of the Cold War and, second, that his relationship with the French liberal tradition was primarily active and instrumental rather than passive and receptive. The first argument indicates that Aron's liberalism developed through a dialogue with and partial integration of important strands of anti-liberal crisis thought during these inter-war years; the second that earlier liberals with whose work he is frequently associated - notably Montesquieu and Tocqueville - had no substantial formative influence on his political thought. These contentions are interrelated in that Aron's post-war interpretation of his chosen liberal forebears was driven by a need to address specific problems arising from the liberal political epistemology that he formulated before the Second World War. It is by establishing in detail the link between Aron's reading of Montesquieu and Tocqueville and these earlier writings that the thesis makes its principal contribution to the existing literature on Aron, but several other original interpretations of his work are offered across its four thematic chapters on 'Political Epistemology', 'Anti-totalitarianism', 'The End of Ideology' and 'Instrumentalizing the French Liberal Tradition'. Regarding Aron's relationship with the wider late twentieth-century recovery of liberal political thought in France, it contends that the specific liberal renaissance to which he contributed most substantially emerged not as part of the anti-totalitarian turn, but in hostile reaction to the events of May 1968. This informs a broader argument that French liberal renaissance of these years was considerably more heterogeneous than is often assumed.

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Cegielski, Susan. « Schleiermacher and the Christian church ». Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1989. http://www.tren.com.

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Anagnostou, Emmanouil. « The Re-emergence of Religion in European Politics : The Greek Case of Church - State Relations and Religious Freedom in the Context of Education ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21701.

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Conducting research on the influence of religion on politics is nowadays a growing tendency as various authors seek to explore why and how the spiritual element affects the natural world of politics. The purpose of this study is to discuss the influence of the Christian religion on education in Europe. The exact research case is the Orthodox sphere and in particular the Greek state. The selection is not random. It has been observed that in the Orthodox part of Europe, the church - state relations are quite close to an extent that, especially in Greece, it makes many authors wonder whether such a relationship may be against the model of the liberal, European state. As an example of the church - state relationship, the study also extends to the human rights field where cases of religious freedom competence in the Greek, public school are reviewed. By applying a mix of case study and content analysis under the prism of liberalism, the thesis argues for a potential transition to a post-secular epoch in Europe

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Martin, Andrew Joseph. « Public values ? Public virtues ? a critique of John Rawls' idea of public reason / ». Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2005. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p068-0575.

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Peres, Sílvio Lopes. « O protestantismo no pensamento de Carl Gustav Jung ». Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2007. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/2480.

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This present research deals with the thought of Carl Gustav Jung, concerning the Protestantism as religion. Pronouncing himself protestant, Jung does pertinent considerations regarding the influences that the Protestantism suffered and carried out in the history of the Christianity, and the results that its followers achieve, for belonging to it, since the periods previous to the Reform of the century XVI, focusing its attention in the Enlightenment of the ends of the century XVII and the whole century XVIII, arriving at his days, in the century XX. The objective of this work is to present how Jung understood the Protestantism as " risk and religious possibility ", that is, its negative and positive aspects. For this, we report to somes cientific concepts elaborated by Jung, with the objective of understanding the basis of his observations about the Protestant faith, since his personal experiences is the main point of his scientific analyses , with regard to the Protestantism.
A presente pesquisa trata do pensamento de Carl Gustav Jung, acerca do Protestantismo como religião. Declarando-se protestante, Jung faz considerações pertinentes quanto às influências que o Protestantismo sofreu e desempenhou na história do Cristianismo, e os resultados que seus fiéis logram, por pertencer a ele, desde os períodos anteriores à Reforma do século XVI, focalizando sua atenção no Iluminismo dos finais do século XVII e todo o século XVIII, chegando aos seus dias, no século XX. O objetivo desse trabalho é apresentar como Jung entendeu o Protestantismo como risco e possibilidade religiosa, isto é, seus aspectos negativos e positivos. Para isto nos reportamos a alguns conceitos científicos elaborados por Jung, com o objetivo de compreender os fundamentos de suas observações quanto à fé protestante, visto serem suas experiências pessoais, o ponto principal de suas análises científicas, quanto ao Protestantismo.

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Terry, Thomas C. Shaw Donald Lewis. « That old-time religion three journalists in the triangle of race, religion, and liberalism in the South at the cusp of the modern Civil Rights era, 1950-1953 / ». Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1423.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Apr. 25, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication." Discipline: Journalism and Mass Communication; Department/School: Journalism and Mass Communication, School of.

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Hoffacker, Jayna C. « Catholicism and Community : American Political Culture and the Conservative Catholic Social Justice Tradition, 1890-1960 ». Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/42.

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The prevailing trend in the historiography of American Catholicism has been an implicit acceptance of the traditional liberal narrative as formulated by scholars like Louis Hartz. American Catholic historians like Jay Dolan and John McGreevy have incorporated this narrative into their studies and argue that America was inherently liberal and that the conservative Catholics who rejected liberalism were thus fundamentally anti-American. This has simplified nuanced and complex relationships into a story of simple opposition. Further, the social justice doctrine of the Catholic Church, although based on undeniably illiberal foundations, led conservatives to come to the same conclusions about social and economic reform as did twentieth-century liberal reformers. These shared ideas about social reform, though stemming from conflicting foundations and looking toward vastly different goals, allowed conservative Catholics to play a role in what are seen as some of the most sweeping liberal reforms of the twentieth-century.

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Winn, Joshua Paul. « An evaluation of George Lindbeck's theory of doctrinal truth ». Dallas, TX : Dallas Theological Seminary, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2986/tren.001-1252.

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Pavuk, Alexander. « Progressively turning human origins discourse on its head science, religion, and liberal Catholic irony in the American public square, 1899-1939 / ». Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company ; downloadable PDF file, 613 p, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1833621141&sid=6&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Hamdah, Butheina. « Liberalism and the Impact on Religious Identity : Hijab Culture in the American Muslim Context ». University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo151335793140375.

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Vallier, Kevin. « Liberal Politics and Public Faith : A Philosophical Reconciliation ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/201493.

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Political philosophers widely assume that public reason liberalism is hostile to religious contributions to liberal politics. My dissertation argues that this assumption is a mistake. Properly understood, public reason liberalism does not privilege religious or secular reasoning; a compelling conception of public reason liberalism can balance the claims of secular citizens and citizens of faith. I develop a framework that can resolve the tensions between liberalism and faith not only at a theoretical level but in the practical matters of dialogue, public policy, institutional design and constitutional law.

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Bardon, Aurélia. « Les arguments religieux dans la discussion politique : une théorie de la justification publique ». Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0011.

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Cette thèse porte sur le rôle du raisonnement fondé sur des croyances religieuses dans la discussion politique, et plus précisément sur la compatibilité des arguments religieux publics avec les postulats libéraux et démocratiques concernant la justification de décisions politiques, c’est-à-dire prises au nom de l’État. La justification publique est gage de légitimité en démocratie libérale : mais dans quelles conditions une décision est-elle publiquement justifiée ? Tous les arguments sont-ils valables ? Les arguments religieux sont souvent considérés avec méfiance : ils sont particuliers, ne sont convaincants que pour certains citoyens et sont rejetés par d’autres. Il semblerait donc injuste, pour ceux qui ne partagent pas ces croyances religieuses, de les utiliser pour justifier des décisions politiques. La même chose, cependant, vaut pour de nombreux autres arguments, non religieux, comme les arguments utilitaristes et les arguments libéraux eux-mêmes. L’objectif de la thèse est d’examiner différentes stratégies visant à justifier l’exclusion de certains arguments, puis de proposer un nouveau modèle de discussion politique. La thèse défendue est que les arguments absolutistes, c’est-à-dire les arguments fondés sur la reconnaissance de l’existence d’une source extra-sociale de validité normative, ne respectent pas les exigences de la justification publique et doivent donc être exclus de la discussion politique. Mais la distinction entre arguments absolutistes et non absolutistes ne recoupe pas celle entre arguments religieux et séculiers : on ne peut donc pas dire que tous les arguments religieux doivent être exclus, ni qu’ils peuvent toujours être inclus
This dissertation focuses on the role of faith-based reasoning in political discussion, and more specifically on the compatibility of public religious arguments with liberal and democratic premises regarding the justification of political decisions, i.e. decisions made in the name of the state. Public justification is a requirement of legitimacy in liberal democracy: but under which conditions is a decision publicly justified? Are all arguments valid? Religious arguments are often considered with suspicion: they are particular, therefore convincing for only some citizens and rejected by others. It seems unfair, for those who do not share religious beliefs, to use these arguments to justify political decisions. The same objection, however, is also true for many other non-religious arguments, like utilitarian arguments or liberal arguments themselves.The purpose of the dissertation is to examine different strategies aiming to justify the exclusion of certain arguments, and then to offer a new model of political discussion. The claim defended is that absolutist arguments, meaning arguments that are based on the recognition of the existence of an extra-social source of normative validity, do not respect the requirements of public justification and consequently should be excluded from political discussion. The distinction between absolutist and non-absolutist arguments does not overlap with the distinction between religious and secular arguments: it thus cannot be argued that all religious arguments should always be excluded, or that they could always be included

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Alexander, Jeannie M. « Liberation gospel a study of contemporary radical liberal theology and practice in the Southern United States / ». unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-05032007-220203/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.
Title from file title page. Christopher White, committee chair; Louis Ruprecht, Timothy Renick, committee members. Electronic text ( 64 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Oct. 29, 2007. Includes bibliographical references.

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Passaro, Joseph Sebastian. « Raising Italy : National Character and Public Education During the Liberal Era (1876-1888) ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1375158712.

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Jordan, Holly A. « Marriage, the Family, and Security in Israel : The Paradox of the Liberal State ». Diss., Virginia Tech, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/71378.

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This study offers an interpretation of political change in Israel through an examination of amendments to Israel's personal status laws (PSLs) - ""laws governing marriage, divorce, death, inheritance, and adoption. I found that separate ethno-religious groups, including Arab Muslims, non-Western Jews, and non-religious persons (including some secular Jews), do not enjoy equal access to the civil right of marriage and divorce that citizens commonly enjoy within other Western liberal nations. Marriage and divorce within Israel are only accessble through, and sanctioned by, religious institutions. I argue that Israel's PSLs reflect a significant paradox within liberalism, namely the inherent tension between the state's guarantee of religious rights versus the constitutional protection of citizens' civil rights. My research begins within political theory, grounded in theories of liberalism, biopolitics, nationalism, and post-colonial studies. Part one traces the history of Israel from the late Ottoman period through the founding of the State in 1948, with consideration paid both to Israel's founders (and the political Zionisms they espoused) and to political Zionism's critics (including Hannah Arendt, Isaiah Berlin, and Judith Butler). I then turn to a examination of Israel's PSLs, asking what is at stake when a liberal, democratic nation bases its laws governing marriage and divorce upon religious law rather than developing civil laws governing these institutions. Part two considers four legal arrangements caught in a crucial political paradox: laws and programs regulating the lives of women, laws outlawing polygynous marriages, changes in laws surrounding exogamous and cross-border marriages, and the treatment of Ethiopian Jews under the law. Each of these cases demonstrate the ways PSLs are used to address growing concerns over the security and national identity of the Jewish State. Through these four examples, Israel's concerns over national identity, citizenship, and security become manifest, and one important instance of the paradox of liberalism comes into focus. Ultimately, while Israel is unique as the world's only Jewish state, Israel becomes understandable as a liberal state experiencing many of the same anxieties and internal liberal problematics experienced by other states as well.
Ph. D.

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Oliveira, Gustavo de Souza 1985. « Entre o rígido e o flexível = D. Antônio Ferreira Viçoso e a reforma do clero mineiro (1844-1875) ». [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281880.

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Orientador: Eliane Moura Silva
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O objetivo da dissertação é analisar o ultramontanismo a partir das práticas religiosas do referido bispo, compreendendo a reforma eclesiástica como criadora de um cotidiano específico e não como simplesmente um movimento transplantado da Europa para o Brasil. Para tanto, estudamos algumas ações de D. Antônio Ferreira Viçoso (1787-1875) durante seu bispado na Diocese de Mariana, Minas Gerais, entre os anos de 1844 e 1875. As medidas adotadas por ele tais como a reestruturação do seminário, as missões perpétuas e as visitas pastorais, somadas às ações dos padres e freiras, foram fundamentais para o entendimento do ultramontanismo como cultura religiosa. Diante de um clero que, apesar das tentativas de controle, continuava a viver da maneira que lhe convinha, a Igreja foi obrigada a alterar algumas de suas normas e se flexibilizar. Assim, a relação entre normas impostas e ações criadoras favoreceu uma reforma eclesiástica menos rigorosa. O movimento ultramontano, iniciado por D. Viçoso, em Minas Gerais, através de ações reformadoras, teve que enfrentar a grande dimensão da diocese, juntamente com a insuficiência numérica dos padres. O resultado foi uma reforma religiosa que tolerou um preparo mais rápido dos clérigos e a continuação no sacerdócio daqueles que possuíam histórico de escândalos
Abstract: The objective of this dissertation is to analyze ultramontanism from religious practices from the referred bishop, understanding ecclesiastic reform as the creator of a specific routine and not only as a movement transplanted from Europe to Brazil. Thus, we studied some actions by D. Antônio Ferreira Viçoso (1787-1875) during his bishopric in dioceses in Mariana, Minas Gerais, from 1844 to 1875. The measures adopted by him as restructuration of the seminar, perpetual missions and pastorals visits, added to actions by priests and nuns, and were very important for the understanding of ultramontanism as religious culture. Opposite to the clergy, who despite controlling attempts, continued to live as they wished, Church had to change some of its rules and to make itself more flexible. Therefore, the relationship among imposed rules and creative actions favored a less strict ecclesiastic reform. The ultramontane movement, started by D. Viçoso, in Minas Gerais, through reformatory actions, had to face the great dimension of the dioceses, together with a numerical insufficiency of priests. The result was a religious reform that tolerated a faster education of the clergy and the continuation in priesthood of those with a record of scandals
Mestrado
Historia Cultural
Mestre em História

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Ahlström, Michael. « Svensk Fritänkarrörelse : idé och debatt under sent 1800-tal ». Thesis, University of Gävle, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-395.

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Fritänkarrörelsen, som den gestaltade sig under 1800-talets två sista decennier, är i den mån man kan tala om den som en egen rörelse relativt outforskad som sin egen helhet. Förutom några få undantag finns i första hand biografier över några av de ledande personerna inom fritänkarrörelsen, framför allt om de personer som var delaktiga i skapandet av de många stora folkrörelser som såg dagens ljus under denna tid. Folkrörelserna och ideologierna har i sina historieskildringar tagit med fritänkarna som en del av sitt ursprung. Det som kan saknas är en översiktlig genomgång av de gemensamma tankar och idéer som var centrala för dem som kallade sig själva fritänkare. Även om denna uppsats i sig inte i första hand är ett begreppsanalytiskt arbete så består en del av undersökningen av ett utredande av begrepp, översiktlig beskrivning av de olika grupperna inom fritänkeriet och dess idéinnehåll samt presentation av några av de mest tongivande agitatorerna. Många av dessa agitatorer blev aktivt motarbetade av samhället och åtalen för hädelse mot såväl kyrkan som staten var vanligt förekommande. Det hörde inte till ovanligheten att åtalen resulterade i fängelsestraff för dessa tankefrihetens förkämpar. Vad var då fritänkarnas farliga budskap och idéer som skulle komma att påverka historiens gång?

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Johnson, Kristen Deede. « From tolerance to difference : the theological turn of political theory ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13231.

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Within recent political theory, political liberalism has answered the question of how to deal with pluralism in contemporary society largely in terms of tolerance. Prompted by the same question, agonistic political theory has been in search of a way to move beyond liberal invocations of tolerance to a deeper celebration of difference. This project tells the story of the move within political theory from tolerance to difference, and the concomitant move from epistemology to ontology, through an exposition of the work of liberal theorists John Rawls and Richard Rorty and of agonistic, or post-Nietzschean, political theorists Chantal Mouffe and William Connolly. From a theological perspective, the ontological turn within recent theory can be seen as a welcome development, as can the desire to expand our capacity to engage with difference and to augment our current political imagination given contemporary conditions of pluralism. Yet the sufficiency of the answers and ontology put forward by both political liberalism and post-Nietzschean political thought needs to be seriously questioned. Indeed, the ontological turn in political theory opens the way for a theological turn, for theology is equally concerned with questions of human being and 'what there is' more generally. To make this 'theological turn,' I look to Saint Augustine, and the ontology disclosed though his writings, to see what theological resources he offers for an engagement with difference. Through this discussion we re-discover Augustine's Heavenly City as the place in which unity and diversity, harmony and plurality can come together in ways that are not possible outside of participation in the Triune God. Yet this does not mean that the Heavenly City is to take over the earthly city. By putting Augustine into conversation with more recent theologians such as John Milbank, Karl Barth, and William Cavanaugh, we consider the relationship between the Heavenly City and the earthly city and we offer a picture in which renewed and expanded conceptions of 'public' and 'conversation' open the way for rich engagement between the many different particularities that constitute a pluralist society.

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Carvalho, Daniel Gomes de. « O pensamento radical de Thomas Paine (1793-1797) : artífice e obra da Revolução Francesa ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-12062018-135137/.

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Esta tese examina três escritos de Thomas Paine (1737-1809) elaborados durante a Revolução Francesa, os quais representam as reflexões mais radicais de seu pensamento religioso, político e social. Em primeiro lugar, será analisado o panfleto The Age of Reason, expressão máxima de seu radicalismo religioso, que teve sua primeira parte escrita em 1793 e a segunda em 1794. Contrapondo-se, por um lado, às religiões reveladas e, por outro lado, à descristianização do período jacobino, nesse texto o deísmo é apresentado como a face religiosa da democracia vindoura. Em segundo lugar, será analisado o texto Dissertation on the First Principles of Government, redigido e publicado em 1795, a mais acabada exposição da teoria democrática. A um só tempo contrário ao liberalismo termidoriano e crítico do que fora o jacobinismo, nesse texto Paine opõe-se categoricamente àqueles que pensavam a propriedade privada como um direito natural que poderia ser equivalente ou mesmo superior aos direitos naturais de liberdade e a igualdade. Por fim, será analisado o texto Agrarian Justice, expressão máxima de seu radicalismo social, produzido no inverno de 1795-1796 (publicado em 1797). Em reação tanto ao liberalismo irredutível dos termidorianos, quanto às propostas igualitaristas de Graco Babeuf, o texto apresenta-se como uma proposta de erradicação da pobreza sem romper com os princípios do que seria política liberal. Pretende-se captar o sentido do pensamento de Paine no contexto da Revolução Francesa e discutir a validadade da afirmação de Eric Hobsbawm na Era das Revoluções, segundo a qual Paine, radical nos Estados Unidos, seria um moderado girondino na França. Na contramão da maioria das interpretações correntes, a pesquisa objetiva repensar a figura de Paine, mostrando sua relevância como intérprete da Revolução Francesa e como nome fundamental para a história do pensamento político, religioso e social.
This thesis examines three writings of Thomas Paine (1737-1809) elaborated during the French Revolution, which represents the most radical reflections of his religious, political and social thought. In the first place, the pamphlet The Age of Reason will be analyzed, that contains the maximum expression of his religious radicalism, which have had its first part written in 1793 and the second in 1794. Contradicting, on the one hand, to the revealed religions, and, on the other hand, to the dechristianization of the Jacobin period, in this text, deism is presented as the religious face of the coming democracy. Secondly, the text Dissertation on the First Principles of Government will be analyzed, the most complete exposition of his democratic theory, drafted and published in 1795. Contrary to Thermidorian and critical of what Jacobinism was, in this text Paine categorically opposes those who thought private property as a natural right that could be equivalent or even superior to the natural rights of freedom and equality. Finally, the text Agrarian Justice will be analyzed, the maximum expression of its social radicalism, produced in the winter of 1795-1796 (published in 1797). In reaction to both the irreducible liberalism of the Thermidorians and the egalitarian proposals of Graco Babeuf, the text presents itself as a proposal to eradicate poverty without breaking with the principles of what would be liberal politics. This analysis seeks to capture the meaning of Paine\'s thinking in the context of the French Revolution and to discuss the validity of Eric Hobsbawm\'s statement in the Age of Revolutions that Paine, radical in the United States, would be a \"moderate Girondist\" in France. Contrary to current interpretations, this research aims to rethink the figure of Paine, showing his relevance as an interpreter of the French Revolution and as a fundamental name for the history of political, religious and social thought.

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Tavares, Inês Ferreira Dias. « Razões religiosas na esfera pública : uma análise teórica e empírica da atuação pentecostal no Poder Legislativo brasileiro ». Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=7722.

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Os marcos da modernidade a secularização e a laicidade tem sido hoje postos em xeque por crescentes movimentos religiosos. As fronteiras entre Estado e religião estão sendo desafiadas e redefinidas. Dentro dessa renovação, coloca-se a questão da possibilidade ou não do uso de razões religiosas na esfera pública. O debate ganha importância no Brasil na medida em que o Pentecostalismo, ramo de Protestantismo em rápida expansão, fez afluir aos quadros do Congresso Nacional um número sem precedentes de candidatos eleitos graças à filiação religiosa. A análise teórica e empírica do uso de razões religiosas e da política pentecostal pretende jogar luz à questão, tendo sempre como paradigma, limite e orientação o fundamento último da liberdade religiosa: a dignidade da pessoa humana.
The hallmarks of modernity secularism and laicitë have now been called into question by growing religious movements. The boundaries between state and religion are being challenged and redefined. Within this renewal, the question about using or not religious reasons in the public sphere arises. The debate has great importance in Brazil insofar as Pentecostalism, a rapidly expanding branch of Protestantism, has flocking to the tables of the National Congress an unprecedented number of candidates elected because of their religious affiliation. The theoretical and empirical analyzes of the use of religious reasons and of the Pentecostal politics intends to shed light to the issue, using always as a paradigm, limits and guidance, the ultimate foundation of religious freedom: the dignity of the human person.

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Sifri, Sara. « ”Jag” som individ eller ”vi” som i grupp ? - Ett liberaldemokratiskt dilemma : En jämförande studie av egalitära och kommunitära förhållningssätt till multikulturella rättighetsanspråk på en liberaldemokratisk stat ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-227434.

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Increased immigrant movement from conflict stricken areas to the liberal west, has led to challenges involving increasing multicultural group claims on the liberal democratic state, leading to the destabilization of its foundation. The conflict lay in the opposing world views culturally, ethnically and religiously that the new citizens have, seeing the “group” first and foremost whereas the individual in western democracy has always been seen as the principal rights recipient. The purpose of this study has been to examine the challenges multicultural group claims from immigrants have had on the liberal democratic state on a theoretical level and what possible approaches that should be used to resolve this challenge from the standpoint of the liberal democratic state. To answer this on a theoretical level the study uses a qualitative text analysis of three acclaimed political philosophers on the subject, the communitarian Charles Taylor, the egalitarian liberal philosopher Brian Barry and the liberal philosopher Will Kymlicka whom takes a middle ground on the subject of multicultural group rights. The results show us that though the three philosophers have different outlooks on the grounds of their opinion on group rights and claims, in the case of immigrants they agree to a large extent. They agree that, whilst the liberal democratic state and the immigrants both wish for complete integration as citizens, the liberal democratic state will treat immigrants the same as the majority, as individual rights recipients. All this whilst making required efforts for the simplification of the integration process. That is why acceptance of certain multicultural rights regarding food, culture, traditions and language in the “private” sphere as well as certain exceptions in the “official” sphere can be accepted, as long as they adhere to the liberal democratic framework of free association, whilst normative multicultural group claims cannot. So we find that a communitarian philosophy which encourages multicultural group claims actually does agree that the liberal democratic state’s current approach in the case of immigrants is enough.

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Babík, Milan. « In pursuit of salvation : Woodrow Wilson and American liberal internationalism as secularized eschatology ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0ba3fcd9-ecbc-4789-83c9-3fdb1c290aea.

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This work reinterprets the idea of progress at the heart of Woodrow Wilson’s liberal internationalism through the lens of secularization theory, which holds that modern philosophies of progress stand on religious foundations and represent secularized vestiges of biblical eschatology. Previous applications of this insight reveal a selective pattern: Whereas totalitarian and illiberal narratives of progress such as Nazism and Marxism-Leninism have received lavish attention and spawned extensive political religions literature, liberal progressivism has been ignored. This dissertation rectifies this neglect. Initial chapters present the biblical conception of history as the myth of salvation, introduce secularization through the writings of Karl Löwith and Hans Blumenberg, respectively its principal proponent and main critic, and test the limits of the concept to confirm its applicability to liberal progressivism. The main part aims secularization theory at Wilson’s idea of progress in the broader context of American liberal thought. From the 17th-century Puritan vision of a “city upon a hill” to the 19th-century doctrine of “manifest destiny”, biblical eschatology defined the way Americans envisioned history and their role in it, giving rise to a sort of liberal-republican millennialism. Wilson was no exception: Considering faith essential to authentic knowledge, he regarded history as a providential process, the United States as a divinely appointed redeemer nation, and himself as a Christian statesman performing God’s work in a fallen world. His foreign policy was fundamentally a religious mission to transform international relations according to the Bible, thereby fulfilling the prophecy of salvation. The dissertation demonstrates the eschatological foundations of his statecraft through specific examples and draws attention to their illiberal and totalizing implications. Final passages note the enduring relevance of Wilson’s principles and, based on their reinterpretation in this work, reflect critically on their suitability as a guide for future American foreign policy.

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DONADIA, A. O. « NEOPRAGMATISMO E RELIGIÃO : UMA ABORDAGEM DA RELIGIÃO COMO POLÍTICA CULTURAL EM RICHARD RORTY ». Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2017. http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/9367.

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Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo examinar os elementos centrais da filosofia política liberal e uma descrição do que Rorty entende como justificativas para a defesa das instituições liberais. Analisaremos a estratégia anti-fundacionalista de Rorty para a defesa das instituições liberais contemporâneas. Feito isso, será tratado a utopia liberal de Rorty. Nesse contexto, Richard Rorty defende que o discurso religioso está em desacordo com seus ideais liberais. Como resultado, ele defende, em um primeiro momento, que a religião deve ser privatizada com o intuito de que o Estado liberal possa se manter neutro. Depois de demonstrar as escolhas que constituem a visão de Rorty, o trabalho apresentará, em particular, três posicionamentos que Rorty defende em seus escritos. O primeiro argumento é de que a religião deve ser privatizada, o segundo é a defesa da marginalização de organizações eclesiásticas e o terceiro é de que defender o pragmatismo resulta em defender uma utopia liberal secular. Neste trabalho, será explicado como esses argumentos surgem do compromisso de Rorty com seu neopragmatismo e como eles se encaixam dentro desta lógica. A começar com uma descrição, depois será demostrando que esses argumentos estão em desacordo com alguns dos pressupostos filosóficos de Rorty, que criam problemas práticos ao ideal social e político que Rorty defende e, por fim, abordamos a revisão do posicionamento de Rorty sobre o tema e indicamos uma possível inclusão da religião no espaço público por meio da noção de cultura literária.

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VEZZANI, GIOVANNI. « European Muslims and liberal citizenship : reconciliation through public reason : the case of Tariq Ramadan’s citizenship theory ». Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201103.

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What is politically at stake when citizens of Muslim faith are publicly presented as permanent aliens in contemporary European societies? On what grounds is such exclusion or ‘externalisation’ based? What requirements can European citizens be reasonably expected to meet? This research analyses the subject of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary European societies from the perspective of normative political theory, and more precisely from the viewpoint of John Rawls’s political liberalism, in particular in light of the idea of public reason. Whilst recent contributions in political philosophy analysing the question of citizenship of Muslims in liberal democracies from a Rawlsian standpoint have mainly focussed on the notion of an overlapping consensus, the implications of the concept of public reason on that same issue are largely unexplored. This study tries to fill such a gap in the literature. In chapter one, I begin by framing what I call the “background problem” of the research, namely, the claim that “Islam in Europe makes problem” and its different dimensions. I then reframe the question under scrutiny by presenting in greater theoretical detail the problem investigated and the main research question: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a problem of mutual assurance concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? My central thesis is that the idea of public reason provides a common discursive platform which establishes the ground for both a public political identity for citizens and shared standards for social and political criticism. I also argue that political liberalism specifies a peculiar evaluative framework that allows citizens to answer the above-mentioned questions in a distinctively political way. In the first part, I thus develop my “justificatory evaluative” methodological approach based on public reason (chapter two). In the second part (chapters three and four), I reconstruct the idea of public reason and specify the fundamental requirements of the justificatory evaluative approach. In the third part, I firstly attempt to demonstrate that, with reference to the problem at hand, public reason citizenship is normatively more appealing than two alternative ideal conceptions of citizenship, namely ‘critical republicanism’ and liberal multiculturalism (chapter five); secondly, I apply the evaluative framework to the conception of citizenship elaborated by one of the most renowned Muslim intellectuals in Europe: Tariq Ramadan. The purpose of such evaluation is twofold. Firstly, it aims at examining whether and how the idea of public reason accounts for a version of European citizenship for Muslims coming from Muslims themselves. Secondly, it aims at disclosing whether what such a Muslim conception of citizenship in Europe says about the two dimensions of ‘stability for the right reasons’ of the system of social cooperation (namely, inclusion and mutual assurance) is consistent with the provisions of public reason citizenship.

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Almeida, Fábio Portela Lopes de. « Liberalismo político, constitucionalismo e democracia : a questão do ensino religioso nas escolas públicas ». reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2006. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/2664.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, 2006.
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A presente dissertação tem por objetivo discutir, tendo por marco teórico o liberalismo político de John Rawls, a interpretação do art. 210, § 1º, da Constituição Federal de 1988, que estabelece o ensino religioso nas escolas públicas, tendo por objeto de estudo a constitucionalidade da Lei Estadual n. 3.459/2000, do Rio de Janeiro. Para cumprir esse objetivo, o primeiro capítulo tem por objetivo discutir o direito à liberdade religiosa, cujos delineamentos são traçados a partir de uma leitura reconstrutiva de elementos da história constitucional brasileira a respeito do tema, fundada na busca pelo equilíbrio reflexivo entre o liberalismo político rawlsiano e essa história institucional. Esse capítulo é importante porque a discussão a respeito do ensino religioso deve levar em consideração a própria liberdade religiosa e o modo pelo qual as instituições brasileiras têm lidado com esse direito. O segundo capítulo discute os pressupostos normativos da educação pública, também a partir do liberalismo político, de forma a mostrar que o objetivo das instituições de ensino numa democracia constitucional é formar cidadãos capazes de exercer os seus direitos e de participar na vida pública. O terceiro capítulo tem por propósito desafiar, a partir dos pressupostos estabelecidos nos capítulos anteriores, a constitucionalidade da Lei Estadual n. 3.459/2000 e a proposta de professores de ensinarem o criacionismo nas escolas públicas, que surgiu em função do modelo de ensino religioso adotado por esta lei. _______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
This dissertation has the purpose to develop an interpretation of the article 210, § 1º of the brazilian Constitution, which establishes the religious teaching in public schools in order to discuss the constitutionality of the Rio de Janeiro State Statute n. 3.459/2000, assuming as theoretical framework John Rawls´s political liberalism. The first chapter´s purpose is to discuss the right to religious freedom, which is described on the light of a reconstructive reading from elements of brazilian constitutional history related to this right, based on the search for a reflective equilibrium between the rawlsian theory and this institutional history. This chapter is relevant because the religious teaching in public schools must consider the very idea of religious freedom and the way Brazilian institutions have interpreted it. In the second chapter, the normative assumptions of public education are discussed in order to defend that the main objective of the public education schools in a constitutional democray is to develop citizens capable to exercise their rights and to participate in the public life. The third chapter´s purpose, assuming the theoretical background developed in the other chapters, is to challenge the constitutionality of the Rio de Janeiro State Statute n. 3.459/2000 and the proposal defended by some teachers to indoctrinate their public school students in creationism, a question emerged as result of the religious teaching model adopted by the Statute.

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Bailess, Shelley Dawn. « "An asylum to the persecuted and oppressed of every nation and religion" dissenters and liberals in the drive for religious freedom in Virginia / ». Lynchburg, Va. : Liberty University, 2010. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu.

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Martins, Karla Denise. « Cristoforo e a Romanização do Inferno Verde : as propostas de D. Macedo Costa para a civilização da Amazonia (1860-1890) ». [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279858.

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Orientador: Leandro Karnal
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Nosso objetivo é analisar a produção intelectual de D. Macedo Costa, bispo que esteve à frente da Diocese do Grão-Pará, durante a segunda metade do século XIX. Discutiremos suas idéias sobre relações familiares, políticas e religiosas. Isso é possível porque esse bispo deixou um acervo literário no qual percebemos os significados construídos sobre a Amazônia como modelo de sociedade católica. Com essas fontes, entendemos alguns pontos do debate entre liberais e ¿ultramontanos¿, especialmente aqueles ligados à educação popular e à secularização social. Misturando temas de várias épocas, ele escreveu sobre assuntos diversos da sociedade de seu tempo. Assim, podemos entender como a partir de certa tradição literária, esse bispo representou sua sociedade e a si mesmo, no momento da mudança política que marcou a passagem da Monarquia para a República no Brasil
Abstract: In this study we analyze the intellectual works of D. Macedo Costa, bishop of the Brazilian Province of Gran-Pará in the second half of the XIX century. We discuss his ideas about family, education, economy, politics and religion. We use the remaining bishop's files and writings, to reconstruct his view of these themes and his prescriptions to conform a model of catholic society in Amazon. Through these sources, we understood better the debate between liberal and ultramontan groups, especially in reference to popular education and social secularization. The bishop¿s thinking was influenced by ideas from different intellectual traditions to understand the society of his time. Thus, starting from certain literary tradition, we can understand how D. Macedo Costa represented himself and the society in the critical moment of the transition from Monarchy to the Republic
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutor em História

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Horácio, Heiberle Hirsgberg. « Liberalismo e religião na cultura política mineira do primeiro reinado : uma análise do periódico O Universal de Ouro Preto ». Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2009. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/2809.

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Nesta dissertação, procurei compreender como no Primeiro Reinado (momento de edificação de um Estado Nacional propriamente brasileiro) a elite política mineira liberalconstitucionalista em seu projeto político didático-pedagógico de implementação de um liberalismo (tido pelos historiadores como moderado) norteado pela afirmação das leis e da Constituição que a permitiriam uma maior representatividade no âmbito governamental brasileiro, relacionou-se com aqueles que defendiam o poder centralizado nas mãos do Imperador, entre eles a Igreja (instituição base do absolutismo no Brasil) e com o simbolismo religioso. Tendo em vista o exercício dos liberais de elaborar e difundir uma visão diversificada da religião. Destaca-se nessa atuação liberal como meio de ação hegemônica a imprensa, aqui particularmente o periódico liberal O Universal (1825-1842) da capital Ouro Preto, que era o periódico de referência da província, o de maior longevidade e que possuía como mentor intelectual o deputado Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos.
Dans cete dissertation j'ai cherché comprendre comme dans le Premier Règne ( moment de l' élaboration d' Etat National Brésilién), l'élite politique libéral - constitutional de Minas Gerais, dans son projet politique didatique-pedagogique d'introduction d'un libéralisme (que les historiens jugent modéré) guidé par l'affirmation des lois et de la Constituition que va permettre une plus grande représentativité dans le contexte gouvernamental brésilién, on a rapporté avec les qu'ont soutenu le pouvoir centralizé dans les mains d'Empereur, entre eux l'Église (instituition base de l'absolutisme au Brésil) et avec le simbolisme religieux. Ayant n vue le exercice des liberaux d'élabore et iffuser une vision diversifiée de la religion. Qui s'est détachée dans cette action libéral omme un moyen d'action hegemonique, la presse, ici particuliérment le périodique "O Universal" -1825-1842 de la capital Ouro Preto, qui a été le périodique de référence de la province e le plus grand en longevité.

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Batista, Neto Dilson Cavalcanti. « Fundamentos filosóficos do direito à liberdade de expressão religiosa na esfera política : uma análise a partir de John Rawls ». Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21028.

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The present thesis has as problematic point the challenge of proposing limits to the religious discourse in the political environment before a plural society and the democratic ideal of neutrality in relation to religious organizations. Thus, the central hypothesis is that the boundaries between law, politics and religion are better delineated when one takes into account that the protection of freedom of expression must attend to the basic moral foundations built historically, especially through central ideas of John's work Rawls, especially after the release of Political Liberalism. In this sense, the primary objective of the thesis is a proposal of ethical and political foundations that involve a protection of the freedom of religious expression in the sphere of the political discussion inserted in a democratic State. Through the deductive method, two more basic foundations are proposed in order to deal with specific cases of religious discourses given by public agents, as well as with the possible interference of law in the expression of religious and their organizations. It is proposed that freedom of religious expression in the political environment should be based on two basic foundations: the first was called the basis of the isegoria which, through the Rawlsian idea of overlapping consensus, points to the possibility of a democracy with equal status among citizens , whether religious or not. The second ground is that of the parresia that has in the proposal of public reason of Rawls, mainly in its last formulation, a suitable framework so that the religious does not have to live in divided form: hour through an internal posture of its doctrine, hour in the field politician dissociating himself from his religious language. This theoretical course is finalized with proposals of limits to religious discourse by public agents and also with the need to reinforce that law and politics should not limit, without seriously justifiable reasons, the expression of religious groups
A presente Tese tem como problemática o desafio de propor limites ao discurso de cunho religioso no ambiente político diante de uma sociedade plural e do ideal democrático de neutralidade estatal em relação às organizações religiosas. Desta forma, a hipótese central é que as fronteiras entre direito, política e religião são melhores delineadas quando se leva em consideração que a tutela da liberdade de expressão deve atentar para fundamentos morais básicos construídos historicamente, em especial através de ideias centrais da obra de John Rawls, principalmente após o lançamento de O Liberalismo Político. Nesse sentido, o objetivo primário da Tese é a proposição de fundamentos éticos e políticos que envolvam a tutela da liberdade de expressão religiosa na esfera da discussão política inserida em um Estado democrático. Através do método dedutivo, propõem-se dois fundamentos básicos mais gerais para que se possa lidar com casos específicos de discursos religiosos proferidos por agentes públicos, bem como com as possíveis interferências do direito na expressão dos religiosos e das suas organizações. Propõe-se que a liberdade de expressão religiosa no ambiente político observe dois fundamentos básicos: o primeiro foi denominado como o fundamento da isegoria que, através da ideia rawlsiana de consenso sobreposto, aponta para a possibilidade de uma democracia com igualdade de status entre os cidadãos, quer sejam religiosos ou não. O segundo fundamento é o da parresía que tem na proposta de razão pública de Rawls, principalmente em sua última formulação, um arcabouço adequado para que o religioso não precise viver de forma dividida: hora através de uma postura interna da sua doutrina, hora no campo político desvinculando-se do seu linguajar religioso. Tal percurso teórico é finalizado com propostas de limites ao discurso religioso por agentes públicos e também com a necessidade de se reforçar que o direito e a política não devem limitar, sem motivos gravemente justificáveis, a expressão de grupos religiosos

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Scott, David Charles. « THE FREE EXERCISE CLAUSE, MINORITY FAITHS, AND THE POSSIBILITY OF RELIGIOUS INDEPENDENCE AFTER RAWLSIAN LIBERALISM ». UKnowledge, 2018. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/philosophy_etds/21.

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The conversation to which my dissertation belongs is that which preoccupied John Rawls in Political Liberalism, namely: (1) how it is possible that a religiously and morally pluralistic culture like ours lives cooperatively from one generation to the next, and (2) The extent to which religious or moral convictions are appropriate bases for political action. My three-essay dissertation is about aspects of this investigation that affect minority or non-mainstream religious and cultural groups, since legal institutions, and theoretical models of them (such as Rawls’s and Ronald Dworkin’s) are in many ways ill-suited to accommodate their ways of life. In the first essay, I consider Rawlsian obstacles to developing a religiously impartial conception of “substantial burdens” on religious free exercise within First Amendment jurisprudence. I apply this question to federal cases in which Native American tribes sought to prevent government uses of land that would be, they claimed, catastrophic to their cultural survival and all citizens’ safety. I propose a jurisprudential model that places a heavier burden on judges to listen and perhaps translate such views, counting non-mainstream forms of reasoning as legally cognizable and sufficient to create a prima facie constitutional case, where current models would not. In the second essay, because few conceptions of justice require that law be cognizable and justifiable to everyone, I review liberal conceptions of what makes a cultural group or person “irrational” or “unreasonable.” With a focus on public education, and cases like Wisconsin v. Yoder and Mozert v. Hawkins in mind, I argue that approaches to “unreasonableness” from the likes of Rawls, Charles Larmore, Jonathan Quong, and Stephen Macedo are well-intentioned but unduly restrictive, insofar as they tend to, by definitional fiat, exclude citizens who embody widely recognized civic virtues, or who at least pose no threat to a stable democracy. In doing so, I argue that they instantiate the sort of social circumstance that Herbert Marcuse calls one-dimensionality. In the third essay, I consider whether a meaningful and practical model for “group rights,” which would include the right of peoples to preserve their cultures, can be developed within American jurisprudence. This argument is largely inspired by a paper from political scientist Vernon van Dyke, and considers overcoming challenges to this notion wrought by contemporary forms of liberalism and vehement public disagreement over recent, pertinent Supreme Court decisions involving associational rights, like Burwell v. Hobby Lobby and Citizens United v. FEC.

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Engström, Ludvig. « Islam in Turkey's foreign policy : 2014-2020 ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-101040.

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The Islamization of the Turkish state has been the center of much attention since the beginning of Erdoğan’s time in government, and yet a noticeable lack of contemporary analysis surrounding Islam in Turkish foreign policy can be observed. Drawing from the IR theories of liberalism and constructivism, this paper aims to partially fill this gap by examining the effects of Islam on Turkey’s foreign policy between 2014-2020 by means of a qualitative case study. The paper argues that the changes made to certain institutions have permitted Islamic values to affect Turkey’s foreign policy, and that Islam has in many regards been transformed into an instrument of the AKP’s soft power abroad. This has had the effect of both improving and deteriorating Turkish economic and political cooperation with other countries. Furthermore, Islamic values and beliefs appear to have both positive and negative implications on Turkey’s relationships with many countries, while the furthering of relations with Israel and China indicate an approach devoid from any Islamic influence. It is summarily argued that Islam is present in Turkey’s foreign policy, albeit with great inconsistency.

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Bassiouni, Moustapha Cherif. « Médias, pouvoir et religion en Arabie saoudite : l’usage politique du discours libéral dans les médias saoudo-panarabes (1990-2010) : le cas des deux quotidiens Asharq Al-Awsat et Al-Hayat ». Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2098.

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Le libéralisme en Arabie saoudite constitue un courant de pensée moderniste qui initie et anime le débat public du royaume. Les expressions libérales entraînent de multiples conflits idéologiques et intellectuels avec les milieux salafistes-wahhabites. Ces derniers considèrent que le discours des libéraux saoudiens va à l’encontre de l’islam. Il vise, selon eux, à saper les fondements conservateurs de la société saoudienne. La singularité de ce phénomène culturel émane des particularités propres au royaume. Le courant libéral est porteur d’un projet de société non fondé sur la religion, mais plutôt sur des principes universels qui sont toutefois harmonieux, selon lui, avec un islam modéré. Cette conception moderniste de l'islam tranche d’ailleurs avec le Wahhabisme, la doctrine intégriste u royaume. Les libéraux remettent en cause ses manifestations fondamentalistes dans la société. C’est surtout dans le système médiatique des élites dirigeantes que s’affirment les orientations contestataires et revendicatives qu'ils incarnent. Les dynamiques de cette doctrine dans les médias du prince permettent de mettre en lumière la problématique de son usage par le régime, sous l’impulsion des nombreuses crises majeures qu’il affronte depuis les années 1990. Ce contexte historique instable conduit la monarchie conservatrice à faire des choix pragmatiques qui lui permettent de préserver ses intérêts. L’instrumentalisation du discours libéral favorise son agenda et son alliance avec l’Occident, tout en maintenant des rapports historiques avec l’establishment wahhabite. Dans sa gestion des affaires de l'Etat, le système politique saoudien s'avère bien loin de l'image d'un régime rigide et monolithique. L'Arabie saoudite apparaît aujourd'hui plus que jamais tiraillée entre deux visions antagonistes de son avenir : l'une est animée par des revendications modernistes croissantes et l'autre par des orientations traditionnelles hégémoniques
Liberalism in Saudi Arabia is a modernist thought trend that creates and animates public debate in the kingdom. Liberal expressions lead to many conflicts with Salafi-Wahhabi movements. Clerical groups believe that liberal discourse is against Islam and aims to undermine the traditional foundations of Saudi society. However, the particularities of these liberal cultural and social phenomena emanate directly from the ruling kingdom itself. The liberal trend is to promote societal change which is not based on religion, but on universal principals viewed as more compatible with moderate Islam. This modern vision of religion contrasts sharply with the Al-Saud kingdom's Wahhabism, the state's doctrine. Liberals are contesting the Wahhabi fundamentalism demonstrated throughout society, and their perspectives are reflected and potentially manifested through the royalty's elite media system. Moreover, analyzing the dynamics of this thought in « prince media » brings to light the problematic of its use by an authoritarian regime facing several State crises since the 1990s. These contexts that are leading the power elite to be more realistic and pragmatic in politics, in order to preserve its strategic interests. Using the liberal discourse dictated by the ruling elites furthers their agenda and also their alliance with Western states, in parallel with maintaining their traditional relations with the Wahhabi establishment. Today, the Al-Saud monarchy appears to be increasingly torn between two opposing visions regarding its future. On the one hand it has to deal with growing modernist demands, and on the other hand it must take into account the hegemonic conservative tendencies inherent to its society

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Owen, J. Judd. « Religion and the demise of liberal rationalism : the foundational crisis of the separation of church and state / ». Chicago, Ill. [u.a.] : Univ. of Chicago Press, 2001. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/uchi051/00012232.html.

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Univ., Diss--Toronto.
Includes bibliographical references and index. If liberalism is a faith, what becomes of the separation of church and state? -- Pragmatism, liberalism, and the quarrel between science and religion -- Rorty's repudiation of epistemology -- Rortian irony and the "de-divinization" of liberalism -- Religion and Rawls's freestanding liberalism -- Stanley Fish and the demise of the separation of church and state -- Fish, Locke, and religious neutrality -- Reason, indifference, and the aim of religious freedom -- Appendix : a reply to Stanley Fish.

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Vezzani, Giovanni. « European Muslims and Liberal Citizenship : Reconciliation through Public Reason : The Case of Tariq Ramadan's Citizenship Theory ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. https://dipot.ulb.ac.be/dspace/bitstream/2013/228062/4/Thesis.pdf.

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This study investigates the subject of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Western European societies from the viewpoint of John Rawls’s political liberalism, in particular in light of the ‘idea of public reason’ [see John Rawls, Political Liberalism, expanded edition (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005) and the 1997 essay “The Idea of Public Reason Revisited,” originally published in University of Chicago Law Review 64 (1997), 765-807 and now included in Political Liberalism, expanded edition, 440-490]. By its very nature, political liberalism does not prescribe a single model for being Muslim in contemporary Europe. Thus, one may wonder if it is too vague as a point of departure for the analysis. On the other hand, however, here I argue that political liberalism specifies a peculiar evaluative framework that allows citizens to answer questions such as “What is politically at stake when citizens of Muslim faith are publicly presented as permanent aliens in contemporary European societies?”, “On what grounds is such exclusion based?”, and “What requirements can European citizens be reasonably expected to meet?” in a distinctively political way and, ideally, to solve the political and social problems from which those questions spring. In this research, I claim that public reason provides a common discursive platform that establishes the ground for a public political identity and for shared standards for social and political criticism. Together, these two elements solve the two dimensions of the problem of ‘stability for the right reasons’ (in Rawls’s terms) in contemporary European societies, because they secure both the political inclusion of Muslims on an equal footing as citizens and civic assurance that they will remain committed to fair terms of social cooperation. A joint solution of these two apparently conflicting demands of stability for the right reasons (i.e. inclusion and mutual assurance) requires an effort in political reconciliation. After having compared public reason citizenship with two prominent normative alternatives, I will conclude that the former is an adequate ideal conception of citizenship for European societies. Finally, I will apply the justificatory evaluative methodological framework (whose requirements I will specify starting from the idea of public reason itself) to a conception of citizenship elaborated by one of the most renowned Muslim public intellectuals in Europe: Tariq Ramadan. (I justify the choice of this author in sections 2.3 and 6.1). Such an evaluation sheds light on one of the main insights of this research, that is, the idea that public reason makes a decompression of the public space possible: it frees the public space from those forces that would prevent citizens from the possibility of exercising effectively their two moral powers (once more in Rawls’s words, the ‘capacity for a sense of justice and for a conception of the good’) as free equals. In this sense, public reason tries to reconcile ideal political consensus and the fact of reasonable pluralism on a public political ground. I believe that this is the deepest meaning of what Rawls calls ‘reconciliation through public reason’: its aspiration is to reabsorb reasonable pluralism politically without annihilating it.This research is structured in three parts: the first is methodological, the second is reconstructive, and the third is evaluative. Each part is composed of two chapters.In chapter one (“General Framework”), I begin from some empirical observations about the role of perceptions and identities in relation to the issue of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Europe. I claim that from this point of view Islam seems to “make problem” in a very specific sense. This does not mean that Islam is a problem, but that Islam is frequently publicly presented and perceived as a problem. This is the background problem from which my work starts. Thus, I explore some dimensions of such a problem (see 1.1). Subsequently, I provide a more specific formulation of the research problem and questions and of the aims of this study. Then, the main research question (Q) is stated in these terms: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a ‘problem of mutual assurance’ [on which, see in particular Paul Weithman, Why Political Liberalism? On John Rawls’s Political Turn (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010)] concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In order to answer this question, I also specify three sub-questions that I call respectively Q1, Q2, and Q3 (see 1.2).In chapter two (“Toward a Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory”), I firstly try to frame the problem of public justification within Rawls’s political liberalism (see 2.1). I then consider a specific approach to the question of Muslim citizenship in liberal democracies which can be adopted from a Rawlsian perspective: namely, reasoning from conjecture (see 2.2). Finally, I explain my own approach (which I call justificatory evaluative political theory) by means of comparison with the method of reasoning from conjecture (see 2.3). In presenting the evaluative framework specified from a political liberal standpoint, I point out three political liberal evaluative requirements: the reciprocity requirement (RR), the consistency requirement (CR), and the civility requirement (CiR).Chapter three (“What is Public Reason?”) deals with the history of the notion of public reason from Kant to Rawls and its enunciation within Rawls’s work (see 3.1 and 3.2 respectively). In doing so, I also identify three specifications for the three political liberal evaluative requirements considered in the second chapter. Furthermore, in chapter three I also unpack CR in three different dimensions (PR1, PR2, and PR3).Chapter four (“Public Reason and Religion. Reinterpreting the Duty of Civility”) completes the reconstructive stage by analysing Rawls’s ‘wide view’ of public reason and two major lines of objection to it (see 4.1). After having discussed such criticisms, I then introduce my own interpretation of the ‘proviso,’ which is structured around a two-level (or bifurcate) model of the ‘duty of civility’ (see 4.2).Chapter five (“Reconciliation through Public Reason: Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory between Modelling and Application”) bridges the second and the third part, that is, the reconstructive and the evaluative stage respectively. In the first section of the chapter, I summarise the political liberal evaluative requirements developed in the second part. In doing this, my purpose is to present my justificatory evaluative model of public reason citizenship (see 5.1). In the second section, I firstly argue that a conception of citizenship grounded in public reason is not only possible in existing European societies, but also preferable if compared with alternative conceptions (I consider liberal multiculturalism and Cécile Laborde’s critical republicanism [Cécile Laborde, Critical Republicanism: The Hijab Controversy and Political Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008)]) with reference to the problem under scrutiny in this research. In conclusion, I show that public reason citizenship is able to solve the theoretical problem and the main research question mentioned above: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a problem of mutual assurance concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In the final part of chapter five, I try to demonstrate that public reason citizenship can both include Muslim citizens and solve the assurance problem because it provides both shared standards for political criticism and a common political identity on the basis of which citizens politically recognise one another as free equals. If my argument succeeds, then public reason citizenship not only could but also should be adopted as the ideal conception of citizenship in European societies (see 5.2).In the sixth chapter (“Tariq Ramadan’s European Muslims and Public Reason”) I apply the evaluative framework based on public reason to the conception of citizenship for Muslims in Europe developed by Tariq Ramadan. (According to a principle introduced in chapter two which I call the “plausibility principle” PP, I argue that Ramadan’s theory of citizenship can be plausibly presented as a “European Muslim” approach to the issue of citizenship, see 6.1). The purpose of such an evaluative work is twofold. Firstly, it aims at examining whether and how the idea of public reason accounts for a version of European citizenship for Muslims coming from Muslims themselves. Secondly, it aims at disclosing whether what such a Muslim conception of citizenship in Europe says about the two dimensions of ‘stability for the right reasons’ of the system of social cooperation (namely, inclusion and ‘mutual assurance’) is consistent with the provisions of public reason citizenship (see 6.2-6.5).
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
N.B. 1) Le lieu de défense de la thèse en cotutelle est ROME (Luiss Guido Carli)2) L'affiliation du co-promoteur de la thèse en cotutelle (Sebastiano Maffettone) est: LUISS Guido Carli
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Flores, Nichole Marie. « Guadalupe in the Public Square : Religious Aesthetics and the Pursuit of Justice ». Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104548.

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Thesis advisor: Lisa Cahill
This dissertation investigates the relationship between religious aesthetics and justice in the pursuit of the societal common good. The orienting problem of the work is the tensive relationship between maintaining political stability and meaningful engagement with religious particularity in order to foster robust democratic participation, especially among communities that have been historically marginalized in American public life. This project interrogates the relationship between religion in public life through the specific locus of religious aesthetics: what role ought religious symbols—including images, narratives, music, liturgical practices—play in cultivating justice, or the minimum level of solidarity required for promoting basic human dignity in society? Each chapter illuminates the significance of a particular discourse in support this project. Chapter one exposes the relevance of Guadalupe as a religious symbol in public life. Chapter two forges a dialogue with John Rawls’s political philosophy, reiterating the necessity of an adequate framework for religion in public life that prohibits the ascent of particular comprehensive doctrines to inordinate influence over society’s basic structure while critiquing his framework for religion in public life as lacking adequate viability in a public context where limitation on religion in democratic speech about the most salient societal issues hinders participation of ethno-racially marginalized groups. Chapter three engages Martha Nussbaum’s response to these issues, highlighting her arguments pertaining to political emotions and aesthetics as crucial contributions to this framework. Nussbaum argues persuasively for a central relationship between emotions and cognition and, further, makes a convincing statement of the significance of aesthetics—primarily literature—in the cultivation of political emotion. Yet, Nussbaum’s work makes an unnecessary demand on religion in public life: that it be viewed as “civic poetry.” While this framework is less restrictive than Rawls’s framework, it does not yet articulate a robust appreciation of the positive meanings of religious pluralism, especially among individuals and communities for whom religious and public arguments are intertwined. Chapter four offers Alejandro García-Rivera’s theological aesthetics as a crucial component to an adequate framework for forming community across difference. García-Rivera offers the basis for a more inclusive framework for religion in public life, however, his lack of substantive engagement with ethical issues pertaining to justice demands attention. With these pieces in place, the fifth chapter knits together this set of insights toward a more adequate framework for engaging religious pluralism in liberal context: aesthetic solidarity
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Theology

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Junior, Luiz Carlos Ramiro. « Entre o Syllabus e a Constituição moderna : debates políticos em torno da questão religiosa (1872-1875) no Brasil ». Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2014. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=6563.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
Este trabalho é fruto de pesquisas sobre as relações entre Igreja e Estado no Brasil do século XIX. O objetivo é apresentar um panorama dos debates políticos em torno da Questão Religiosa - principal evento no Segundo Reinado (1842-1889) envolvendo, o clero e a política imperial -, cujas discussões percorreram o Senado, a Câmara dos Deputados, o Conselho de Estado, o poder judiciário, e a sociedade como um todo, sobretudo nos jornais, entre 1872 e 1875. O conflito aconteceu a partir da tentativa de dois Bispos de separar o culto católico das práticas maçônicas. A Questão Religiosa revela-se no Brasil como um verdadeiro embate, entre a defesa e o prolongamento dos princípios liberais da Constituição Imperial de 1824, e, o movimento mundial da Igreja católica de reação ao liberalismo, emplacado no Syllabus um documento lançado em 1864 pelo Papa Pio IX listando os 80 erros da sociedade moderna. Nessa perspectiva a dissertação divide-se em duas partes. A primeira trata do conceito de secularização e o quadro político frente à religião católica na Europa. E a segunda lida com a Questão Religiosa no Brasil e com quatro posicionamentos diferentes, sobre as relações entre os poderes político e religioso, que foram expressos na década de 1870.
This work is the result of a research about the relationship between the church and the state in Brazil during the nineteenth-century. The aim is to present an overview of the political debates around the Religious Question, which was the main event in the Brasilian Second Empire (1842-1889) when part of the clergy acted against the Brasilian imperial policy, whose discussions went through the Senate, the House of Representatives, the State Council, the Judiciary, and a society as a whole, especially in newspapers, between 1872 and 1875. The conflict arose from the attempt to bishops lined up with the ultramontanism who wanted to separate Catholic worship from Freemasonry practices. The Religious Question in Brazil actually is a real clash between the defense and extension of liberal principles of the Imperial Constitution of 1824 versus the global movement of the Catholic Church to condemn the liberalism, as prescribed in the Syllabus - a document released in 1864 by the Pope Pius IX with a list of 80 errors of the modern society. In this perspective the dissertation is divided into two parts. The first one deals with the concept of secularization and the policy framework across the Catholic religion in Europe. And the second is about the Religious Question in Brazil and four different positions on the relationship between political and religious power, which were expressed in the 1870s.

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Rateitschak, Marco. « Religion and Politics in the U.S Current conflicts and their systematic background / ». St. Gallen, 2007. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/98623606002/$FILE/98623606002.pdf.

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Cordeiro, Cecília Siqueira. « Liberdade religiosa na Constituinte de 1823 : atores e debates ». reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2016. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/21014.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, 2016.
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O presente estudo propõe-se a analisar os debates acerca da liberdade religiosa na Assembleia Geral, Legislativa e Constituinte do Império do Brasil de 1823, bem como identificar os seus principais atores políticos. Tais debates serão historicizados considerando-se o tempo histórico que os presidem, ou seja, admitindo-os dentro de uma cultura política comum partilhada por seus atores. Essa cultura política, por sua vez, insere-se nas “mitigadas Luzes portuguesas” e no campo político do liberalismo luso-brasileiro, considerado, à primeira vista, ambíguo. Nesse sentido, os deputados da primeira experiência parlamentar brasileira admitiam e conciliavam, de forma mais ou menos tensionada, elementos modernos – como a noção de representação nacional – com vestígios, práticas e liturgias do Antigo Regime – como a manutenção do catolicismo como religião oficial por excelência, única mantida pelo Estado. Assim, admitia-se uma razoável liberdade religiosa, estendida apenas às comunhões cristãs, fruto de uma lógica pragmática e utilitarista que prezava pela migração de “estrangeiros úteis” ao país. _______________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
The present study proposes to analyze the debates surrounding religious freedom in the General, Legislative and Constituent Assembly of the Brazilian Empire, in 1823, and to identify its main political actors. These debates will be historicized, considering the historical time that presides, that is, admitting them whitin a common political culture shared by its actors. This political culture, on the other hand, is inserted in the “mitigated portuguese Lights” and the luso-brazilian political liberalism field, considered, at first sight, ambiguous. In this sense, the members of the first brazilian parliamentary experience admitted and conciliated, in a more or less tensioned way, modern elements – such as the notion of national representation – with traces, practices and liturgies of the Old Regime – such as maintaining catholicism as the official religion by excellence, the only maintained by the state. Thus, it was admitted a reasonable religious freedom, extended only to christian communions, the result of a pragmatic and utilitarian logic that valued the migration of “useful foreigners” to the country.

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Guittienne-Mürger, Valérie. « Jansénisme et libéralisme : les Nouvelles ecclésiastiques de Jean-Louis Rondeau (1806-1827) ». Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100036.

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L’objet de ce travail est l’établissement de l’édition critique du manuscrit des Nouvelles ecclésiastiques pour le XIXe siècle resté inédit, rédigé par l’ancien oratorien Jean-Louis Rondeau, prêtre assermenté, secrétaire de l’abbé Grégoire et membre du clergé de Saint-Séverin de 1801 jusqu’à son décès en 1832. Ce texte se veut la continuation des Nouvelles Ecclésiastiques du XVIIIe siècle, feuille périodique du mouvement janséniste d’une infinie richesse. Mais plus qu’un journal, c’est un témoignage qui prend la forme d’une chronique partisane sur les affaires ecclésiastiques du temps, un gigantesque kaléidoscope reflétant les intérêts et les convictions de celui qui, patiemment, du Mexique à Constantinople, de Naples à Londres, de Saint-Pétersbourg à Madrid, de Paris à Rome, a pendant des années scruté un monde en mutation. Durant deux décennies, l’auteur a méticuleusement passé au « crible janséniste » les événements et les écrits de son temps, a rassemblé informations et notes de lecture, articles de presse et on-dit, avec l’ambition de suivre l’histoire européenne, et même mondiale, sous l’angle rarement étudié d’une histoire religieuse globale. Il nous livre ainsi une passionnante évocation de ce premier XIXe siècle à travers une lecture janséniste et nettement libérale des polémiques religieuses de son temps
The matter of this work is the manuscript scholarly edition of the Nouvelles écclésiastiques pour le XIXe siècle, that still remains unpublished. It was written by the former oratorian Jean-Louis Rondeau: a juror priest, the abbé Grégoire secretary and member of the Saint-Séverin parish from 1801 till his death in 1832. This text is willing to be the continuation of the Nouvelles Ecclésiastiques from the XVIII century, an immeasurably rich periodical paper published by the jansenist movement. More than a diary, this is an account that takes the form of a partisan chronicle about the ecclesiastical affairs, a huge kaleidoscope reflecting interests and convictions from the one who patiently, from Mexico to Constantinople, Naples to London, Saint-Petersburg to Madrid, Paris to Rome, has scrutinised during years a world in mutation. During two decades, the author, with a jansenist look, has sifted out the events and writings of his time. He has assembled information, reading notes, press articles and hearsays with the ambition of following the European and Worldwide history under the rarely studied outlook of the global religious history. Thus he delivers a passionate evocation on the early XIX century through a jansenist and a clearly liberal reading of the religious polemics of his time

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Thèses sur le sujet « Liberalism and religion »

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