Articles de revues sur le sujet « Libelli »

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1

Araujo, Cássio dos Santos. « Emendatio libelli e mutatio libelli no processo penal militar ». Brazilian Journal of Development 8, no 10 (30 octobre 2022) : 69820–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.34117/bjdv8n10-321.

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A emendatio libelli e a mutatio libelli são instrumentos do processo penal para o respeito ao princípio da congruência entre a acusação e a sentença, relacionando-se, portanto, com os direitos fundamentais do acusado, como os princípios da ampla defesa, do contraditório e do devido processo legal, bem como do princípio acusatório e da inércia da jurisdição. O processo penal militar, em texto de 1969, traz regras diversas do processo comum quanto à emendatio libelli, merecendo o destaque de dispor de forma mais compatível com a Constituição de 1988 que o próprio processo penal comum, reformado em 2008. Quanto à mutatio libelli, há o reconhecimento de omissão, apta a fundamentar a analogia para aplicação das regras do processo penal comum. Importante o aprofundamento de tema tão caro ao sistema acusatório e à posição institucional do Ministério Público após a Constituição de 1988.
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Hartmann, Gerhard. « Habent sua fata libelli. » Demokratie und Geschichte 11-12, no 1 (décembre 2008) : 161–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/demokratie.2008.1112.1.161.

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Ciglbauer, Jan. « Habent sua fata libelli ». Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 73, no 3 (2016) : 220–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/afmw-2016-0012.

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Brague, Rémi. « « Habent sua fatwa libelli » ». Le Débat 150, no 3 (2008) : 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.150.0030.

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Ehring, Franz. « Habent sua fata libelli ». Der Hautarzt 45, no 8 (1 août 1994) : 574–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s001050050131.

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Duval, Yvette. « Sur la genèse des libelli miraculorum ». Revue d'Etudes Augustiniennes et Patristiques 52, no 1 (janvier 2006) : 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rea.5.100904.

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Altschuller, Mark. « Habent sua fata libelli et homines (Memoir and bibliographic notes) ». Literary Fact, no 8 (2018) : 334–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-8297-2018-8-334-356.

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Aguirreazabal Grünstein, Maite. « El principio dispositivo y su influencia en la determinación del objeto del proceso en el proceso civil chileno ». Revista de Derecho Privado, no 32 (1 juillet 2017) : 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18601/01234366.n32.14.

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El presente trabajo analiza el principio dispositivo y su función en la determinación del objeto del proceso, a la luz de la prohibición de la mutatio libelli, como regla protectora del derecho de defensa de las partes.
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Vymětalová, Karla. « Habent sua fata libelli (The Fates of Books and Libraries in Antiquity) ». Historica Olomucensia 51, no 51 (11 décembre 2016) : 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5507/ho.2016.029.

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Bielak, Agnieszka. « Habent sua fata libelli a nawet pojedyncze frazy... » Teksty Drugie 1 (2021) : 333–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18318/td.2021.1.20.

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Holt, Jennifer. « Habent Sua Fata Libelli : The Collector as Augur ». New German Critique 39, no 3 (2012) : 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-1677327.

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Ткачук, Р. « Habent sua fata libelli. Втрачені твори митрополита Іпатія Потія ». Літературознавчі обрії Праці молодих учених, Вип. 21 (2014) : 117–19.

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Drummond, Lucas Ruas. « CRÍTICAS À EMENDATIO LIBELLI E O ENFRAQUECIMENTO DO DEVIDO PROCESSO LEGAL ». Virtuajus 6, no 11 (14 février 2022) : 378–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.1678-3425.2021v6n11p378-389.

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Expresso no Título XII (Da sentença) do vigente Código de Processo Penal, mais precisamente no artigo 383, a figura da emendatio libelli permite ao Magistrado atribuir definição jurídica diversa ao caso penal, desde que não altere a narração fática, mesmo que em consequência, aplique pena mais grave. Após a reforma de 2008, pequenas alterações foram promovidas, mantendo, porém, a essência do instituto. Nesse norte, o presente trabalho busca, através de uma sistemática dialética, apresentar críticas à figura e discutir sobre suas particularidades e efeitos no processo penal, considerando uma eventual incompatibilidade e essencial reinterpretação, tendo como referencial uma necessária filtragem constitucional do processo penal brasileiro que ainda demonstra traços inquisitórios. Assim, valendo-se de uma pesquisa bibliográfica sobre o tema, objetiva-se problematizar a questão da emendatio libelli e ponderar a respeito de seus reflexos negativos no devido processo legal. Ainda, as alterações promovidas pela Lei 13.964/19, denominado de “Pacote Anti Crime", que expressamente consagrou o sistema acusatório e inovou outros procedimentos regulados no Código de Processo Penal, também primando por uma adequação acusatória do processo penal, ensejam a presente (re)discussão para que seja repensado o procedimento criminal com os ares democráticos e garantistas que devem ser aspirados por todos os atores judiciários.
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Messina, Luisa. « La censura nella Francia settecentesca e la figura del colporteur tra realtà e finzione ». e-Scripta Romanica 2 (1 novembre 2015) : 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2392-0718.02.01.

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La censura assume un’importanza fondamentale nella Francia settecentesca se si considera il vistoso aumento dei censori che passa da quarantuno all’inizio del secolo a settantotto alla vigilia della Rivoluzione. Cercando di raggirare i divieti imposti dalla censura, i colporteur ossia i venditori francesi ambulanti di libri eludano la sorveglianza nascondendo sotto il loro mantello sia scritti libertini che libelli politici, vale a dire i libri più amati e contestati dell’epoca, per poi venderli ai clienti più abbienti.
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NELSON, JANET L. « Tracking Einhard's ‘Life of Charlemagne’ Einharts Vita Karoli. Studien zur Entstehung, Überlieferung und Rezeption. 2 vols. By Matthias M. Tischler. (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Schriften, 48.) Pp. lxx+896+8 plates ; vii+898–1828. Hanover : Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 2001. €140. 3 7752 5448 X ; 0080 6951 ». Journal of Ecclesiastical History 57, no 2 (30 mars 2006) : 301–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046905006263.

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‘Habent sua fata libelli’. Had Einhard been able to contemplate the fate of his own libellus of 41 pages (in the standard modern edition) as revealed in Matthias Tischler's 1,828-page two-volume liber, the gamut of his responses from angst to wonderment would surely have included gratitude. In all the voluminous historiography on the Vita Karoli, no one has paid Einhard the compliment of taking his little book as seriously as has Tischler in bringing this Heidelberg doctoral thesis of 1998, now in expanded form, to a wider audience. The subtitle indicates the three dimensions of Tischler's vast enquiry: the immediate context of the VK's original writing, as Einhard responded creatively to an urgent political situation; the VK's own evolving life (if books have fates, Tischler says they also have lives) through preservation and transmission in an extraordinary number of manuscripts; and the VK's afterlife in its variegated reception across eight centuries by scribes, scholars and patrons. Tischler has taken his cue from the literary historian Paul Aebischer: ‘la Vita Karoli est un immense continent’. In Tischler, the improbable continent – vaster than ever realised before and with larger prospects of cultural riches – has found its hinterland explorer and topographer.
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Dziuba, Agnieszka. « Habent sua fata libelli. Losy dzieła "De cardinalibus operibus Christi" ». Vox Patrum 79 (15 septembre 2021) : 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.12624.

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Artykuł stanowi próbę rekonstrukcji losów dzieła De cardinalibus operibus Christi, popularnego w szesnastowiecznej dyskusji polemicznej z reformacją. Początkowo, przez kilka dziesięcioleci uznawano je za dzieło św. Cypriana, biskupa Kartaginy, i pod imieniem tego autora funkcjonowało w polskich dialogach Marcina Kromera. Także wybitni humaniści tego stulecia, jak Paweł Manucjusz, zaliczyli De cardinalibus operibus do prac biskupa z Kartaginy. Dopiero Jakub Pameliusz i Robert Bellarmin poddali w wątpliwość jego autorstwo. Nazwisko autentycznego twórcy 12 mów o najważniejszych wydarzeniach z dziejów Chrystusa ustalili niezależnie od siebie Philippus Labbe i John Owen, którzy dotarli do manuskryptu z biblioteki All Souls College w Oksfordzie, zawierającego w adresie zarówno właściwego adresata dzieła, jak i jego autora. Koleje recepcji De cardinalibus operibus Christi pokazują ciekawe losy książek, odsłaniają warsztat dawnego badacza, a także mogą zainspirować do dalszych studiów w tym zakresie, gdyż wiele jeszcze dawnych tekstów nie ma ustalonych autorów, jak chociażby te z pism, dawniej przypisywanych św. Cyprianowi, a dzisiaj uznanych za nieautentyczne.
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La Monica, Alessandro. « Indici e controindici : la polemica di Pier Paolo Vergerio contro la censura ecclesiastica ». Quaderni d'italianistica 29, no 2 (1 juin 2008) : 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v29i2.8454.

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In quest'articolo si esaminano alcuni dei rilievi polemici che Pier Paolo Vergerio il giovane inserì nei numerosi libelli scritti contro il papato e la Chiesa cattolica. Gli interventi vergeriani qui studiati riguardano gli Indices librorum prohibitorum, segnatamente quello veneziano del 1549, con alcuni rimandi anche a quello tridentino del 1564. L'articolo si sofferma in particolare sulla polemica che Vergerio ingaggiò contro le proibizioni di alcune opere di Dante (De monarchia), Petrarca e Boccaccio. In nota si pubblica anche una pressoché sconosciuta traduzione latina (curata da Vergerio) del sonetto petrarchesco Fontana di dolore.
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Santos Yaguán, Narciso. « Cipriano de Cartago, la persecución de Decio y el problema de los apóstatas ». Helmántica 69, no 202 (1 janvier 2018) : 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.36576/summa.99024.

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Cipriano de Cartago, y en menor medida Eusebio de Cesarea, recogen en sus escritos las consecuencias del edicto de Decio obligando a todos los súbditos del Imperio a sacrificar a los dioses romanos. Esta orden arrastraría a un conjunto de cristianos a cumplir dicha norma y, en consecuencia, apostatar de su religión, bien de hecho bien a través de unos certificados (libelli) obtenidos fraudulentamente. Por ello era precisa buscar solución para quienes, de una u otra manera, habían renegado de su religión para poder ser readmitidos en las comunidades cristianas
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Sharrock, A. R. « The Drooping Rose : Elegiac Failure in Amores 3.7 ». Ramus 24, no 2 (1995) : 152–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002253.

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nos quoque delectant, quamuis nocuere, libelli,quodque mihi telum uulnera fecit, amo.(Tr. 4.1.35f.)My books delight me, even though they have harmed me,and I love the weapon which caused my wound.In Amores 3.7, Ovid sings, hymns, celebrates his own impotence. Why?In stark contrast with its nearest Latin relative, Horace's most grotesque, violent and abusive impotence poem (Epode 12, to be discussed later), Am. 3.7 is an erotic poem, and could even be considered a gentle one, perhaps excepting the couplet 67f. which is the emphatic opposite of the rest of the poem.
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Bencze, Ágnes, Tamás Mészáros, István Borzsák, László Takács et Péter Kovács. « Könyvszemle ». Antik Tanulmányok 48, no 1-2 (1 décembre 2004) : 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/anttan.48.2004.1-2.22.

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Szilágyi János György: Pelasg ősök nyomában. Budapest 2002.; Horváth László: Az athéni Hypereidés (fordítás és tanulmányok). Budapest 2001.; K. W. Kierdorf: Römische Geschichtsschreibung der republikanischen Zeit. Heidelberg 2003.; Michael von Albrecht: A római irodalom története, I-II. kötet. Ford. Tar Ibolya. Budapest 2003-2004.; Egy magyar idegenvezető Bábel tornyában, Lénárd Sándor írásai a nyelvekről. Szerk. Siklós Péter és Terts István. Budapest, Typotex Kiadó 2003.; Richard F. Thomas: Virgil and the Augustan Reception. Cambridge 2001.; Bölcske. Römische Inschriften und Funde. Hrsg. Á. Szabó-E. Tóth. Libelli Archaeologici Ser. Nov. No. II. Ungarisches Nationalmuseum. Budapest 2003.;
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Sharples, Robert. « Habent sua fata libelli : Aristotle’s Categories in the first century BC ». Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 48, no 1-2 (janvier 2008) : 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.48.2008.1-2.30.

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Cieślińska-Lobkowicz, Nawojka. « Habent sua fata libelli. Okupacyjny rynek sztuki w Warszawie a własność żydowska ». Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no 10 (1 décembre 2014) : 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.521.

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W przedwojennej Warszawie znaczną rolę w niewielkim środowisku marszandów i pasjonatów sztuki odgrywali żydowscy kolekcjonerzy i kunsthendlerzy. Prywatne zbiory zamożnych marszandów, prowadzących profesjonalne salony artystyczne na najelegantszych ulicach miasta, uchodziły za znakomite. Największym mirem w tej grupie cieszyli się bracia Bernard i Abe Guntajerowie. Odpowiednio skromniejszą pozycję zajmowało znaczne grono pomniejszych antykwariuszy i handlarzy starzyzną, często znających jedynie jidysz, gnieżdżących się w maleńkich sklepikach nieodległych od eleganckiego centrum. Niemal wszyscy warszawscy żydowscy kunsthendlerzy: bogaci i biedni, zasymilowani i ortodoksyjni, zginęli wraz z rodzinami, często bezimiennie, w getcie warszawskim lub w Treblince. Ocalało kilku po aryjskiej stronie. A co stało się z obiektami zgromadzonymi w żydowskich salonach i antykwariatach oraz ze zbiorami prywatnymi ich zamordowanych właścicieli? Kto wszedł na opuszczone przez nich miejsce? Szerzej: jak zmienił się rynek antykwaryczny w okupowanej Warszawie? Do jakiego stopnia ten okupacyjny handel opierał się na dziełach sztuki, precjozach i cennych wyrobach rzemiosła, które do wybuchu wojny należały do żydowskich właścicieli? Kiedy, gdzie i przez kogo obiekty te sprzedawano dla wspomożenia i ratowania zamkniętych w getcie lub ukrywających się osób, a kiedy pochodziły z rabunku czy szantażu i przyjmowane były przez aryjskich antykwariuszy bez skrupułów mimo wiedzy o ich pochodzeniu lub z jej świadomym pominięciem? Autorka stara się odpowiedzieć na te pytania na podstawie zachowanych – niestety nielicznych – dokumentów archiwalnych i wycinkowych wspomnień, korzystając również ze znanych jej materiałów źródłowych z terenu okupowanego Krakowa i Lwowa oraz ostrożnie posługując się analogią z mechanizmami rynku sztuki w innych krajach okupowanej Europy. Trudności interpretacyjne wynikają ponadto z enigmatyczności źródeł, koniecznej ze względu na dyskrecjonalny charakter handlu sztuką, wzmożony w okresie okupacji. Handel przedmiotami żydowskiej proweniencji był przecież nielegalny w ujęciu niemieckich przepisów, należało też zachować ścisłą konspirację, gdy w grę wchodziły ratunek lub pomoc ich właścicielom. W stopniu nie mniejszym przemilczanie i zacieranie prawdziwego pochodzenia oferowanych przedmiotów służyło ukryciu nieuczciwego sposobu wejścia w ich posiadanie i/lub nieprawego dysponowania nimi. Granica między tak odmiennymi przyczynami owej wzmożonej dyskrecji bywała całkiem rozmyta. Ta okupacyjna patologia rynku antykwarycznego przetrwała, powodując jego trwałe zepsucie, odczuwalne dojmująco po dziś dzień: zatarcie prawdziwej proweniencji oferowanych obrazów i antyków, które do 1939 r. należały do żydowskich właścicieli.
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Chrysos, Evangelos. « The Council of Constantinople in 869–70 : A Minority Council ». Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 49, no 1 (28 avril 2020) : 138–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890433-04901008.

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Abstract The Council of Constantinople of 869 was convoked by Emperor Basil I on the demand of pope Hadrian II aiming at concluding the causa Ignatiana et Photiana, actually at the definite condemnation of Patriarch Photius and his followers. The Council in Western historiographical and canonical tradition labelled as the Eighth Ecumenical Council, was in fact a minority council. The instruction of Pope Hadrian II to his representatives in Constantinople that they should collect handwritten libelli emendationis or satisfactionis by all invited bishops as a conditio sine qua non for being permitted to participate at the Council, forced hundreds of invited bishops to choose – with the exception of merely 102 of them – to abstain from participation.
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Schubert, Paul. « On the Form and Content of the Certificates of Pagan Sacrifice ». Journal of Roman Studies 106 (12 août 2016) : 172–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435816000617.

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ABSTRACTCertificates of sacrifice (libelli) were produced during the so-called persecution of Decius (a.d. 250), which is documented through the testimony of Christian authors and through original certificates preserved on papyrus. The aim of this article is to offer a more detailed perspective on some specific points in the procedure as regards the production of the papyri. Although Decius’ edict did not produce an instant and decisive change in the religious balance of the Empire, the procedure that was put in place nonetheless testifies to the effectiveness of the existing structure, and also to the capacity of the officials to adapt this structure so as to obtain maximum compliance from the population.
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Siegemund, Jan. « unrechtliche peinliche schmehung oder dem gemeinen nutz nuetzlich?Eine Fallstudie zur Normenkonkurrenz im Schmähschriftprozess des 16. Jahrhunderts ». Das Mittelalter 25, no 1 (3 juin 2020) : 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mial-2020-0010.

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AbstractLibel played an important and extraordinary role in early modern conflict culture. The article discusses their functions and the way they were assessed in court. The case study illustrates argumentative spaces and different levels of normative references in libel trials in 16th century electoral Saxony. In 1569, Andreas Langener – in consequence of a long stagnating private conflict – posted several libels against the nobleman Tham Pflugk in different public places in the city of Dresden. Consequently, he was arrested and charged with ‘libelling’. Depending on the reference to conflicting social and legal norms, he had therefore been either threatened with corporal punishment including his execution, or rewarded with laudations. In this case, the act of libelling could be seen as slander, but also as a service to the community, which Langener had informed about potentially harmful transgression of norms. While the common good was the highest maxim, different and sometimes conflicting legally protected interests had to be discussed. The situational decision depended on whether the articulated charges where true and relevant for the public, on the invective language, and especially on the quality and size of the public sphere reached by the libel.
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Wasilewski, Sławomir. « Metody wychowawcze św. Jana Chryzostoma ». Vox Patrum 53 (15 décembre 2009) : 433–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4479.

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In omni processu progressuque recto qui ad artem educandi pertinet magni momenti est non solum consilium formationis morum et animi puerilis proprium patris, magistri vel pedagogi, sed etiam certa ratio viaque bene formandi. Quasdam rationes ac vias educandi invenimus etiam apud Ioannem Chrysostomum, qui no­tus est auctor libelli cuius titulus: De inani gloria et de educandis liberis. Inter quas dignae sunt, ut praesertim enumerentur: via ac ratio commovendi in volun­tatem bonam, ratio viaque comitandi, ratio viaque praeveniendi, via ratioque im­plendi temporis, ratio et via circuli vel gregis, via et ratio fatigationis tollendae curiositate, via ratioque repetitionis et ratio viaque gradationis. Hae omnes sane valde prosunt ad propositum artis educandi, quod ad mentem Ioannis Chrysostomi episcopi sit formare et instituere pueros milites athletasque Iesu Christi.
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Gilman, Sander L. « Presidential Address 1995 : Habent Sua Fata Libelli ; or, Books, Jobs, and the MLA ». PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 111, no 3 (mai 1996) : 390–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/463163.

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Terence remarked that books have their fates. Many are one day in fashion, the next day discarded. A quick look at the remainder tables at Barnes and Noble or at Chicago's Powell's reflects last week's or last month's reading. The fate of these books—our books—is clear. Books have their fates, but so do their authors and their readers, and it is the fates of those authors and readers that I want to speak of. Ours seems to be a time of transition, and this transition has created much fear and anxiety within our ranks. We see the possibility that younger colleagues will be displaced, tossed away much like the books on the remainder table. Or if they do find work, they will be employed marginally—employed part-time, underpaid, and exploited. This fear has had both personal and political repercussions over the past year for many of us. Yet we are a profession that reads, and the act of reading is an optimistic one, especially in the cold, dark night of the soul.
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Snijders, Tjamke. « ‘Obtulisti libellum de vita domni Remacli’ : The Evolution of Patron Saint Libelli as Propagandist Instruments in the Monastery of Stavelot-Malmedy, 938-1247 ». BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 128, no 2 (21 juin 2013) : 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.8545.

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Velmozova, Ekaterina. « Compte rendu du livre : Christina Strantchevska-Andrieu. La découverte de la langue bulgare par les linguistes russes au XIXe siècle. Toulouse, 2011, 522 p. (Slavica occitania, 2011, № 32) ». Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no 31 (5 octobre 2011) : 269–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2011.865.

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"Habent sua fata libelli. Les livres ont leurs destinées – leurs auteurs aussi. Le livre de Christina Strantchevska-Andrieu (1967-2010) La découverte de la langue bulgare par les linguistes russes au XIXe siècle est la publication de sa thèse de doctorat soutenue avec beaucoup de succès à l’Université de Toulouse – le Mirail le 27 novembre 2009 devant le jury composé de son directeur de recherches, le professeur Roger Comtet (Université de Tou- louse – le Mirail), du professeur Jack Feuillet (INALCO, Paris), du profes- seur Michel Billières (Université de Toulouse – le Mirail) et de moi- même1. Cette thèse, consacrée aux études bulgares en Russie et rédigée en français, reflétait non seulement les intérêts scientifiques de la chercheuse, mais aussi, en partie, sa biographie où les côtés bulgare, russe et français étaient liés de façon très étroite."
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Rohrbacher, Peter. « Habent sua fata libelli : Das „Rassenproblem“ im Spiegel der nachgelassenen Privatbibliothek Bischof Alois Hudals ». Römische Historische Mitteilungen 1 (2022) : 325–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/rhm57s325.

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Aspesi, Cara. « The libelli of Lucca, Biblioteca Arcivescovile, MS 5 : liturgy from the siege of Acre ? » Journal of Medieval History 43, no 4 (8 août 2017) : 384–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2017.1346934.

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Palazzo, Éric. « Le rôle des libelli dans la pratique liturgique du haut Moyen Age. Histoire et typologie ». Revue Mabillon 01 (janvier 1990) : 9–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rm.2.305467.

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León, Ramón. « Habent sua fata libelli : psicología, de H. Delgado y M.Iberico. esencia y destino de un clásico ». Revista de Psicología 7, no 2 (1 juin 1989) : 167–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/psico.198902.006.

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En este artículo se revisa "Psicología", un libro muy importante escrito por dos autores peruanos, Honorio Delgado y Mariano Iberico. "Psicología" fue un "best-seller" con nueve ediciones entre 1933 y 1969 (un récord para los estándares peruanos en literatura psicológica) teniendo gran influencia en el país. Se aprecia la influencia de las ideas de psicólogos y filósofos franceses y alemanes (especialmente Henri Bergson y Max Scheler) en los autores de este libro. Una atmósfera europea es evidente, dejándose de lado las contribuciones norteamericanas a la psicología.
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Desmond, Karen. « Jean des Murs and the Three Libelli on Music in BnF lat. 7378A : A Preliminary Report ». Erudition and the Republic of Letters 4, no 1 (23 janvier 2019) : 40–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-00401003.

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Within the mid-fourteenth century Parisian manuscript Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, latin 7378A, three as yet unedited music treatises are found, copied in a tiny, highly abbreviated script in a section of the manuscript devoted mostly to the music treatises of Jean des Murs. The incipits of the three treatises are as follows: ‘Omnes homines natura scire desiderant’, ‘Partes prolationis quot sunt’, and ‘Celebranda divina sunt officia in ecclesia’. Lawrence Gushee suggested that Jean des Murs may be their author, since Jean listed a book loan of a work authored by him with incipit ‘Omnes homines’ in the manuscript El Escorial, Real Biblioteca de San Lorenzo, O.ii.10, that contains his autograph annotations. This article focuses on the content of the second treatise, which appears to be closely related to Jean des Murs’s own Compendium artis musicae. The Compendium begins: ‘Partes prolationis quot sunt? Quinque’, whereas the answer to the same opening question posed in the BnF lat. 7378A treatise is ‘Quattuor’. The text of this treatise is considered as a witness to early ars nova theory as it relates to the theories propagated in Jean des Murs’s early works, and to the transmission of these texts within the layer of BnF lat. 7378A that is devoted to works by Jean des Murs and his contemporaries on music and astronomy.
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Haas, Reimund. « Siegfried Schmidt : „2000 Jahre katholisches Schrifttum“. Die Katholische Sonderschau auf der Kölner PRESSA 1928 (Libelli Rhenani 52) ». Annalen des Historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein 217, no 1 (décembre 2014) : 331–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/annalen-2014-217-0124.

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Azzolini, Monica. « Refining the Astrologer's Art : Astrological Diagrams in Bodleian MS Canon. Misc. 24 and Cardano's Libelli Quinque (1547) ». Journal for the History of Astronomy 42, no 1 (février 2011) : 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182861104200101.

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ZALLÁR, A., et T. SZABÓ. « Historical NoteHabent sua fata libelli : the adventurous story of Albert Szent-Györgi's book entitledStudies on Muscle(1945) ». Acta Physiologica Scandinavica 135, no 4 (avril 1989) : 423–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-1716.1989.tb08599.x.

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Bäumer, Änne. « De piscibus et aquatilibus libelli III novi (Zürich 1556) Ein bisher unbeachtetes zoologisches Werk von Conrad Gesner ». Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte 13, no 3 (1990) : 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/bewi.19900130310.

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Maier, Bernhard. « Habent sua fata libelli : thoughts on an early parody of Max Müller and other classics in comparative religious studies ». Religion 42, no 4 (octobre 2012) : 495–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0048721x.2012.681979.

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Woźniewska-Działak, Magdalena. « Patriotyzm w filozofii praktycznej Karola Libelta. Wokół rozprawy "O miłości ojczyzny" ». Studia Philosophiae Christianae 56, no 2 (30 juin 2020) : 163–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/spch.2020.56.2.07.

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Lata 40. XIX wieku to okres wyjątkowo ożywionej debaty nad tożsamością narodu polskiego. Rozprawa Karola Libelta O miłości ojczyzny, wydana w poznańskim czasopiśmie Rok w 1844 r., jest jednym z reprezentatywnych przykładów ideowego fermentu tego czasu. W rozprawie autor formułuje zasadnicze pytanie o kształt i charakter narodu jako wspólnoty wartości. Redefiniuje jednakże kluczowe dla tematu pojęcia takie jak ojczyzna i patriotyzm. Postuluje konieczność precyzyjnego formułowania ról społecznych i zadań, których realizacja ma służyć odzyskaniu przez Polskę niepodległości. Libelt akcentuje kwestię nierozłączności narodu i państwa, stąd w komentowanej rozprawie pytania o podmiotowość narodu są ściśle powiązane z pojęciem bytu politycznego i refleksją nad jego partykularną, ale i uniwersalną misją w dziejach. W stosunkowo rzadko komentowanej i niedoinwestowanej badawczo rozprawie Karola Libelta wybrzmiewa także koncepcja zmiany struktury polskiego społeczeństwa. Libelt jako pierwszy polski intelektualista sformułował definicję inteligencji jako grupę ludzi wykształconych, posiadających specjalne kompetencje i kluczową rolę do odegrania w dążącym do samookreślenia narodzie. Na barkach inteligencji, rozumianej przez filozofa jako awangarda narodu, ciąży odpowiedzialność szerzenia oświaty, kształcenia ludu i propagowania postaw zmieniających jego ograniczający szansę ewentualnych reform światopogląd. Libelt określa inteligencki etos jako zespół wartości i zasad mających moc wzorotwórczą. Szczególnym znamieniem inteligenckiego projektu patriotyzmu czyni zaś pojęcie służby drugiemu człowiekowi i poświęcenia dla dobra wspólnoty, dla ojczyzny. Przez miłość ojczyzny rozumie m.in. przywiązanie do ziemi, praktykowanie obyczajów, kultywowanie tradycji, dbanie o piękno języka, znajomość narodowej literatury, poszanowanie praw i obywatelskich obowiązków, etc. Wielkim walorem rozprawy Libelta pozostaje łączenie perspektywy historiozoficznej z problematyką etosu grupy kierowniczej, co daje rezultat w postaci refleksji o charakterze socjologicznym, podbudowanej romantycznym maksymalizmem moralnym.
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Machado, Felipe Daniel, et Flaviane Barros. « Atuação do juiz e das partes no processo : estudo sobre a mutatio libelli a partir do movimento das reformas processuais ». Revista de Estudos Constitucionais, Hermenêutica e Teoria do Direito 2, no 2 (23 décembre 2010) : 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4013/rechtd.2010.22.01.

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Black, Jonathan. « Alcuins Gebetbuch für Karl den Grossen : Seine Rekonstruktion und seine Stellung in der frühmittelalterlichen Geschichte der "Libelli precum". Stephan Waldhoff ». Speculum 83, no 3 (juillet 2008) : 772–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400015360.

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Martin, Martial. « Fake news et libelles diffamatoires : Discours contre les fausses nouvelles, instrumentalisation des écritures de l’actualité et poétiques burlesques dans la première modernité (1559-1661) ». Infox, Fake News et « Nouvelles faulses » : perspectives historiques (XVe – XXe siècles), no 118 (10 septembre 2021) : 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1081082ar.

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Free-form satire, emancipated from strictly Horatian / Juvenalian models, and organized around a poetic “I”, distant, critical or even indignant before a changing world, played an important role in the emergence of news writing in Early Modernity, leading to the onset of the periodical press in the 17th century. In order to reflect on the connection between Early Modern information media, and satirical or militant writing, the idiom “fake news”, while seemingly incongruous at first, is in fact particularly useful, as it helps establish a connection with our contemporary practices, such as incorrect news, ideologically-oriented publications, clickbaits, and ironic parodies. By comparing these apparently heterogeneous phenomena, it becomes possible to think, in a coordinated way, about three aspects of the exchanges and hybridization that took place between Early Modern “occasionnels” (short, topical brochures) and “libelles” (satirical or libellous tracts). Like contemporary “fake news”, a term often used by purveyors of equally debatable reports to decry doubtful information produced by the opposing camp, libelles were always entangled in a network of other libelles, ever expending due to the indignation caused by the enemy’s lies. Libelles imitated news writing, feeding on rumors, and led to demystifications that often doubled as critiques of the codes of topicality found in the occasionnels. In certain ways, such criticism contributed to the creation of these codes, by pushing back against them. The forms taken by this satire of ideologically-oriented, or militant news writing went beyond partisan intent; it was sometimes difficult, as it is nowadays on certain satirical websites or social media accounts, to distinguish between activist creative writings, and playful games of wit. At a deeper level, satirical esthetics, whether grotesque (referring to the whole period) or burlesque (referring to its end), could instigate a global exercise of incredulity or unbelief towards the religious and political foundations of the Ancien Régime. On account of such a meta-reflexive dimension, of its great diversity linked to its hybridization of news writings, of its oscillation between partisan and playful humour, depending on the readership’s liking and the publishing industry’s interests, libelle referred to changeable forms quite similar to the fickle realities the moniker fake news refers to nowadays. Conversely, the libelle invites us not to hastily reject one aspect or another of the current network, which might be more homogeneous than it seems at first sight.
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Lázár, István Dávid. « Il cinghiale Marsus in terra della Pannonia ». Tabula, no 17 (16 novembre 2020) : 275–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/tab.17.2020.10.

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Appena nominato, il nuovo vescovo della diocesi di Győr, György Draskovich, aveva convocato il sinodo per l’estate dell’anno 1579, nella città di Szombathely. Nel primo giorno del sinodo, su invito del nuovo vescovo, il gesuita croato Marcus Pitačić pronunciò un discorso che trattava dei criteri per divenire prete, della morale che la comunità esigeva da parte del clero e dell’istituzione del celibato, attaccando e confutando le relative dottrine dei protestanti. La reazione al discorso di Pitačić da parte dei protestanti non arrivò subito ma si fece aspettare per un decennio e mezzo. Nel 1585 uscì il libro di Péter Beregszászi, Apologia pro ecclesiis reformatis, actis impiis Synodi Sabariensis opposita, che contiene sia l’Oratio di Pitačić sia la risposta di Beregszászi, in cui egli smentisce punto per punto le asserzioni del gesuita. Il fatto che, due anni dopo, venne pubblicato a Basel il volume De controversiis religionis hoc seculo motis adversaria quaedam scripta, in quibus utriusque partis dissidentium argumenta, ad Scripturae divinae canonem explorantur et Iesuitis potissimum respondetur, mostra l’importanza dei due testi dell’Apologia che, assieme ad alcuni libelli apparsi negli anni ’80, viene interamente riproposta nel detto volume. A seguito della breve presentazione riassuntiva della vita di Pitačić, l’articolo offre un quadro sintetico della sua controversia con Beregszászi, ricca di argomentazioni e di mezzi retorico-linguistici che servivano al predicatore protestante per rendere ridicoli i gesuiti e contestare l’autenticità delle parole del suo avversario.
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Hroch, Miroslav. « Comments ». Nationalities Papers 38, no 6 (novembre 2010) : 881–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.515976.

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After having published a book, an author must take into account that his text remains unprotected, and becomes an object of new readings which reflect different social and political conditions, and the interests of subsequent generations of readers. Consequently, an author's concepts and opinions are open to various reflections and can be used as arguments or tools of analysis, as inspirations, models, or targets of criticism. These processes occur independently of an author's expectations and original goals. In a broader sense, we can agree with antiquity: “Habent sua fata libelli.” My book on the “Social Preconditions of National Revival” has been no exception, and it is a great pleasure for me to realize that this book has survived so many decades to live its “second life,” and that its original meanings and concepts inspire new interpretations, even if they have sometimes been misunderstood or exploited as arguments in totally different conditions and settings. It is a pleasant surprise to observe that my methods, typologies and generalizations can be (successfully?) discussed and used, naturally in a modified version, as tools to analyze developments and conflicts in very distant countries and times. Alexander Maxwell has given an excellent and well-informed overview of this differentiated and sometimes controversial second life. All other contributions to this issue, analyzing concrete cases, could be understood as indications that my scientific efforts have made sense, and sometimes inspired researchers up to the present day.
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Fowler, D. P. « Martial and the Book ». Ramus 24, no 1 (1995) : 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002307.

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Alongside Catullus and Ovid, Martial is the Latin writer who tells us most about the ancient book, and he receives detailed treatment in most histories of ancient book production: he has a chapter to himself, for instance, in Roberts and Skeats' The Birth of the Codex. Books and reading are a central concern of his poetry from his very first publications: around 10-15% of the epigrams deal with this theme. The topic has received, however, much less attention from literary critics than from scholars interested in the Realien of ancient book production, and those who have paid attention to it have tended to play down the importance of the published books compared to the ‘occasional’ reception of the epigrams either through recitation or through informal pamphlets (the so-called ‘libelli’ prominent in the important work of Peter White). Even John Sullivan, who was more aware than many of the importance of the book in Martial, sees the published books as ‘open-ended collections, to which material could be added as it became available or necessary’ and declares that ‘Martial is less careful about the endings of his books…than about their beginnings and general structure’. I have suggested elsewhere that, on the contrary, the endings of Martial's books may be seen as possessing particularly ingenious effects of closure, and in general it seems to me that the engagement with reception in book-form shown by Martial's epigrams is extremely sophisticated.
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Haas, Reimund. « Marcel Albert : „Als der Krieg die Ruhe der Bibliotheksarbeit gewaltsam störte“. Die Kölner Diözesan- und Dombibliothek im Zweiten Weltkrieg. (Libelli Rhenani 50) ». Annalen des Historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein 218, no 1 (1 décembre 2015) : 341–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/annalen-2015-0137.

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Bolton, Brenda. « Signs, Wonders, Miracles : Supporting the Faith in Medieval Rome ». Studies in Church History 41 (2005) : 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000019x.

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Judging by the quantity of surviving texts – whether vitae or saints’ lives, libelli miraculorum or narratives of miracles for public reading in church, lectionaries or collections of liturgical readings, inventiones and translationes or accounts of relics found and later moved to a new location, popular receptivity to signs, wonders and miracles had reached a high point by the turn of the twelfth century. Whilst ordinary laypeople remained fascinated by supernatural phenomena, intellectuals were already beginning to challenge the preternatural in a process described by Chenu as the ‘desacralizing’ of nature. In the first book of his treatise, De Sanctis et eorum pignoribus (c.1120), Guibert, Abbot of Nogent, had contrasted the credulity of the faithful towards pseudo-miracles with the growing unease experienced by many scholars at inadequate written evidence for the authentication of relics. Andrew of Saint-Victor (d.1175), in an exposition on the literal interpretation of Scripture, found himself arguing for a natural explanation of events before any recourse to the miraculous. In the School of Pastoral Theology at Paris, Master Peter the Chanter (d.1197) vehemently criticized trial by ordeal as a flagrant tempting of God whereby a supposedly miraculous intervention was allowed to intrude into the regular legalistic operation of the courts. In the years immediately following the Chanter’s death, his former students, led by Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) and like-minded clerical associates, developed a significant agenda, emphasizing rationality and record keeping to sustain the faith of the Church within a new and more firmly pastoral context.
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Scharff, Thomas. « Georg Heinzle, Flammen der Zwietracht. Deutungen des karolingischen Brüderkrieges im 9. Jahrhundert. (Libelli Rhenani, Bd. 77.) Köln, Erzbischöfliche Diözesan- und Dombibliothek Köln 2020 ». Historische Zeitschrift 314, no 3 (1 juin 2022) : 757–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2022-1209.

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Winterbottom, Michael. « Tacitus, Dialogus 13.4 ». Classical Quarterly 49, no 1 (mai 1999) : 338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.1.338-a.

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At Dialogus 13.4, Tacitus makes Maternus decry the good fortune of the orators Vibius Crispus and Eprius Marcellus: ‘Nam Crispus iste et Marcellus, ad quorum exempla me uocas, quid habent in hac sua fortuna concupiscendum? Quod timent, an quod timentur? Quod, cum cotidie aliquid rogentur, ii quibus praestant indignantur? Quod alligati cum adulatione nec imperantibus umquam satis serui uidentur nec nobis satis liberi? Quae haec summa eorum potentia est? Tantum posse liberti solent’
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