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1
Kolinsky, Eva. « In Search of a Future : Leipzig Since the Wende ». German Politics and Society 16, no 4 (1 décembre 1998) : 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503098782486997.
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In the political and economic history of Germany, Leipzig alreadyheld a special place long before unification. Since the middle ages, ithas hosted one of the most important trade fairs in Europe. Whenindustrialization turned Germany in the late nineteenth century intoa leading European power, outpacing France and closely rivalingBritain, Leipzig added to its established and internationally acclaimedfur and book trade a mighty industrial sector in lignite-based chemicalsand vehicle production. At the turn of the century, Leipzig wasone of the largest and most affluent cities of Germany and indeedEurope. A rich stock of Gründerzeit houses remains to testify to thisillustrious past.
2
Graf, Rüdiger. « Transitional Injustice at Leipzig : Negotiating Sovereignty and International Humanitarian Law in Germany after the First World War ». Central European History 55, no 1 (mars 2022) : 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921001758.
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AbstractThe article analyzes Allied attempts to try German war criminals after the First World War and the ensuing Leipzig trials. Historians of international law commonly describe these as the first (failed) attempt to break principles of national sovereignty by implementing principles of international humanitarian law, which were later realized at Nuremberg and The Hague. The article brackets the question of the Leipzig trials’ alleged success or failure by situating them not so much within the long-term history of international justice but, rather, within the political and intellectual culture of Weimar Germany. The article shows how the German government tried to use its limited domestic sovereignty in order to enhance its international sovereignty. By asking how German sovereignty was contested, negotiated, and reaffirmed, the article historicizes the Leipzig trials and also addresses the more general question of which conditions facilitate international war crimes trials. Drawing on the literature on transitional justice, this article suggests that contestations over German domestic and international sovereignty after the Versailles Treaty offer a more productive frame to understand the trials than measuring success according to international humanitarian law.
3
Detzen, Dominic, et Sebastian Hoffmann. « Accountability and ideology : The case of a German university under the Nazi regime ». Accounting History 25, no 2 (1 avril 2019) : 174–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1032373219836301.
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This article studies accountability demands at an educational institution following extreme changes of societal conditions, as observed in Nazi Germany (1933–1945). We refer to the Handelshochschule Leipzig founded as the first free-standing business school in Germany to show how the Nazi doctrine made its way into this university, affecting academics on both the organizational and the individual levels. As political accountability became a dominant governance instrument, most academics submitted to this new accountability regime. They became subjects of accountability, who can only be understood by the norms that were imposed on them. The change in accountability demands created considerable challenges for individuals, and, ex post, it may be impossible to ascertain their moral attitudes and how they attempted to cope with ensuing ethical dilemmas.
4
Turner, Ian. « Great Britain and the Post-War German Currency Reform ». Historical Journal 30, no 3 (septembre 1987) : 685–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0002094x.
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British policy towards Germany during the period of occupation aimed at preventing a resurgence of German military might in the future, whilst ensuring stable economic conditions in the short term. By mid 1946, however, the scale of the economic problems confronting the occupying powers in Germany had already manifested itself in the reduction of food rations and the consequent falling off in the output of Ruhr coal. The fragile economy was to suffer an even greater setback during the cruel winter of 1946/7. The immediate restoration of economic activity became imperative, not least because the dollar cost of sustaining the British Zone with imported grain weighed heavily on the British exchequer.
5
Petzina, Dietmar. « The Economic Dimension of the East–West Conflict and the Role of Germany ». Contemporary European History 3, no 2 (juillet 1994) : 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000771.
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A survey of the economic problems in East–West relations during the era of the Cold War is of particular interest from the German perspective. First, no other Western industrial country played a comparable role in the economic relations with East European countries; and secondly, East–West trade, especially the economic contacts with the German Democratic Republic (GDR), became an outstanding feature of German Ostpolitik under the conditions of the divided country. It appears to be an acceptable proposition to say that this form of West Germany economic and trade policy was the equivalent of the militarily defined US policy towards the Soviet Union, in so far as the famous dictum of the former Federal Chancellor Willy Brandt, that the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was ‘an economic giant and a political dwarf only partly corresponded to reality. It therefore seems appropriate to discuss the economic dimension of the East–West conflict in the context of German interests and policies – not to the exclusion of all else, but with a certain priority.
6
Krasnozhenova, Elena. « Economic and economic features of the Nazi occupation policy : 1941— 1944. (based on materials from the North-West of Russia) ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no 11-1 (1 novembre 2020) : 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi17.
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The article shows the content of the Nazi occupation policy in the North-West of Russia during the Great Patriotic war. Features of the German command’s agricultural and tax policy in the occupied territory of the region are presented. To supply Nazi Germany and its armies, the economic resources of the occupied territories were used by exporting raw materials, food, equipment, and other material values. The local population was involved in mandatory work at enterprises, or sent to Germany. The occupation policy led to a significant deterioration of living conditions in the North-West of the Russia. The removal of food and warm clothing from citizens, their eviction from their homes, and the lack of medical care contributed to an increase in morbidity and mortality. The article shows the content of Nazi propaganda in the occupied territory of the North-West of the Russia.
7
Canzler, Weert. « Transport Infrastructure in Shrinking (East) Germany ». German Politics and Society 26, no 2 (1 juin 2008) : 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260205.
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Policy on transport infrastructure in Germany will come under increasing pressure thanks to considerable changes in basic conditions. Demographic change, shifts in economic and regional structures, continued social individualization, and the chronic budget crisis in the public sphere are forcing a readjustment of government action. At root, the impact of the changes in demographics and economic structures touches on what Germans themselves think their postwar democracy stands for. Highly consensual underlying assumptions about Germany as a model are being shaken. The doctrine that development of infrastructure is tantamount to growth and prosperity no longer holds. The experience in eastern Germany shows that more and better infrastructure does not automatically lead to more growth. Moreover, uniform government regulation is hitting limits. If the differences between boom regions and depopulated zones remain as large as they are, then it makes no sense to have the same regulatory maze apply to both cases. In transportation policy, that shift would mean recasting the legal foundations of public transport.
8
Spicka, Mark E. « Selling the Economic Miracle : Public-Opinion Research, Economic Reconstruction, and Politics in West Germany, 1949-1957 ». German Politics and Society 20, no 1 (1 mars 2002) : 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385462.
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Perhaps the most remarkable development in the Federal Republicof Germany since World War II has been the creation of its stabledemocracy. Already by the second half of the 1950s, political commentatorsproclaimed that “Bonn is not Weimar.” Whereas theWeimar Republic faced the proliferation of splinter parties, the riseof extremist parties, and the fragmentation of support for liberal andconservative parties—conditions that led to its ultimate collapse—theFederal Republic witnessed the blossoming of moderate, broadbasedparties.1 By the end of the 1950s the Christian DemocraticUnion/Christian Social Union (CDU), Social Democratic Party(SPD) and Free Democratic Party (FDP) had formed the basis of astable party system that would continue through the 1980s.
9
Patton, David F. « Protest Voting in Eastern Germany ». German Politics and Society 37, no 3 (1 septembre 2019) : 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.
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In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.
10
GEBAUER, RONALD, et GEORG VOBRUBA. « The Open Unemployment Trap : Life at the Intersection of Labour Market and Welfare State. The Case of Germany ». Journal of Social Policy 32, no 4 (octobre 2003) : 571–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279403007153.
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It is a widespread assumption that the interface between social assistance and the labour market implies an incentive structure that hinders people to work. This incentive structure is known as the unemployment trap. In particular within economics it is seen as a matter of course influencing the debate on labour market and social welfare reform. In contrary to these dominant discourses, we take the unemployment trap-theorem as a hypothesis to be tested empirically. We focus on the case of German social assistance (Sozialhilfe) by analysing data from the Social Assistance Calendar from the German Socio Economic Panel (GSOEP), a longitudinal data set, recorded by the Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW). The data are analysed by using approaches of the Event History Analysis, yielding results that clearly contradict the unemployment trap-theorem: Most people re-enter the labour market after a relatively short period of receiving Sozialhilfe. This is the starting point for asking for the recipients’ reasons for their labour market decisions by analysing 26 interviews with recipients of Sozialhilfe in Cologne and Leipzig.
11
Bauer, Reinhold. « A Specifically German Path to Mass Motorisation ? Motorcycles in Germany between the World Wars ». Journal of Transport History 34, no 2 (décembre 2013) : 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/tjth.34.2.2.
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After rapid growth of its motorcycle industry since the early 1920s, in the 1930s Germany became the world's largest motorcycle producer and exporter. Furthermore, in 1933 Germany was the country with by far the highest motorcycle density in the world. The paper discusses the reasons for the role motorbikes played in the German path to mass motorisation in the interwar era. The central thesis is that specific economic and political conditions in Germany allowed motorcycles to become the dominant motorised form of individual transport in the period.
12
Häußermann, Hartmut. « Capitalist Futures and Socialist Legacies : Urban Development in East Germany Since 1990 ». German Politics and Society 16, no 4 (1 décembre 1998) : 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503098782487031.
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Since unification, the political, economic, and institutional structuresin the new federal states have been patterned in accordance with theWest German model. This is due in part to the extension of theWestern legal framework to the eastern Länder. The fact that thepolitical and economic actors of the once-socialist country are nowsubject to the institutional conditions of the West encourages convergencetowards the western model. But questions have been raised asto whether the cities in the new federal states are also adaptingrapidly to the western model of urban development. Their layoutand architecture resulted, after all, from the investment decisionsmade by several generations and cannot be shifted or transformed asrapidly as legal or institutional frameworks.
13
Ruble, Alexandria N. « Creating Postfascist Families : Reforming Family Law and Gender Roles in Postwar East and West Germany ». Central European History 53, no 2 (juin 2020) : 414–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000175.
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ABSTRACTAfter 1945 both German states overturned longstanding laws and policies from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that designated women as second-class citizens in spousal rights, parental authority and marital property. From the early postwar years, female politicians and activists in the women's movement pursued in both Germanys reforms of the obsolete marriage and family law. The article compares how these women and mainly male legislators in both states envisioned the role of women in the family and in gender relations. It shows that these debates in the FRG and the GDR were influenced on the one hand by earlier, pre-1933 ideas, and on the other hand reacted to Nazi-era politics. Yet, because of their different political, economic and social conditions, discourses and policies developed in the context of the Cold War in both states in different directions, though they continued to be related to each other.
14
Kauders, Anthony D. « The Crisis of the Psyche and the Future of Germany : The Encounter with Freud in the Weimar Republic ». Central European History 46, no 2 (juin 2013) : 325–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938913000630.
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Some two decades ago, Peter Fritzsche wrote the first of two influential essays that questioned the then common conviction that Weimar Germany was all about doom and gloom. “What is distinctive about twentieth-century German culture,” he argued, “is not simply ‘crisis’—economic, political, cultural—but the widespread consciousness of crisis and the allied conviction that these emergency conditions could be managed to Germany's advantage.” Recently, Fritzsche's view has been taken up and expanded by a younger generation of German scholars, who have detailed how “crisis” meant different things to different people, often denoting the possibility of favorable change. This insistence on “crisis” as the beginning of something (positively) new is in many ways the most far-reaching application of the anti-teleological turn in Weimar historiography.
15
Bellani, Daniela, Gøsta Esping Andersen et Léa Pessin. « When equity matters for marital stability ». Journal of Social and Personal Relationships 35, no 9 (14 juin 2017) : 1273–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265407517709537.
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Comparing West Germany and the U.S., we analyze the association between equity—in terms of the relative gender division of paid and unpaid work hours—and the risk of marriage dissolution. Our aim is to identify under what conditions equity influences couple stability. We apply event-history analysis to marriage histories using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel for West Germany and the Panel Study of Income Dynamics for the U.S. for the period 1986–2009/10. For the U.S., we find that deviation from equity is particularly destabilizing when the wife underbenefits, especially when both partners’ paid work hours are similar. In West Germany, equity is less salient. Instead, we find that the male breadwinner model remains the single most stable couple arrangement.
16
Gook, Ben. « Backdating German neoliberalism : Ordoliberalism, the German model and economic experiments in eastern Germany after 1989 ». Journal of Sociology 54, no 1 (19 février 2018) : 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318759085.
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Since the 2007–8 financial crisis and subsequent difficulties in the eurozone, Germany’s recent economic history has been much studied. However, less attention has been paid to neoliberalisation in eastern Germany in the early 1990s, when the region became a laboratory for political economic experiments. The results were later spread across the (western) German economy, then into the European Union’s (EU’s) ideological core. As such, a focus on the western ‘German model’ and the EU can miss the way neoliberalism crept into German social and economic life through German re-unification in the 1990s. Re-unification provided conditions in the former East for a ‘natural experiment’ with different modes of economic and social governance – a space of exception from the West German model, whose corporatist features were already fraying in the 1980s. In short, re-unification was a turning point in a drift towards neoliberalism, intensifying moves already quietly under way in West Germany in the 1980s. The contentious nature of this shift has largely been forgotten and sidelined.
17
Dolphin, Amy C., et Karl-Ludwig Ay. « Geography and Mentality Some Aspects of Max Weber's Protestantism Thesis ». Numen 41, no 2 (1994) : 163–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852794x00102.
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AbstractIn his essays on the Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism Max Weber proceeds from the observation that in Germany there is a clearly recognizable difference between the economic behaviour of Catholics and Protestants. As one of the reasons for this difference, the essays reveal-as a guiding principle for people's conduct of life-the principle of worldly asceticism inherent in Protestantism. This, Weber said, especially contributed to the formation of modern bourgeois capitalism in the occidental world. This thesis was mainly developed on the evidence of phenomena which Weber observed in Western Europe and North America and which he himself related to Calvinism. The problem now is that the Germany of Weber's time, as a leading industrial state, participated in modern western capitalism without Calvinism playing for the German Protestants a role which would have been in any way comparable to its role in the more western countries. Detailed examination of governmental, economic, and social conditions in the history of the denominalisation of some German territories and the comparison with the living conditions of Protestants in Western Europe and America leads to the conclusion that the later development of bourgeois economy and what I would like to call "Word Culture" (cf. p. 176f.) depended on the following factors: on with what methods and with what severity the rulers of the Reformation Era succeeded in imposing their own personal choice of faith upon their subjects or how far they allowed things to take their course without interference; then on whether they in this way curtailed, permitted or even supported the development of that capitalist and bourgeois economic spirit and "Word Culture" which had its roots as far back as the pre-Reformation era and which had then been boosted by Calvinism. Both individual belief and the rulers' power over this belief influenced equally vigorously and lastingly the mentality of all people concerned. Even more generalized: depending on whether and to what extent the religious and intellectual culture of a society are subjected to state oppression and coercive formation over a long period of time, the intellectual culture and economic attitude and potential of this society will develop. Life-style, economic ethic and cultural profile of many later generations depend on this.
18
Popov, Aleksei. « Strategies of European Socialist Regimes’ in Relations with the West in the 1970s : in Search of a History of Pan-European Integration ». ISTORIYA 13, no 2 (112) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840013429-0.
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Review of the collective monograph “European Socialist Regimes' Fateful Engagement with the West: National Strategies in the long 1970s”, summarizing the results of the work of the international research project “PanEur1970s”. The monograph is devoted to the process of forming national strategies of relations between the countries of the socialist camp (Bulgaria, East Germany, Hungary, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia) with Western Europe in the 1970s. The monograph makes a significant contribution to the development of the discussion about the common European integration processes, the mutual influence of the political and economic systems of the West and the East, the functioning of the Eastern European political elites in the changing economic conditions of the 1970s.
19
Baković, Nikola. « Tending the “oasis of socialism.” Transnational political mobilization of Yugoslav economic emigrants in the FR Germany in the late 1960s and 1970s ». Nationalities Papers 42, no 4 (juillet 2014) : 674–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.880831.
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The article examines the development of the Yugoslav state's policy of transnational political engagement of Yugoslav citizens on temporary work in the FR Germany during the late 1960s and 1970s. This politicization of labor migrations was shaped by the interplay of the internal turmoil in the Yugoslav federation and the conditions peculiar to West Germany of the time. The change of the state's perception of external migrations is being examined through the extension of the agitation apparatus of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia onto the territory of the FR Germany and the mobilization of economic emigrants against the “hostile” political emigrants residing in that country. The main goal of these measures was to maintain the emigrants' transnational links to their homeland and ensure that their political standing was kept in line with the official Yugoslav ideological tenets until the time of the prospective return migration cycle. The extraterritorial character of these measures, coupled with the specific position of Yugoslavia within the Cold War diplomacy, led to a peculiar ideological interplay and shifting web of cooperation and confrontation between various actors.
20
Luh, Andreas. « Großunternehmen und Betriebssport in Deutschland vom Kaiserreich bis in die Gegenwart. Ein (zu) wenig beachtetes sozial- und sporthistorisches Phänomen ». STADION 44, no 2 (2020) : 300–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2020-2-300.
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Since the end of the 19th century, company sports appeared as a part of company’s social welfare policy. Large companies in Germany still offer company sport activities as a part of voluntary social benefits today, but their scope, kind and function have changed enormously. The present study focuses on the development of company sports during the German Empire, its expansion and institutionalization as a part of company’s social welfare policy in the Weimar Republic as well as its restructuring in the context of the efforts of the German Labour Front in NS Germany. Furthermore, the study examines the reorganization of company sports based on social partnership concepts and corporate identity - and corporate social responsibility strategies in the Federal Republic of Germany. It asks, what kind of changes took place in company sports in Germany under the conditions of a structural changing economic and capitalist system from the 19th to the 21st century, in four political epochs of German history, from the German Empire to the Federal Republic of Germany?
21
Höhn, Maria. « John Willoughby, Remaking the Conquering Heroes : The Postwar American Occupation of Germany. New York : Palgrave, 2001. xiii + 187 pp. $45.00 cloth. » International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (avril 2004) : 188–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904280139.
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Scholars in both the US and Germany have studied the American occupation of Germany extensively. Until recently, however, much of that work focused on the emerging Cold War rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union to explain the rapid shift from an occupation intended to punish the Germans to one that increasingly included West Germans as partners and allies. While not dismissing the importance of the Cold War struggle in shaping US foreign policy, John Willoughby suggests that a more comprehensive understanding of how American power was projected during the Cold War is only possible if attention is shifted from the policy makers in Washington to the players on the ground. By exploring how the American military government dealt with the chaotic social and economic conditions within Germany, the widespread disciplinary problems of American GIs, and the pervasive racism within the military, Willoughby makes a compelling argument that US foreign policy and the “institutions of occupation” were transformed by the “more mundane problems of social control and organizational capability” (3). The American objectives in Germany changed, not because of the Cold War, but because financial pressures, personnel shortages, and economic disarray forced military authorities to hand over power to the Germans much sooner than envisioned by Washington. While Willoughby—by his own admission—does not provide new material to the professional historian of the era, his book nonetheless offers a fresh interpretation that draws on social and cultural history while also paying attention to race and gender.
22
Petrosyan, D. V. ,. « FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN THE POSTBIPOLAR WORLD ». Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no 3 (2021) : 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-87-98.
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The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history of Germany and world politics. The creation of a unified German state contributed to the change of both the economic and political situation of Germany in Europe and in international relations. They are one of the determining factors of global politics and directly related to the European world order, therefore, the study of the philosophy and nature of German foreign policy in the postbipolar world is a topic and important task for specialists. The article considers the internal and external conditions and factors affecting the foreign policy of Germany in the postbipolar world.
23
Dimić, Natalija. « CONNECTING TRADE AND POLITICS : NEGOTIATIONS ON THE RELEASE OF THE GERMAN PRISONERS OF WAR IN YUGOSLAVIA AND THE FIRST WEST GERMAN-YUGOSLAV TRADE AGREEMENT OF 1949/1950 ». Istorija 20. veka 39, no 2/2021 (1 août 2021) : 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.dim.333-352.
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After repatriations were officially over in January of 1949, around 1,400 German prisoners remained in Yugoslavia on charges of war crimes. Yugoslavia’s foreign political shift westward following the Cominform Resolution of 1948, paved the way for establishing productive economic, as well as political and cultural cooperation with West Germany. The first trade agreement between the two states was signed in December of 1949. In the next four months, the West German Government attempted to pressure the Yugoslav side to release the remaining German prisoners by not ratifying the agreement. Eventually, in April of 1950, the two sides reached an unofficial agreement, according to which the Yugoslav side would release its prisoners gradually and improve their living conditions, while the West Germans would ratify the trade agreement and agree to negotiate long-term economic cooperation. The last transport of German prisoners arrived from Yugoslavia in March of 1953.
24
Schmidt, Allison. « Stowaways at Bohemia's Shores : Undocumented Emigration and People-Smuggling Networks in Interwar East Central Europe ». Central European History 53, no 3 (septembre 2020) : 564–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000906.
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AbstractThis article investigates interwar people-smuggling networks, based in Germany and Czechoslovakia, that transported undocumented emigrants across borders from east-central Europe to northern Europe, where the travelers planned to sail to the United States. Many of the people involved in such networks in the Saxon-Bohemian borderlands had themselves been immigrants from Galicia. They had left a homeland decimated by the First World War and subsequent violence and entered societies with limited avenues to earn a living. The “othering” of these Galician immigrants became a self-fulfilling prophecy, as those on the margins of society then sought illegal ways to supplement their income. This article concludes that the poor economic conditions and threat of ongoing violence that spurred migrant clients to seek undocumented passage had driven their smugglers, who also faced social marginalization, to emigration and the business of migrant smuggling.
25
Solaz, Anne, Marika Jalovaara, Michaela Kreyenfeld, Silvia Meggiolaro, Dimitri Mortelmans et Inge Pasteels. « Unemployment and separation : Evidence from five European countries ». Journal of Family Research 32, no 1 (1 avril 2020) : 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.20377/jfr-368.
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Since the 1970s, several European countries have experienced high union dissolution risk as well as high unemployment rates. The extent to which adverse economic conditions are associated with union instability is still unknown. This study explores the relationship between both individual and aggregate unemployment and union dissolution risk in five European countries before the recent economic crisis. Using rich longitudinal data from Belgium, Finland, France, Germany, and Italy, the empirical analysis, based on discrete-time event history models, shows that male unemployment consistently increases the risk of union dissolution. While a strong association is observed between male unemployment and separation at the micro level, no association is found between male unemployment and union dissolution at the macro level. The results for female unemployment are mixed, and the size of the impact of female unemployment is smaller in magnitude than that of male unemployment. In Germany and Italy, where until very recently work is less compatible with family life than in other countries, female unemployment is not significantly associated with union dissolution.
26
Feldman, Gerald D. « Industrialists, Bankers, and the Problem of Unemployment in the Weimar Republic ». Central European History 25, no 1 (mars 1992) : 76–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019713.
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During the past decade and a half there has been considerable interest shown by economic and social historians in the problems of unemployment in the Weimar Republic, although we still await a work with the comprehensiveness and mastery of W. R. Garside's British Unemployment 1919–1939. Much of the literature on Germany has been devoted to the controversy over government studies of unemployment insurance and business and trade union attitudes toward work creation schemes. Social historians have engaged in a good deal of history from below and history of everyday life dealing with the unemployed themselves and have demonstrated, among other things, the devastating consequences of long-term unemployment and the welfare system on labor solidarity. Such historians are understandably more inclined to work on, and sympathize with, those who are fired rather than with those who do the firing, and are unlikely to lose much sleep about the effects of bad business conditions on capitalist behavior and solidarity. Nevertheless, I would argue that the everyday problems and decisions of Germany's bankers and industrialists have suffered from undeserved neglect.
27
Szobi, Pavel. « Lizenz- und Gestattungsproduktion westdeutscher Unternehmen in der ČSSR und der DDR ». Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 58, no 2 (27 novembre 2017) : 467–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2017-0017.
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Abstract The article deals with economic relations between the Federal Republic of Germany, German Democratic Republic and Czechoslovakia during the Cold War. Using the example of licensed production, its aim is to illustrate that in spite of ideological boundaries, business relations between West and East flourished in the period of the 1970s and 1980s. The author characterizes institutional conditions for this cooperation, names individual cooperation attempts, and uses the example of the well-known German brand Nivea as a symbol of the West and an example of a successful cooperation. The article reveals the intensive activities of West German companies and their investments in the GDR and Czechoslovakia long before 1989 and shows the potential of analyzing the German-German and the European transformation after 1989 more under the perspective of continuities and discontinuities.
28
TABENSKA, Oksana. « Development of tourism in Germany ». Economics. Finances. Law, no 2 (21 février 2020) : 28–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37634/efp.2020.2.6.
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Introduction. The service sector is constantly and dynamically developing, creating jobs. With the important structural element of the international tourism services market, travelers are able to change previous perceptions of threats and challenges on our planet and to offer possible conditions for crisis management. The purpose of the paper is to explore the problems and prospects of tourism development in Germany, the tourist attractions in the German city of Cottbus. Scientific papers, materials of periodicals, Internet resources are the methodological and informational basis of the work. Results. Germany is a country where you always want to discover new pages – its history, character and traditions of residents, the incredible contrast of rural nature and the active life of big cities. Five new federal lands play an important role in tourism. For many regions in the east of Germany, after the reunification, tourism has become a chance to get back on its feet in economic terms. Landscapes such as Spreewald, traditional Dresden or Weimar culture cities, or Baltic resorts such as Binz on Rügen attract tourists from Germany and abroad. Cottbus is a city in eastern Germany, located on the Spree River and three railway lines 100 km from Berlin. It is considered the cultural and political center of the Sorbian population in Lower Lusatia. Attractions for tourists will be interesting Castle Branitz with the adjacent park, which is located in the south of the city. The residence was built on the special order of Prince Herman von Puckler-Muscaw, who was one of the few key figures of the country in the XIX century. At the Zoo of Cottbus – Tierpark Cottbus you can look at a variety of animals that live in all corners of the world - tigers, deer, penguins, camels, tapirs, pelicans. Conclusion. In the development of international and domestic tourism, a set of reasons that contribute to the development of domestic tourism in Germany. Famous tourist attractions in the German city of Cottbus were explored, namely: the historic building – Casper Gewerbehof, the Branitz Castle, a cinema, the Museum of Art, the Zoo – Tierpark Cottbus.
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Hamed, A., W. Birmili, J. Joutsensaari, S. Mikkonen, A. Asmi, B. Wehner, G. Spindler et al. « Changes in the production rate of secondary aerosol particles in Central Europe in view of decreasing SO<sub>2</sub> ; emissions between 1996 and 2006 ». Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics 10, no 3 (2 février 2010) : 1071–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/acp-10-1071-2010.
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Abstract. In anthropogenically influenced atmospheres, sulphur dioxide (SO2) is the main precursor of gaseous sulphuric acid (H2SO4), which in turn is a main precursor for atmospheric particle nucleation. As a result of socio-economic changes, East Germany has seen a dramatic decrease in anthropogenic SO2 emissions between 1989 and present, as documented by routine air quality measurements in many locations. We have attempted to evaluate the influence of changing SO2 concentrations on the frequency and intensity of new particle formation (NPF) using two different data sets (1996–1997; 2003–2006) of experimental particle number size distributions (diameter range 3–750 nm) from the atmospheric research station Melpitz near Leipzig, Germany. Between the two periods SO2 concentrations decreased by 65% on average, while the frequency of NPF events dropped by 45%. Meanwhile, the average formation rate of 3 nm particles decreased by 68% on average. The trends were statistically significant and therefore suggest a connection between the availability of anthropogenic SO2 and freshly formed new particles. In contrast to the decrease in new particle formation, we found an increase in the mean growth rate of freshly nucleated particles (+22%), suggesting that particle nucleation and subsequent growth into larger sizes are delineated with respect to their precursor species. Using three basic parameters, the condensation sink for H2SO4, the SO2 concentration, and the global radiation intensity, we were able to define the characteristic range of atmospheric conditions under which particle formation events take place at the Melpitz site. While the decrease in the concentrations and formation rates of the new particles was rather evident, no similar decrease was found with respect to the generation of cloud condensation nuclei (CCN; particle diameter >100 nm) as a result of atmospheric nucleation events. On the contrary, the production of CCN following nucleation events appears to have increased by tens of percents. Our aerosol dynamics model simulations suggest that such an increase can be caused by the increased particle growth rate.
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März, Olaf. « An urban–rural continuum ? A spatial comparison in mid-eighteenth-century northern Germany ». Urban History 47, no 3 (17 avril 2020) : 421–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096392682000022x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe spatial growth of German cities in the years of upheaval in the nineteenth century has been, and remains, the subject of intense historical research. However, the origins of the socio-economic processes underlying these transformations actually predate the epochal transition into the modern era. This article deals critically with the popular conception of a ‘town–country dichotomy’ by comparing, on an empirical basis, urban, semi-urban and rural settlements in a sub-region of the north-west of Germany in the mid-eighteenth century. With the aid of a Geographical Information System (GIS), the cartographic and serial material of the ‘Brunswick Land Survey’ is evaluated in terms of its relevance to a socio-topographic comparison of the spatial micro-structures of the three respective settlement segments. The comparison focuses on the general morphology of the settlement segments, the conditions accompanying the growth of the settlements and the spatial structures of the agricultural activities pursued. In addition, it identifies the factors which led to the erosion of differences between town and country.
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LEES, ANDREW. « Between anxiety and admiration : views of British cities in Germany, 1835–1914 ». Urban History 36, no 1 (mai 2009) : 42–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096392680800597x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACTExamination of writings about British cities that appeared in Germany between the mid-1830s and 1914 runs counter to emphasis either on German anti-urbanism or on growing hostility among Germans to their neighbours across the North Sea. Although it takes into account strong disparagement of flaws and failings that had, in the view of critics, resulted from the chaotic nature of urban growth in Britain, it points to increasing recognition – particularly after mid-century – of efforts to ameliorate conditions about which critics had complained. Much of what was singled out for commendation involved voluntary efforts by men and women who sought to improve working-class life via philanthropic uplift. During the 1850s and 1860s, the conservative social reformer Victor Aimé Huber sang the praises of the co-operative movement, both from an economic and from a moral standpoint. Later on, other observers, such as the liberal economist Gerhart Schulze-Gävernitz, lauded the most famous of the British settlement houses, Toynbee Hall in East London, on account of the activities it promoted in the area of adult education. Favourable commentary on municipal government rounded out a picture of the urban scene as a sphere in which local forces exemplified a spirit of civic-mindedness that ought to inspire admiration rather than enmity.
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Saryaeva, Rayma G. « Немцы Калмыкии : вехи истории — вехи судьбы ». Oriental studies 15, no 4 (15 novembre 2022) : 708–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-61-4-708-730.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Introduction. The 260-year history of Russia Germans is still of interest to researchers. The Germans of Kalmykia, their history, life and culture remain somewhat understudied. Goals. The work aims at revealing circumstances to have surrouned the arrival and strengthening of Germans in Kalmykia, analyzes available sources for an overview of historical milestones experienced by the ethnic group in the Republic. To facilitate this, the paper shall consider reasons of the German immigration to Russia, provide a comprehensive description of the latter, reveal causes of the subsequent deportation and problems of rehabilitation and emigration. Materials. The study investigates archival sources, publications dealing with the history of Russia Germans, periodicals and author’s field data. Results. The analysis of sources yields a history of Kalmykia Germans from their arrival in nomadic territories of Bolshederbetovsky Ulus to the modern era. The perestroika witnessed mass migrations of Kalmykia Germans back to Germany to have resulted from the loss of mother tongue, and harsh economic conditions.
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Saryaeva, Rayma G. « Немцы Калмыкии : вехи истории — вехи судьбы ». Oriental studies 15, no 4 (15 novembre 2022) : 708–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-62-4-708-730.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Introduction. The 260-year history of Russia Germans is still of interest to researchers. The Germans of Kalmykia, their history, life and culture remain somewhat understudied. Goals. The work aims at revealing circumstances to have surrouned the arrival and strengthening of Germans in Kalmykia, analyzes available sources for an overview of historical milestones experienced by the ethnic group in the Republic. To facilitate this, the paper shall consider reasons of the German immigration to Russia, provide a comprehensive description of the latter, reveal causes of the subsequent deportation and problems of rehabilitation and emigration. Materials. The study investigates archival sources, publications dealing with the history of Russia Germans, periodicals and author’s field data. Results. The analysis of sources yields a history of Kalmykia Germans from their arrival in nomadic territories of Bolshederbetovsky Ulus to the modern era. The perestroika witnessed mass migrations of Kalmykia Germans back to Germany to have resulted from the loss of mother tongue, and harsh economic conditions.
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Cavalli, Alessandro, et Roberto Moscati. « Academic Systems and Professional Conditions in Five European Countries ». European Review 18, S1 (mai 2010) : S35—S53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798709990305.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Despite the tendency to create a European Higher Education and Research area, academic systems are still quite different across Europe. We selected five countries (Finland, Germany, Italy, Norway and the UK) to investigate how the differences have an impact on a number of aspects of the working conditions of academic staff. One crucial aspect is the growing diversification of professional activity: reduction of tenured and tenure tracked position, the growing number of fixed-term contracts for both teaching and research, including the growing recruitment of academic staff from external professional fields. These changes are connected with the changing functions of higher education systems and signal the growing openness of higher education institutions to their outside social and economic environment. To understand these trends one has to take into consideration the different degree in which systems distinguish between teaching and research functions. A second aspect has to do with career paths, their regulation, their length and speed. Here, the history of recruitment and career mechanisms in different countries are of particular importance because the different systems went through different periods of change and stability. Also connected to career is the willingness and the opportunity to move from one position to another, both within and outside the academic world. A third aspect deserving attention that is connected to mobility is the professional satisfaction among academic staff in the five systems considered.
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Coates, Benjamin A. « The Secret Life of Statutes : A Century of the Trading with the Enemy Act ». Modern American History 1, no 2 (16 mai 2018) : 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2018.12.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1917 Congress passed the Trading with the Enemy Act to prevent trade with Germany and the Central Powers. It was a wartime law designed for wartime conditions but one that, over the course of the following century, took on a secret, surprising life of its own. Eventually it became the basis for a project of worldwide economic sanctions applied by the United States at the discretion of the president during times of both war and peace. This article traces the history of the law in order to explore how the expansion of American power in the twentieth century required a transformation of the American state and the extensive use of executive powers justified by repeated declarations of national emergency.
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PÎŞCHINA, Tatiana, et Romeo Fortuna. « Economic Growth Though Competitive Advantage and Specialization : the Example of Winemaking in Moldova ». European Journal of Economics and Business Studies 10, no 1 (2 mars 2018) : 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejes.v10i1.p156-161.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article addresses growth through economic specialization based on completive advantage. Winemaking is one of the key branches of Moldova’s economy, which stands for about 20 percent of Moldova’s GDP. It has high potential in terms of contribution to qualitative economic growth. About 90 percent of Moldovan wine is intended for export to countries like Great Britain, Germany, Czech Republic, Poland, Greece, Scandinavia, US, Japan and China, and only 10 percent for local consumption. Winemaking is one of Moldova’s specialties, which enjoys long-lived traditions and vivid history of Moldova’s wineries, including Milesti Mici registered in 2005 as world’s biggest winery by Guinness World Records. The concept of this study suggests that economic growth must be induced through competitive areas of specialization, which are present in any economy. Substantial investments are required to develop those areas. Structurally, winemaking branch in Moldova is comprised of small and medium enterprises flexible and open to innovation, which is a strong prerequisite to develop those areas into drivers of economic growth eventually resulting into new jobs, higher export, higher GDP, better living conditions. Winemaking alone cannot be the answer to Moldova’s economic problem. Yet, this study highlights the importance of focusing on competitive advantage and specialized growth to create qualitative internally-driven economic growth, particularly important for nations struggling within current socio-economic affairs.
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Pîşchina, Tatiana, et Romeo Fortuna. « Economic Growth Though Competitive Advantage and Specialization : The Example of Winemaking in Moldova ». European Journal of Economics and Business Studies 4, no 1 (1 avril 2018) : 150–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ejes-2018-0015.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article addresses growth through economic specialization based on completive advantage. Winemaking is one of the key branches of Moldova’s economy, which stands for about 20 percent of Moldova’s GDP. It has high potential in terms of contribution to qualitative economic growth. About 90 percent of Moldovan wine is intended for export to countries like Great Britain, Germany, Czech Republic, Poland, Greece, Scandinavia, US, Japan and China, and only 10 percent for local consumption. Winemaking is one of Moldova’s specialties, which enjoys long-lived traditions and vivid history of Moldova’s wineries, including Milesti Mici registered in 2005 as world’s biggest winery by Guinness World Records. The concept of this study suggests that economic growth must be induced through competitive areas of specialization, which are present in any economy. Substantial investments are required to develop those areas. Structurally, winemaking branch in Moldova is comprised of small and medium enterprises flexible and open to innovation, which is a strong prerequisite to develop those areas into drivers of economic growth eventually resulting into new jobs, higher export, higher GDP, better living conditions. Winemaking alone cannot be the answer to Moldova’s economic problem. Yet, this study highlights the importance of focusing on competitive advantage and specialized growth to create qualitative internallydriven economic growth, particularly important for nations struggling within current socio-economic affairs.
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Himmelreich, Jörg. « Nord Stream 2 : A Political Economic Crime Novel and Its EU Legal Consequences ». European Energy and Environmental Law Review 29, Issue 5 (1 octobre 2020) : 206–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eelr2020045.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Hardly any other energy infrastructure project is as politically and legally controversial in the EU as Nord Stream 2, with the project company’s headquarters in Zug, to export gas from Russia through the Baltic Sea to Germany. This European infrastructure project is an excellent example of the intertwined economic, political and legal implications inherent in any such energy project in the EU single market. Just like an exemplary model case of a European law textbook, the following article aims to give an insight into the constantly developing new architecture of European energy law in the internal gas market, together with its European policy background, by means of concrete individual questions raised by this case. To this end, it proposes to take the concrete legal questions of this case and selectively illustrate the detailed and complex nesting of European law competences of the EU with the national competences of an EU Member State, here the Federal Republic of Germany, that regulates the EU internal gas market. This article focuses on the legal regime of exemptions from the legally required competitive conditions for the EU internal gas market, which is established by the relevant EU Gas Directive 2009/73EG in its Article 36 and Article 41a and its German implementation under Article 28a and 28b EnWG (Energiewirtschaftsgesetz, i.e. Energy Industry Act). This also includes a detailed presentation of the history of amendments to these standards. Finally, it should be made clear which legal, political and ultimately also economic risks await any investor in infrastructure projects with a construction period of several years on the EU internal market should they try to push through their large-scale project unchanged during the amendment of decisive relevant legal regulations by standard-setting EU authorities and against expanding political resistance in the EU and in EU Member States. These risks affect every investor who is involved in the EU internal market. Nord Stream 2, EU gas market, competition requirements, Russia, Gazprom, European energy security, Energy Charter Treaty, US sanctions, German Federal Network Agency, German Energy Industry Act (EnWG=Energiewirtschaftsgesetz)
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Mandel, Maud S. « One Nation Indivisible : Contemporary Western European Immigration Policies and the Politics of Multiculturalism ». Diaspora : A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no 1 (mars 1995) : 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.89.
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Since World War II, policies with regard to immigrant populations have changed dramatically and repeatedly throughout Western Europe. From 1945 to 1955, Western European nations absorbed an enormous number of refugees uprooted during the war. Until the 1970s, governments did not limit migration, nor did they formulate comprehensive social policies toward these new immigrants. Indeed, from the mid-1950s until 1973, most Western European governments, interested in facilitating economic growth, allowed businesses and large corporations to seek cheap immigrant labor abroad. As Georges Tapinos points out, “For the short term, the conditions of the labor market [and] the rhythm of economic growth . . . determined the flux of migrations” (422). France, Britain, Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands welcomed the generally young, single male migrants as a cheap labor force, treating them as guest workers. As a result, few governments instituted social policies to ease the workers’ transition to their new environments. Policies began to change in the 1960s when political leaders, intent on gaining control over the haphazard approach to immigration that had dominated the previous 20 years, slowly began to formulate educational measures and social policies aimed at integrating newcomers.
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Lysenko, Maksim. « The Process of Transformation of the Policy of the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany in 1921-1922. » Исторический журнал : научные исследования, no 6 (juin 2022) : 124–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.6.39404.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The subject of the study is the internal processes in the USPD (Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany), as well as external factors from the spring of 1921 to the summer of 1922, which led to a change in the party's strategy and, ultimately, to its unification with the SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany). Special attention is paid to discussions on the party's strategy in the conditions of crisis for the Weimar Republic, namely, left-radical and right-radical threats, the difficult foreign policy situation and instability of the party-political system. The research methodology is based on the tools of historical and political sciences. In particular, it is important to use a psychological approach in party science, which implies the study of the NSDPG based on the subjective vision of political and socio-economic processes by individuals, a group of individuals or the whole collective, which allows us to analyze the motivation of the actions of independents. The study demonstrates that in the conditions of the extremely unstable situation in the Weimar Republic and competition with other left-wing parties, the NSDPG's action program became unviable, as a result of which the party became closer to the SPD on many key issues. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that, unlike the Social Democrats and Communists in Germany, the history of the NSDPG has been studied to a much lesser extent. Of course, there is a fairly extensive historiography, however, the authors paid close attention to the reasons for the separation of the party in 1917 and the issues of its split due to the issue of joining the Third International in 1920, while the process of rapprochement between the NSDPG and the SPD was considered superficially.
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Yoder, Jennifer A. « Regional Differences and Political Leadership in the New German States ». German Politics and Society 18, no 1 (1 mars 2000) : 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486697.
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In the decade since German unification, there has been a tendency by scholars and politicians alike to frame discussions of this event in terms of west-east or old states-new states, treating the five new states of Germany as one homogeneous entity. Moreover, the underlying assumption of many such studies is that the goal of political development is convergence, whereby the east catches up to or emulates the west in terms of economic prosperity, values, and levels of political participation. Unification, in other words, should lead to uniformity in institutional as well as political-cultural terms. Indeed, in its stated goal of striving for “Einheitlichkeit der Lebensverhältnisse” (uniformity of living conditions), the Grundgesetz provides some basis for expecting relative uniformity. Although a decade is not a long time, it is enough time to move beyond assumptions of uniformity and consider that unification has resulted in greater diversity in German politics and society.
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Hung, Jochen. « “Bad” Politics and “Good” Culture : New Approaches to the History of the Weimar Republic ». Central European History 49, no 3-4 (décembre 2016) : 441–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938916000625.
Texte intégralRésumé :
More than thirty years ago, Eberhard Kolb commented that the vast wealth of research on the history of the Weimar Republic made it “difficult even for a specialist to give a full account of the relevant literature.” Since then, the flood of studies on Weimar Germany has not waned, and by now it is hard even to keep track of all the review articles meant to cut a swath through this abundance. Yet the prevailing historical image of the era has remained surprisingly stable: most historians have accepted the master narrative of the Weimar Republic as the sharp juxtaposition of “bad” politics and “good” culture, epitomized in the often-used image of “a dance on the edge of a volcano.” Kolb, for example, described “the sharp contrast between the gloomy political and economic conditions … and the unique wealth of artistic and intellectual achievement” as “typical of the Weimar era.” Detlev Peukert, arguably the most innovative scholar of Weimar history, criticized this historical image but, at the same time, declared this dichotomy “an integral feature of the era.” The latest example can be found in the work of Eric D. Weitz, who summarizes the fate of Weimar Germany as “the striving for something new and wonderful encountering absolute evil,” juxtaposing the “sparkling brilliance” of modernist masters like Bertolt Brecht, Thomas Mann, and Bruno Taut with “the plain hatred of democracy” of Weimar's right-wing extremists. This contrasting of politics and culture is a narrative device that only makes sense, however, from our contemporary vantage point of Western liberal democracy and from our understanding of progressive art. This retrospective interpretation is not in itself the problem—after all, historians can never really escape their own historical contexts. It becomes problematic, however, when it is treated not as an interpretation but as historical fact. Weimar Germans certainly would not have shared this narrative wholeheartedly: many would not have subscribed to the depiction of their time as a never-ending parade of political breakdowns and economic disasters. Even more would have rejected the view of the Berlin-based avant-garde as a sign of progressive achievement—if they had ever had the chance to see its representative works in the first place. The sharp distinction between “bad” Weimar politics and “good” Weimar culture not only fails to do justice to the way many of these Germans perceived their time but also keeps us from understanding how closely intertwined these two spheres were in the Weimar Republic. Thus, rather than giving an overview of the latest additions to Weimar historiography, this review essay looks at how recent publications have questioned—or conformed to—this dominant narrative.
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Akaev, Askar A., Yuri A. Golubitskiy et Ivan V. Starikov. « The Project of Crating a New World Logisticsю Part I. History and Economics of the Project ». Economic Strategies 144, no 4 (20 août 2021) : 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33917/es-4.178.2021.36-47.
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The article presents one of the most promising and ambitious in socio-economic, political, humanitarian aspects of the Russian scientists’ project: “United Eurasia: Trans-Eurasian Belt of RAZVITIE — Integrated Eurasian Transport System (United Eurasia: TEBR-IETS)”. The main purpose of the project is to ensure the connectivity of the territories of the Russian Federation and their active development, first of all, the deep integrated development of Siberia, the Far East and the Arctic. The role of the project in the partnership of the progressive world community is great; the radically modernized Trans-Siberian Railway — the backbone of the project — is designed to connect the Far East, including Japan, with Western Europe and the USA in the future. This fact will make it possible to carry out on the territory of the Russian Federation and the countries included in the project, the systemic coordination of all types of transport, including river and nautical, to create a single world logistics complex of advanced technical and managerial development. The creation of the IETS will consolidate Russian geopolitical position as a transport bridge between the world economic and civilizational regions. It will create conditions for mutually beneficial cooperation with Austria, Germany, France, Czech Republic, Italy, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, India; will open up new opportunities for cooperation with North Korea, Canada and USA in the future. It will arouse interest from the PRC in the integration of a similar Chinese project, the "Silk Road" with the Russian Megaproject. The implementation of the Megaproject will allow Russia to offer the world a new effective version of a non-confrontational way of solving international problems, become a geo-economic and geopolitical integrator on the Euro-Asian continent, lay the foundations for the solidarity development of all civilizational centers around Russia as a civilization state, make it senseless and impossible to impose sanctions on Russia, and raise to a qualitatively new level of authority and the role of the Russian Federation in the modern world.
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Erokhina, Ol’ga. « Concession Policy of the Soviet Union in Agriculture : A Review of the Recent Historiography ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 2 (mai 2021) : 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.2.10.
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Introduction. The article analyzes the issues of agricultural concession presented in the works of Russian researchers Maxim Matveyevich Zagorulko, Vladimir Viktorovich Bulatov and German historian Marina Schmider. Methods and materials. The monographs are significantly complemented by the already known works on concession policy and practice, as the authors introduce a significant number of new sources and statistics from German and Russian archives and libraries. To provide an objective analysis of the scientific works, the author uses the historical-system and historical-comparative methods. Analysis. The Russian researchers analyze the economic activities of four agricultural concessions: “Druzag”, “Manych”, “Druag”, “Prikumskoye Russo-American Partnership”. They identified factors that influenced the increase or decrease in profitability of the enterprises. M. Schmider focused her attention on changing the attitude of the government and business circles of Germany to the concession policy pursued in the USSR. In addition, it reveals the role of German agricultural concessions in the development of the German economy. The author identified mechanisms of influence on the Soviet leadership, which were used to facilitate the activities of two large agricultural concessions – Manych-Krupp and Druzag. It should be noted that the memoirs of German employees of agricultural concessions helped to recreate the life and activity of Soviet and German workers and employees, compare their working conditions, describe the relationship with the local population and government officials. Results. The authors conclude that the effective management methods and economic activities of these concessions contributed to increasing their competitiveness in comparison with similar Soviet enterprises. However, the activities of the concessions depended not only on the interest of the Soviet leadership in them, but also on the foreign policy relations of Germany and the Soviet state.
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Uhl, Anna, Oleksandr Melnyk, Yuliia Melnyk, Larysa Vakuliuk et Elena Gribok. « CONCEPTS AS A TOOL OF SPATIAL PLANNING. GERMAN EXPERIENCE ». Urban development and spatial planning, no 77 (24 mai 2021) : 458–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/2076-815x.2021.77.458-474.
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One of the most important instruments of territorial management and planning strategy is the formation and management decisions based on different models that vary the ratio of interrelated elements and processes: regional (spatial) planning and socio-economic. The choice of the basic model of strategic planning is determined, as a rule, by national traditions. The rational organization of spatial planning promotes comprehensive sotsialrozvytku regions, improve the quality of life. Therefore, the development strategies of spatial planning is appropriate, taking into account the best European concepts. This overview of the most important concepts of spatial planning in Germany illustrates the fundamental and sometimes conflicting ideas of spatial planning at regional and local level and their further development.
Concept spatial introduced since the 1960s of the last century in Germany, describing the basic principles of spatial structure and serve as a base in the construction of future space structure. The article considers the basic and informal concepts, their origin, history of development, and their current status in spatial planning. The concepts described in the study arose at a time when the equivalence of living conditions was the main issue and task of spatial planning policy. In the model social state disparities must be aligned through a comprehensive expansion of infrastructure in regions threatened by emigration and inter-regional redistribution of resources. However, in today's state-level models of living conditions intended to equal opportunities and minimal infrastructure at all local levels.
German experience could be useful in the formation of a balanced policy on spatial planning in Ukraine.
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Poniży, Lidia, Monika J. Latkowska, Jürgen Breuste, Andrew Hursthouse, Sophie Joimel, Mart Külvik, Teresa E. Leitão et al. « The Rich Diversity of Urban Allotment Gardens in Europe : Contemporary Trends in the Context of Historical, Socio-Economic and Legal Conditions ». Sustainability 13, no 19 (7 octobre 2021) : 11076. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su131911076.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Urban allotment gardens (AGs) provide a unique combination of productive and recreational spaces for the inhabitants of European cities. Although the reasons behind the decision to have a plot, as well as the mode of use and gardening practices, are well recognised in the literature, these issues are mainly considered in relation to particular case studies within a single country. The regional diversity of European allotment gardens is still poorly understood, however. This knowledge gap became an incentive for us to carry out the present study. The research was conducted in seven countries: Austria, Estonia, Germany, France, Portugal, Poland and the UK. Surveys were used to assess the motivations of users regarding plot uses and gardening practices. Information was also collected during desk research and study visits, making use of available statistical data. Allotment gardens in Europe are currently very diverse, and vary depending on the historical, legal, economic and social conditions of a given country, and also as determined by geographical location. Three main types of plots were distinguished, for: cultivation, recreation–cultivation, and cultivation–recreation. The recreational use of AGs has replaced their use for food production in countries with a long history of urban gardening. The only exception is the UK. In some countries, the production of food on an AG plot is still its main function; however, the motivations for this are related to better quality and taste (the UK), as well as the economic benefits of self-grown fruits and vegetables (Portugal, Estonia). Among the wide range of motivations for urban gardening in Europe, there is increasing emphasis on active recreation, contact with nature and quality food supply.
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Baev, Valery G. « Reforms and Reformers on the Question of the Causes, Features and Results of the State-Legal Transformation of Prussia at the Beginning of the 19th Century ». Russian Journal of Legal Studies (Moscow) 9, no 1 (12 avril 2022) : 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls100330.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study aims to analyze and provide a historical and legal assessment of administrative, economic, and social transformations in Prussia in the first half of the 19th century to study the circumstances and conditions of the formation of a new political, legal, and economic reality of the country. Moreover, the role of specific personalities who made a mark in history during this period is explored to obtain an idea of what administrative, legal, and economic patterns they reshaped in the management system. The author focuses not on the transformations but on the personalities whose hands have produced those transformations (an objective series of events) in Prussian Germany. Reformers-researchers (first, Stein, Gardenberg, V. Humboldt) realized their own private interest, but the totality of personal interests was already of public interest, and they themselves acted as its subjects. The success of the reformation was also determined by the prevailing atmosphere in the country, which was filled with great philosophers, historians, and writers with their ideas and deeds. The author concludes that science in Germany was more than science. She actively participated in the process of transformation in the country.
The author proves that the Prussian reformation, despite the different ideas of the participants about its goals, objectively contributed to the creation of the foundations of the bourgeois state on the basis of the monarchical form of government. As a legacy of the reformation stage, the Prussian statehood created in the second half of the 19th century was passed into the hands of Otto von Bismarck. Thus, it was not Bismarck who paved the way for Hitler. The reformers handed him a state building almost built according to their schemes which even the iron chancellor could not rebuild. In addition, we must consider that the modernization of Prussia developed in opposition to the counter-reformation, its legal expression was the so-called Carlsbad resolutions, which decelerated the dynamics of reforms.
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Martynov, Mihail. « Conceptual problems of modern Russian symbolic policy in preserving the historical memory of the Great Patriotic War ». Journal of Political Research 4, no 1 (27 mars 2020) : 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-14-24.
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The article attempts to explain the problems faced by modern Russian politics of memory in connection with falsifications of the history of World War II. Attention is drawn to the reasons for the spread in the public mind of the opinion of the equal responsibility of Germany and the USSR in starting a war. It is shown that the reason for the difficulties of the Russian symbolic policy is the lack of a coherent theoretical construct that allows a logically consistent interpretation of the events of the political history of the first half of the twentieth century. It points to the uncritical acceptance by the Russian political science of the theory of totalitarianism and insufficient attention to the laws of the formation of fascist regimes in Western Europe. It is concluded that inclusion in the world economic system under the conditions of the A historical and comparative approach, comparing the features of using various conceptual foundations of events at the beginning of World War II, depending on the interests and goals of political actors. West inevitably turns out to be supplemented by the loss of sovereignty in the scientific and theoretical sphere.
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De Luca, Giovanni, et Federica Pizzolante. « Detecting Leaders Country from Road Transport Emission Time-Series ». Environments 8, no 3 (27 février 2021) : 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/environments8030018.
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Nowadays, climate change and global warming have become the main concerns worldwide. One of the main causes are the greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions produced by human activities, especially by the transportation sector. The adherence to international agreements and the implementation of climate change policy are necessary conditions for reducing environmental problems. This paper investigates the lead–lag relationship between Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and Annex I member countries on road transport emission performance focusing on the statistical analysis of the lead–lag relationships between the road transport emission time-series from 1970–2018 extracted by the Emissions Database for Global Atmospheric Research (EDGAR) database. The analysis was carried out using the cross-correlation function between each pair of the countries’ time-series considered. Empirical results confirm that some nations have been playing a role as leaders, while others as followers. Sweden can be considered the leader, followed by Germany and France. By analyzing their environmental policy history, we can figure out a common point that explains our results.
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Bund, Eva, et Ulrike Gerhard. « The Role of Institutional and Structural Differences for City-Specific Arrangements of Urban Migration Regimes ». Urban Planning 6, no 2 (27 avril 2021) : 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v6i2.3767.
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In recent years, an increasing influx of migrants to Europe has led to a heated public discourse about integration capacities within receiving countries such as Germany. During this period, German society, with its changeful immigration history, is again challenged to provide policy responses and foster migrant integration, especially in urban areas. The efforts of cities along that path, however, vary greatly. Complementing locality approaches on immigration and integration policies, which are focused on metropolises and the U.S.-American context, this article is an empirical application for understanding institutional and structural conditions for local variations in integration strategies in Germany by presenting a comparative analysis of four mid-sized cities. The particular research interest lies on discourses from interviews with local authorities and civil society actors. Our analysis reveals city-specific streamlines: For instance, discourses at a center of the ‘knowledge society’ focused on a strong municipal power structure that allowed communally-financed, sustainable projects to evolve from a historically-grounded commitment to welcome migrants and from high financial capacities at its disposal. In another case, discourses revolved around a city’s financially constraints, which were equalized by compensatory civil society networks. In other cities, progress was associated with spontaneous local happenings or individual innovative leadership. These street-level patterns create a degree of locality within the global migration discourse, since they emerge from the interplay of financial, economic, and demographic features; historical concepts; or local events. We therefore contend that urban planning initiatives would profit from considering place-specific institutions that influence integration stakeholders, which are regime-makers and foster institutional, migration-led changes.