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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Leipzig (Germany) – Economic conditions – History »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Leipzig (Germany) – Economic conditions – History"

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Kolinsky, Eva. « In Search of a Future : Leipzig Since the Wende ». German Politics and Society 16, no 4 (1 décembre 1998) : 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503098782486997.

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In the political and economic history of Germany, Leipzig alreadyheld a special place long before unification. Since the middle ages, ithas hosted one of the most important trade fairs in Europe. Whenindustrialization turned Germany in the late nineteenth century intoa leading European power, outpacing France and closely rivalingBritain, Leipzig added to its established and internationally acclaimedfur and book trade a mighty industrial sector in lignite-based chemicalsand vehicle production. At the turn of the century, Leipzig wasone of the largest and most affluent cities of Germany and indeedEurope. A rich stock of Gründerzeit houses remains to testify to thisillustrious past.
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Graf, Rüdiger. « Transitional Injustice at Leipzig : Negotiating Sovereignty and International Humanitarian Law in Germany after the First World War ». Central European History 55, no 1 (mars 2022) : 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921001758.

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AbstractThe article analyzes Allied attempts to try German war criminals after the First World War and the ensuing Leipzig trials. Historians of international law commonly describe these as the first (failed) attempt to break principles of national sovereignty by implementing principles of international humanitarian law, which were later realized at Nuremberg and The Hague. The article brackets the question of the Leipzig trials’ alleged success or failure by situating them not so much within the long-term history of international justice but, rather, within the political and intellectual culture of Weimar Germany. The article shows how the German government tried to use its limited domestic sovereignty in order to enhance its international sovereignty. By asking how German sovereignty was contested, negotiated, and reaffirmed, the article historicizes the Leipzig trials and also addresses the more general question of which conditions facilitate international war crimes trials. Drawing on the literature on transitional justice, this article suggests that contestations over German domestic and international sovereignty after the Versailles Treaty offer a more productive frame to understand the trials than measuring success according to international humanitarian law.
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Detzen, Dominic, et Sebastian Hoffmann. « Accountability and ideology : The case of a German university under the Nazi regime ». Accounting History 25, no 2 (1 avril 2019) : 174–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1032373219836301.

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This article studies accountability demands at an educational institution following extreme changes of societal conditions, as observed in Nazi Germany (1933–1945). We refer to the Handelshochschule Leipzig founded as the first free-standing business school in Germany to show how the Nazi doctrine made its way into this university, affecting academics on both the organizational and the individual levels. As political accountability became a dominant governance instrument, most academics submitted to this new accountability regime. They became subjects of accountability, who can only be understood by the norms that were imposed on them. The change in accountability demands created considerable challenges for individuals, and, ex post, it may be impossible to ascertain their moral attitudes and how they attempted to cope with ensuing ethical dilemmas.
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Turner, Ian. « Great Britain and the Post-War German Currency Reform ». Historical Journal 30, no 3 (septembre 1987) : 685–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0002094x.

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British policy towards Germany during the period of occupation aimed at preventing a resurgence of German military might in the future, whilst ensuring stable economic conditions in the short term. By mid 1946, however, the scale of the economic problems confronting the occupying powers in Germany had already manifested itself in the reduction of food rations and the consequent falling off in the output of Ruhr coal. The fragile economy was to suffer an even greater setback during the cruel winter of 1946/7. The immediate restoration of economic activity became imperative, not least because the dollar cost of sustaining the British Zone with imported grain weighed heavily on the British exchequer.
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Petzina, Dietmar. « The Economic Dimension of the East–West Conflict and the Role of Germany ». Contemporary European History 3, no 2 (juillet 1994) : 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000771.

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A survey of the economic problems in East–West relations during the era of the Cold War is of particular interest from the German perspective. First, no other Western industrial country played a comparable role in the economic relations with East European countries; and secondly, East–West trade, especially the economic contacts with the German Democratic Republic (GDR), became an outstanding feature of German Ostpolitik under the conditions of the divided country. It appears to be an acceptable proposition to say that this form of West Germany economic and trade policy was the equivalent of the militarily defined US policy towards the Soviet Union, in so far as the famous dictum of the former Federal Chancellor Willy Brandt, that the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was ‘an economic giant and a political dwarf only partly corresponded to reality. It therefore seems appropriate to discuss the economic dimension of the East–West conflict in the context of German interests and policies – not to the exclusion of all else, but with a certain priority.
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Krasnozhenova, Elena. « Economic and economic features of the Nazi occupation policy : 1941— 1944. (based on materials from the North-West of Russia) ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no 11-1 (1 novembre 2020) : 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi17.

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The article shows the content of the Nazi occupation policy in the North-West of Russia during the Great Patriotic war. Features of the German command’s agricultural and tax policy in the occupied territory of the region are presented. To supply Nazi Germany and its armies, the economic resources of the occupied territories were used by exporting raw materials, food, equipment, and other material values. The local population was involved in mandatory work at enterprises, or sent to Germany. The occupation policy led to a significant deterioration of living conditions in the North-West of the Russia. The removal of food and warm clothing from citizens, their eviction from their homes, and the lack of medical care contributed to an increase in morbidity and mortality. The article shows the content of Nazi propaganda in the occupied territory of the North-West of the Russia.
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Canzler, Weert. « Transport Infrastructure in Shrinking (East) Germany ». German Politics and Society 26, no 2 (1 juin 2008) : 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260205.

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Policy on transport infrastructure in Germany will come under increasing pressure thanks to considerable changes in basic conditions. Demographic change, shifts in economic and regional structures, continued social individualization, and the chronic budget crisis in the public sphere are forcing a readjustment of government action. At root, the impact of the changes in demographics and economic structures touches on what Germans themselves think their postwar democracy stands for. Highly consensual underlying assumptions about Germany as a model are being shaken. The doctrine that development of infrastructure is tantamount to growth and prosperity no longer holds. The experience in eastern Germany shows that more and better infrastructure does not automatically lead to more growth. Moreover, uniform government regulation is hitting limits. If the differences between boom regions and depopulated zones remain as large as they are, then it makes no sense to have the same regulatory maze apply to both cases. In transportation policy, that shift would mean recasting the legal foundations of public transport.
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Spicka, Mark E. « Selling the Economic Miracle : Public-Opinion Research, Economic Reconstruction, and Politics in West Germany, 1949-1957 ». German Politics and Society 20, no 1 (1 mars 2002) : 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385462.

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Perhaps the most remarkable development in the Federal Republicof Germany since World War II has been the creation of its stabledemocracy. Already by the second half of the 1950s, political commentatorsproclaimed that “Bonn is not Weimar.” Whereas theWeimar Republic faced the proliferation of splinter parties, the riseof extremist parties, and the fragmentation of support for liberal andconservative parties—conditions that led to its ultimate collapse—theFederal Republic witnessed the blossoming of moderate, broadbasedparties.1 By the end of the 1950s the Christian DemocraticUnion/Christian Social Union (CDU), Social Democratic Party(SPD) and Free Democratic Party (FDP) had formed the basis of astable party system that would continue through the 1980s.
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Patton, David F. « Protest Voting in Eastern Germany ». German Politics and Society 37, no 3 (1 septembre 2019) : 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.

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In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.
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GEBAUER, RONALD, et GEORG VOBRUBA. « The Open Unemployment Trap : Life at the Intersection of Labour Market and Welfare State. The Case of Germany ». Journal of Social Policy 32, no 4 (octobre 2003) : 571–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279403007153.

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It is a widespread assumption that the interface between social assistance and the labour market implies an incentive structure that hinders people to work. This incentive structure is known as the unemployment trap. In particular within economics it is seen as a matter of course influencing the debate on labour market and social welfare reform. In contrary to these dominant discourses, we take the unemployment trap-theorem as a hypothesis to be tested empirically. We focus on the case of German social assistance (Sozialhilfe) by analysing data from the Social Assistance Calendar from the German Socio Economic Panel (GSOEP), a longitudinal data set, recorded by the Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW). The data are analysed by using approaches of the Event History Analysis, yielding results that clearly contradict the unemployment trap-theorem: Most people re-enter the labour market after a relatively short period of receiving Sozialhilfe. This is the starting point for asking for the recipients’ reasons for their labour market decisions by analysing 26 interviews with recipients of Sozialhilfe in Cologne and Leipzig.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Leipzig (Germany) – Economic conditions – History"

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Nickel, Carsten. « Rhineland revisited : subsidiarity and the historical origins of coordination : comparing Germany with the Netherlands and France (800-1914) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9b3f50c9-cddf-43a2-bf5b-c6ab5689a4a3.

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What explains the historical emergence of coordinated economic institutions for human capital formation and welfare provision? Surveying roughly one millennium of political and economic development in Germany, the Netherlands and France up until 1914, this thesis argues that da-ting back to the Middle Ages, the earliest forerunners of modern economic coordination could develop only in institutional complementarity with a specific form of political decentralisation, connected via their jointly enabling effect on collective action. This mutually re-enforcing com-plementarity gave rise to societies organised around the principle of subsidiarity, in which an often structurally unclear distribution of decision-making powers prompts political and eco-nomic actors to coordinate across different hierarchical levels. The comparison of eventually federal Germany with the ultimately unitary Netherlands - both of which developed significant patterns of economic coordination - demonstrates that political decentralisation under subsidi-arity does not simply equal the modern (American) reference model of clear-cut, rights-based federalism. Meanwhile the experience of strongly centralised France highlights that without this decentralisation, institutions of economic coordination hardly develop. Collective action is diffi-cult to harness if subsidiarity is absent because on the central state level, and unlike in economically more homogenous local contexts, economic interests often remain too diverse to coordi-nate. The historical result has been the emergence of decentralised-coordinated political econo-mies under subsidiarity in Germany and the Netherlands, and of a centralised, non-coordinated system in France. A better understanding of these institutional complementarities can help us historically inform recent scholarly debates on the emergence of modern political-economic organisation in the 19th century and on current governance problems in the Eurozone. The thesis seeks to contribute to the historical study of comparative political economy by highlighting how particular complementary institutions of political and economic governance have co-developed over time. It is argued that this understudied aspect of institutional development is crucial for understanding processes of continuity and change in advanced capitalism.
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Fuder, Katja. « No experiments : federal privatisation politics in West Germany, 1949-1989 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3610/.

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Privatisation has been a key policy in the late 20th century in many countries. In West Germany, the federal government sold most of its corporate industrial shareholdings to private investors between 1949 and 1989. Unlike many other countries, West Germany did not nationalise entire industries after the Second World War. Instead, the portfolio of public enterprises and participations was mainly an inheritance from the Third Reich. The aim of the thesis is to explore the causes of privatisation and the driving and delaying forces in the privatisation process between 1949 and 1989 based on qualitative historical documents. After the sale of participations stemming from the war economy in the early 1950s, the conservative federal government of CDU and CSU and later the conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under the Federal Chancellors Konrad Adenauer (CDU) and Ludwig Erhard (CDU) pursued a larger scale privatisation programme by issuing people's shares between 1959 and 1965. The programme featured social elements and aimed at the property formation of employees and a wide dispersion of shares in the society. In the 1970s, public enterprises expanded under a social-liberal government of SPD and FDP, until a conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under Federal Chancellor Kohl (CDU) sold most of the remaining federal participations in industrial enterprises between 1984 and 1989. The total volume of privatisation as measured by revenues remained modest compared to other West European countries and strong political resistance within the government parties CDU and CSU manifested in the process. Findings indicate a high continuity of thought and policy patterns from the 1950s until the end of the 1980s while the main reasons for privatisation shifted slightly. In the 1950s and 1960s, privatisation was primarily motivated by fiscal reasons - access to equity capital proved to be limited for the growing federal enterprises. Privatisation in the 1980s was caused by re-interpretations of the economic situation due to globally changing conditions and increased international competition. Hence, it can be interpreted as a lagged response to market crisis in the 1970s. Ideological shifts of paradigm did not drive privatisation. Rather, advocates of ordoliberalism focused on other economic reforms in the 1950s and liberal ideas in the 1980s co-developed with privatisation politics. For many decades, public enterprises were not viewed as ineffcient per se as long as they were operating in competitive markets. This perception only began to change slowly in the 1980s.
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Thomson, Neil. « Barriers to change and integration in foreign M and As within East Germany : a qualitative study ». Thesis, City University London, 1998. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/7562/.

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Many domestic take-overs and mergers are not successful, over half fail. Crossborder M&As are even more fraught with problems due to differing national cultures exasperating different organisational cultures. International M&As in rapidly transforming East Germany offer attractive possibilities for research as change in the firm, and resistance to it, takes place against a backdrop of external, revolutionary societal change as well as internal, national and organisational clashes. The research followed a grounded theory, qualitative methods approach embedded in the overarching strategic management theoretical framework of the Resource Based View of the Firm. Through a series of case interviews with East German managers and employees in six foreign acquired M&As split off from old combines, together with employees released after take-over, the type of acculturation and perceived level of integration was examined. A model was developed to measure post acquisition integration problems signalled by acculturative stress. By highlighting using two of the case studies as a contrast, acculturative stress was seen to make a significant contribution to causes of failure. On the other hand, further development of the model showed successful integration as having implications as a stepping stone to two-way learning and onwards to long term success. The research's claims to contribution can be synthesisedd own to three areas. Firstly, the importance of the group in East Germany has been overlooked and its continued existence in the face of pressures for more individualisation has important implications for motivation, incentives, change and learning. Secondly, the choice of top managers and their relationship to the firm (co-ownership or not) is crucial in reducing acculturative stress and achieving integration and two-way learning. Finally, the acquired human resources, due to their knowledge, knowledge potential through unlearning, shared experiencesa nd languagea re a potential route to competitive advantage. The areas of contribution form the basis for speculation and future research.
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Phelps, Thomas Edward. « The German peasant family, 1925-1939 : the problems of the republic and the impact of national socialism ». Virtual Press, 1990. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/720350.

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Rural society during the German National Socialist movement has been overlooked by most historians. Instead the urban elements are stressed. I have chosen to study the impact of National Socialism upon peasant families.Three major limitations exist for this project. First, only the peasant family itself is reviewed. Second, this project is concerned only with the years from 1925 through 1339. Third, this project limits its review to only that territory comprising Germany after World War I. This was done to allow for a more equal comparison of agricultural statistics.The construction of this project remains simple. Three major chapters exist. Chapter One reviews the Republic: its politics, economy, and the problems of the peasant family. The remaining chapters then review these problems as they were resolved by the National Socialists. Chapter Two reviews the family itself: family size, health, inheritance, and social status. Chapter Three reviews farm-management: production, mechanization, labor, and prosperity. Both chapters are divided into two parts: part one reviews the new policies; part two reviews the impact.The findings of this project were different than expected. I had expected to find minimum improvement in the condition of peasant families. Instead, I discovered that, in general, these policies failed in their objectives. The reasons for these failures differed. But much of the blame rests in faults of the laws themselves. Final results, however, were mixed. Farm-management improved slightly, but the family itself witnessed reduced health. The average family was not destitute, but neither did it prosper.
Department of History
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Vonyó, Tamás. « Post-war reconstruction and the economic miracle : the dynamics of West German economic growth during the 1950s and 1960s ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669982.

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Hughes, Michael Grant. « The symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of Imperial German and National Socialist medals and badges, 1701 to the present ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7584/.

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This thesis examines the manufacture, use, exchange (including gift exchange), collecting and commodification of German medals and badges from the early 18th century until the present-day, with particular attention being given to the symbols that were deployed by the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) between 1919 and 1945. It does so by focusing in particular on the construction of value through insignia, and how such badges and their symbolic and monetary value changed over time. In order to achieve this, the thesis adopts a chronological structure, which encompasses the creation of Prussia in 1701, the Napoleonic wars and the increased democratisation of military awards such as the Iron Cross during the Great War. The collapse of the Kaiserreich in 1918 was the major factor that led to the creation of the NSDAP under the eventual strangle-hold of Hitler, a fundamentally racist and anti-Semitic movement that continued the German tradition of awarding and wearing badges. The traditional symbols of Imperial Germany, such as the eagle, were then infused with the swastika, an emblem that was meant to signify anti-Semitism, thus creating a hybrid identity. This combination was then replicated en-masse, and eventually eclipsed all the symbols that had possessed symbolic significance in Germany’s past. After Hitler was appointed Chancellor in 1933, millions of medals and badges were produced in an effort to create a racially based “People’s Community”, but the steel and iron that were required for munitions eventually led to substitute materials being utilised and developed in order to manufacture millions of politically oriented badges. The Second World War unleashed Nazi terror across Europe, and the conscripts and volunteers who took part in this fight for living-space were rewarded with medals that were modelled on those that had been instituted during Imperial times. The colonial conquest and occupation of the East by the Wehrmacht, the Order Police and the Waffen-SS surpassed the brutality of former wars that finally culminated in the Holocaust, and some of these horrific crimes and the perpetrators of them were perversely rewarded with medals and badges. Despite Nazism being thoroughly discredited, many of the Allied soldiers who occupied Germany took part in the age-old practice of obtaining trophies of war, which reconfigured the meaning of Nazi badges as souvenirs, and began the process of their increased commodification on an emerging secondary collectors’ market. In order to analyse the dynamics of this market, a “basket” of badges is examined that enables a discussion of the role that aesthetics, scarcity and authenticity have in determining the price of the artefacts. In summary, this thesis demonstrates how the symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of German military and political medals and badges has changed substantially over time, provides a stimulus for scholars to conduct research in this under-developed area, and encourages collectors to investigate the artefacts that they collect in a more historically contextualised manner.
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Haston, Catriona M. « A tale of two states : a comparative study of higher education reform and its effects on economic growth in East and West Germany 1945 - 1989 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1780/.

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The hypothesis at the heart of this thesis is that long-term economic growth depends on the discovery and development of new ideas and technologies which enable innovation resulting in increased productivity. As technological innovation generally results from research processes instigated and performed by those with higher levels of education, it becomes important to analyse higher education as an economic actor as well as a symbolic institution of cultural and elite reproduction. The thesis compares the development of higher levels of human capital in East and West Germany over the period 1945 – 1990: states with two very different and competing myths of democratic legitimacy and radically opposed social, political and economic systems but both convinced that human capital development held the key to reconstruction and economic growth. In highlighting the imperatives for reform and outlining the main changes which took place in higher education within the strictures imposed by competing ideologies, the thesis assesses the effectiveness of human capital investment in terms of the success of the economic objectives identified by both countries. The thesis finds that the initial hypothesis is proven, albeit that its effectiveness was mitigated by a number of external economic shocks and internal social and political factors which, in the end, led to the demise of the East German regime.
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Werner, Stephan D. « Endogenous risk in non-life insurance : evidence from the German insurance sector during the Interwar period ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3269/.

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Motivated by the recent 2007/2008 Financial Crisis, this dissertation identifies endogenous risk in the German insurance sector during the Interwar sector. In the context of principal agent theory, endogenous risk is the result of a company reacting to shocks that are generated and amplified within the financial system by shifting risk from shareholders to policyholders. This dissertation provides analytical support for this interdependence on the basis of established financial as well as actuarial models and assumptions. The empirical analysis considers the German insurance sector during the Interwar period due to the presence of a pronounced business cycle, the absence of exogenous low-probability high-cost events, a consistent regulatory framework as well as available quantitative data. The econometric analysis is based on four newly compiled datasets that collect the 1924 gold account opening balances, company- as well as line-specific financial information, and stock price quotations for all publicly traded German insurance companies during the Interwar period. The dissertation finds that during the Interwar period in the German insurance sector (Ch.2), the risk of getting discontinued prior to default (3) led companies to cater dividend payout (Ch.4) and reinsurance operations (Ch.5) to an optimistic investor clientele (Ch.6), yet in contrast to the underwriting cycle (Ch.7).
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Foisy, Cory A. « Soviet war-readiness and the road to war : 1937-41 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79938.

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This is a study of the foreign and domestic policies of the USSR as they pertain to its war-readiness, as well as the degree to which these policies presumably opened the door to the European conflagration and, in 1941, to the Nazi-Soviet war. Topics to be discussed include: (1) the crash industrialization of the Soviet Union and industrial war preparations from 1928--41; (2) the development of Soviet military doctrine before and after 12 June 1937; (3) a critical re-examination of the popularly accepted reasons for the devolution of the Soviet armed forces; and (4) Soviet foreign policy from 1937--41. The chronological end of the paper (1941) is followed by a brief epilogue discussing the evident success of the Soviet industrialization program by reference to Soviet industrial performance during the Nazi-Soviet war. Furthermore, the epilogue will challenge the popular depiction of the German invasion as an effortless, seamless advance into the Soviet heartland.
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Depoortere, Rolande A. « La Belgique et les réparations allemandes après la première Guerre mondiale, 1919-1925 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212662.

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Livres sur le sujet "Leipzig (Germany) – Economic conditions – History"

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Beachy, Robert. The soul of commerce : Credit, property, and politics in Leipzig, 1750-1840. Leiden : Brill, 2005.

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Eva, Kolinsky, et Wilsdorf Steffen H, dir. Between hope and fear : Everyday life in post-unification East Germany : a case study of Leipzig. Keele, Staffordshire : Keele University Press, 1995.

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Leipzig, Zeitgeschichtliches Forum, et Haus der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschand, dir. Hauptsache Arbeit : Wandel der Arbeitswelt nach 1945 : [Begleitbuch zur Ausstellung im Haus der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Bonn, 2. Dezember 2009 bis 5. April 2010 ; im Zeitgeschichtlichen Forum Leipzig der Stiftung Haus der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 15. Dezember 2010 bis 8. Mai 2011]. Bielefeld : Kerber, 2009.

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Rösgen, Petra. Hauptsache Arbeit : Wandel der Arbeitswelt nach 1945 : [Begleitbuch zur Ausstellung im Haus der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Bonn, 2. Dezember 2009 bis 5. April 2010 ; im Zeitgeschichtlichen Forum Leipzig der Stiftung Haus der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 15. Dezember 2010 bis 8. Mai 2011]. Sous la direction de Zeitgeschichtliches Forum Leipzig et Haus der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschand. Bielefeld : Kerber, 2009.

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Dr, Fellmann Walter, dir. Lipsia und Merkur : Leipzig und seine Messen. Leipzig : F.A. Brockhaus, 1990.

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Industrie der Stadt Leipzig 1945-1990 : Probleme--Konflikte--Ergebnisse. Schkeuditz : GNN-Verlag, 2010.

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C, Ogilvie Sheilagh, et Overy R. J, dir. Germany : A new social and economic history. London : Arnold, 2003.

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C, Ogilvie Sheilagh, et Scribner Bob, dir. Germany : A new social and economic history. London : Arnold, 1996.

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Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, dir. Oecd Economic Surveys : Germany 2010. Washington : Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development, 2010.

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Ahbe, Thomas. Hungern, Hamstern, Heiligabend : Leipziger erinnern sich an die Nachkriegszeit. Leipzig : Kiepenheuer, 1996.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Leipzig (Germany) – Economic conditions – History"

1

Stibbe, Matthew. « The Weimar Republic and the Rise of National Socialism ». Dans The Oxford History of the Third Reich, 21–50. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192886835.003.0002.

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Abstract This chapter looks at the early history of the Nazi Party (NSDAP), from its foundation in Munich in 1919 through to Hitler’s appointment as Chancellor of the German Reich on 30 January 1933. It also takes up the related, but distinct, story of the Weimar Republic’s surprising resilience in the 1920s, and its ultimate collapse in the early 1930s. The chapter begins with a discussion of the NSDAP’s place in the broader development of extreme right-wing politics in Bavaria up to 1923. It then explains the failure of the party’s Beer Hall Putsch in November 1923, and the shift towards relative economic and political stability for the republic in the half decade that followed. The Great Depression of the early 1930s brought an abrupt end to democratic normality, and created the social and political conditions which made possible the transformation of the Nazis from a fringe movement into a mainstream party with popular support across Germany. By September 1930 the NSDAP was achieving 18.3 per cent of the vote in national parliamentary elections, doubling this to 37.3 per cent by July 1932. Even so, it never won an outright majority, and it actually began to lose votes in late 1932. As the last section of the chapter explains, Hitler was appointed, not elected, into office, and he was helped by shifts in the international as well as domestic political arenas at the turn of the year 1932–3 (233 words).
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2

Levenson, Alan. « Christopher Clark The Politics of Conversion : Missionary Protestantism and the Jews in Prussia 1728–1941 ». Dans Polin : Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 11, 348–50. Liverpool University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774051.003.0030.

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This chapter highlights Christopher Clark's The Politics of Conversion: Missionary Protestantism and the Jews in Prussia 1728–1941. This meticulously researched, clearly written history provides the first objective and properly contextualized account of the attempts of one fringe group to bring another fringe group into the bosom of the Church. Anyone desiring a reliable institutional history of the missionary Protestant campaign to convert Prussian Jewry will not need to look beyond this work. The author demonstrates the effect of changing imperial policies, the agenda of the Church at large, and the general economic conditions of Prussia on the fate of the mission to the Jews. Clark examines missionary schools and missionary journals and the distribution of Christian texts and reports on the conversions of nominal Christians to true believers—tales that were directed at the Jews as well as at a Germany that was becoming rapidly secular. Moreover, he subtly places the missionary movement on a continuum from antisemitism to philosemitism.
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