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Сергей Валентинович, Козлов,. « ON THE QUESTION OF «LEGITIMASY» NOTION CONCEPTUALIZATION IN THE MAX WEBER’S «INTERPRETIVE SOCIOLOGY» ». Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия : Философия, no 3(61) (1 décembre 2022) : 146–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vtphilos/2022.3.146.
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Понятие легитимности играет важную роль в многообразных современных социальных дискурсах. В статье рассматриваются основные принципы концептуализации понятий «легитимность», «легитимный порядок» в «понимающей социологии» М. Вебера. Анализируются ключевые понятия его концепции, затрагивается вопрос о ее философско-методологических основаниях. Веберовская трактовка понятия «легитимность» сопоставляется с трактовкой данного понятия в духе традиции правового позитивизма; обосновывается утверждение, что именно веберовская концептуализация «легитимности» стимулировала вхождение понятия «легитимность» в широкий обществоведческий оборот. «Legitimasy» notion plays an important role in diverse social discourses. The article examines the main principles of conceptualization of the notions of «legitimacy», «legitimacy order» in the M. Weber’s «interpretive sociology». The basic notions of his concept are considered; the issue of its philosophical and methodological foundations is addressed. The Weberian interpretation of «legitimesy» notion is compared with the interpretation of this notions in legal positivism. The author substantiates the assertion, according to which the M. Weber’s conceptualization of «legitimacy» stimulated the entering of «legitimesy» notion into a wide social sciens circulation.
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Tambunan, Derwin. « POLITICS AND POWER : A CRITICAL PERSPECTIVE ON LEGITIMACY ». Journal of Social Political Sciences 2, no 4 (27 novembre 2021) : 328–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v2i4.82.
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We know from research into politics and power that these two variables are widely discussed as interrelated concepts. However, what remains poorly understood is that politics is not only interrelated with the concept of power, but politics itself is about how power is exercised legitimately. This research aims to ascertain whether politics can be reduced to power and, if so, what precisely the concept of power can explain the essence of politics. A literature study was deployed in order to answer these questions. The findings showed that power is the essence of politics; politics are enterprises sharing and shaping power. However, politics can be adequately understood if power is viewed as a legitimate capacity to act. Approaching politics outside of this definition cannot be said as a proper definition of politics because legitimacy is the heart and essential to power, and only by applying this definition politics can be adequately interpreted. If politics is seen as a right to govern and power is understood as the legitimate capacity to act, thus, these two elements will create a political obligation that is vital in a political concept. Consent and legitimacy are the two aspects necessary to achieve the right to exercise governments' political authority. If power is exercised legitimately, then it will draw people trust. People trust is the precondition in political concepts and political legitimacy, which indicates the rightfulness to govern conferred by people to political regimes or political sovereignty established in the collective advantage or common good.
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Frederking, Brian, et Christopher Patane. « Legitimacy and the UN Security Council Agenda ». PS : Political Science & ; Politics 50, no 02 (31 mars 2017) : 347–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909651600278x.
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ABSTRACTIs the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) a legitimate organization? Do the veto powers legitimately pursue international security, or do they protect their narrow national interests? One way to evaluate the legitimacy of the UNSC is through its agenda. Does it address the most significant conflicts in world politics? Or is it influenced by the national interests of the veto powers? This article addresses these questions with a dataset that includes the number of UNSC meetings held and resolutions passed on 40 conflicts from 1991 to 2013. This analysis provides evidence for the legitimacy of the UNSC—conflicts with more refugees and more deaths are significantly more likely to be on the agenda. The analysis does not support critics of the UNSC—the national interests of the veto powers, measured as arms sales to and trade with the conflict participants, do not significantly alter the UNSC agenda.
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Fleet, Nicolás. « Racionalización y poder La cuestión de la legitimidad en Weber como referente de la acción política ». Revista Temas Sociológicos, no 12 (23 janvier 2017) : 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.12.224.
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ResumenEste artículo desarrolla, en tres pasos, una perspectiva original de la teoría de la dominación de Max Weber. El primer paso establece un vínculo necesario entre las formas típicas de dominación política y los intereses sociales, de modo que toda acción política debe legitimarse ante el interés general. El segundo paso explica las crisis de legitimación como una respuesta a cambios de identidad en la base social de la dominación política, de tal forma que se introduce un concepto dinámico de legitimidad. El tercer paso establece que los valores que habitan en las formas legitimas de dominación política son usados como orientaciones simbólicas por parte de intereses sociales y acciones políticas particulares, de manera que toda forma de legitimación de la autoridad encierra, en sus propias premisas, los argumentos que justifican luchas políticas hacia la modificación de los esquemas de dominación.Palabras clave: legitimidad, dominación, acción política, democratización.Abstract This article develops, in three steps, an orignal perspective of Weber’s legitimacy theory. The first one, establishes a necessary link that exists between the typical forms of legitimate domination and the social interests, in such a way that every political action that purse the realization of its interests has to legitimate itself before the general will. The second explains the legitimation crises as a response to indentity changes at the social base of the political domination and, in so doing, it introduces a dinamic concept of legitimacy. The third step states that the values that dwell in legitimate forms of political domination are used as symbolic orientations by particular social intersts and political actions, in a way that each form of authority legitimation encapsulate, in its own premises, the arguments that justify political struggles aiming toward the modification of the domination schemes.Key words: legitimacy, domination, political action, democratization.
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Fleet, Nicolás. « Racionalización y poder La cuestión de la legitimidad en Weber como referente de la acción política ». Revista Temas Sociológicos, no 12 (23 janvier 2017) : 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196458.12.224.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ResumenEste artículo desarrolla, en tres pasos, una perspectiva original de la teoría de la dominación de Max Weber. El primer paso establece un vínculo necesario entre las formas típicas de dominación política y los intereses sociales, de modo que toda acción política debe legitimarse ante el interés general. El segundo paso explica las crisis de legitimación como una respuesta a cambios de identidad en la base social de la dominación política, de tal forma que se introduce un concepto dinámico de legitimidad. El tercer paso establece que los valores que habitan en las formas legitimas de dominación política son usados como orientaciones simbólicas por parte de intereses sociales y acciones políticas particulares, de manera que toda forma de legitimación de la autoridad encierra, en sus propias premisas, los argumentos que justifican luchas políticas hacia la modificación de los esquemas de dominación.Palabras clave: legitimidad, dominación, acción política, democratización.Abstract This article develops, in three steps, an orignal perspective of Weber’s legitimacy theory. The first one, establishes a necessary link that exists between the typical forms of legitimate domination and the social interests, in such a way that every political action that purse the realization of its interests has to legitimate itself before the general will. The second explains the legitimation crises as a response to indentity changes at the social base of the political domination and, in so doing, it introduces a dinamic concept of legitimacy. The third step states that the values that dwell in legitimate forms of political domination are used as symbolic orientations by particular social intersts and political actions, in a way that each form of authority legitimation encapsulate, in its own premises, the arguments that justify political struggles aiming toward the modification of the domination schemes.Key words: legitimacy, domination, political action, democratization.
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Coakley, Mathew. « On the value of political legitimacy ». Politics, Philosophy & ; Economics 10, no 4 (31 janvier 2011) : 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x10387272.
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Theories of political legitimacy normally stipulate certain conditions of legitimacy: the features a state must possess in order to be legitimate. Yet there is obviously a second question as to the value of legitimacy: the normative features a state has by virtue of it being legitimate (such as it being owed obedience, having a right to use coercion, or enjoying a general justification in the use of force). I argue that it is difficult to demonstrate that affording these to legitimate states is morally desirable, and that obvious alternative conceptions of the value of legitimacy (notably epistemic and instrumental) are not without problems of their own. The intuitive triviality of establishing the value of normative legitimacy may mask a serious problem.
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Philpott, Daniel. « Response to “On Communitarian and Global Sources of Legitimacy” ». Review of Politics 73, no 1 (2011) : 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670510000902.
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Amitai Etzioni advances arguments about two forms of legitimacy, what I will call empirical legitimacy and substantive legitimacy. Empirical legitimacy is a matter of what people consider to be legitimate. It is assessed through the methods of social science—conducting surveys, for instance. Substantive legitimacy is a matter not of what people happen to think but of what is legitimate in the sense of being just or morally right. Etzioni's argument about empirical legitimacy, namely, that it is shaped through collective processes that involve emotions as well as reason, I find broadly plausible. Then he makes an argument about substantive legitimacy, one that explains how we are to know if an “act” (a term he uses broadly) is truly just or moral. This latter argument I wish to explore further and to raise questions about.
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Blount-Hill, Kwan-Lamar. « Advancing a Social Identity Model of System Attitudes ». International Annals of Criminology 57, no 1-2 (mai 2019) : 114–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cri.2020.8.
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AbstractThe connection between social identity and attitudes toward the criminal justice system (CJS) is an area of interest among criminologists and legitimacy scholars. Previous work has proposed a social identity theory of legitimation, positing that individuals categorize CJS officials as either in-group (i.e. legitimate authority) or out-group (i.e. illegitimate enforcer). Subsequently, how individuals perceive their CJS – including the sincerity of its commitment to the rule of law – is tied to this relationship. Those viewing the government as an out-group oppressor are less likely to accept its legitimacy. This article explores this thesis. From the perspective of system justification theory, how the CJS is categorized should depend on how strongly an individual identifies as belonging to a group disadvantaged by the CJS. System justification theorists hypothesize that system justification (including acceptance of system legitimacy) is more likely when members of disadvantaged groups believe that group interests are less important. Alternative models that explain attitudes toward the system by using social identity theory suggest the opposite: Those who identify more strongly with disadvantaged groups and hold their interests to be more important nonetheless justify oppositional systems and view them legitimately. The present study uses a sample of Black Americans (a disadvantaged group in the American CJS) to determine whether group identification predicts system justification.
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Kholifah, Nisa Amalia, Farid Setiawan, Nurullita Almunawaroh, Afaf Wafiqoh Nusaibah, Silviana Putri Kusumawati, Shella Masrofah et Fika Wahyu Nurita. « URGENSI LEGITIMASI DAN KOMUNIKASI DALAM MENYUSUN KEBIJAKAN PENDIDIKAN ». AL-MUADDIB : Jurnal Kajian Ilmu Kependidikan 4, no 2 (21 juin 2022) : 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.46773/muaddib.v4i2.347.
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ABSTRACTThis article will discuss the urgency of legitimacy and communication in formulating education policy. The purpose of this research is to describe a process and problems and then analyze the importance of communication and legitimacy in education policy. The research method is a qualitative research with a literature study approach. The results of the study indicate that the legitimacy of educational policies is needed so that a policy that has been formulated can be ratified as a valid policy to be enforced. Likewise, communication in policy making is also very necessary so that there are no obstacles in the form of misunderstandings in the preparation of education policies. So it can be concluded that legitimacy and communication are very urgent factors in the formulation of educational policies.Keywords: Urgency, Legitimacy, Communication, Education Policy ABSTRAKArtikel ini akan membahas mengenai urgensi dari legitimasi serta komunikasi dalam menyusun kebijakan pendidikan. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah memaparkan suatu proses serta problem-problem selanjutnya menganalisis pentingnya komunikasi dan legitimasi dalam kebijakan pendidikan. Metode penelitian yang dilakukan berupa penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa legitimasi kebijakan pendidikan diperlukan agar suatu kebijakan yang telah dirumuskan dapat disahkan sebagai kebijakan yang valid untuk diberlakukan. Begitupun dengan komunikasi dalam penyusunan kebijakan juga sangat diperlukan agar tidak terjadi hambatan yang berupa kesalah pahaman dalam penyusunan kebijakan pendidikan. Sehingga dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa legitimasi dan komunikasi menjadi faktor yang sangat urgent dalam perumusan kebijakan pendidikan.Kata kunci : Urgensi, Legitimasi, Komunikasi, Kebijakan Pendidikan
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Cumsille, Patricio, Nancy Darling, Brian P. Flaherty et M. Loreto Martínez. « Chilean adolescents’ beliefs about the legitimacy of parental authority : Individual and age-related differences ». International Journal of Behavioral Development 30, no 2 (mars 2006) : 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165025406063554.
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Individual and age-related differences in the patterning of adolescents’ beliefs about the legitimacy of parental authority were examined in a sample of 3425 Chilean adolescents (Mage = 15.0). During early, middle, and late adolescence, three analogous patterns of beliefs about the legitimacy of parental authority were identified using latent class analysis (LCA). Youth in the Parental Control class ceded parents legitimate control over issues in the multi-faceted and prudential domains and were relatively likely to cede parental control over the personal domain. Those in the Shared Control class differentiated the prudential from other domains. Those in the Personal Control class denied parents legitimate authority over issues in all domains. Within analogous classes, younger adolescents were more likely to grant parents legitimate authority than older adolescents. Results are consistent with prior research documenting age-related differences, but raise important questions about the normative nature of age-related change in legitimacy beliefs. The advantages of studying sub-groups and variability in the patterning of legitimacy beliefs are discussed.
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Sri Hardjanto, Untung. « Legitimasi Pemilihan Umum di Indonesia Tahun 2019 ». Administrative Law and Governance Journal 2, no 1 (11 juin 2019) : 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/alj.v2i1.106-112.
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Abstract The article aims to find out the legitimacy of the general elections in Indonesia in 2019, especially related to the future implementation of the basic constitution for holding the 2019 general election. Research is normative legal research based on the statutory approach. the results of the study indicate that legitimacy is the recognition and support of the community towards the winner of the election to then form a state government. So that legitimacy is needed for political stability and the possibility of social change and opening opportunities to expand fields in order to improve welfare. For Indonesia, the 2019 Election will receive formal-procedural legitimacy from anyone considering the existence of institutions that carry out the implementation of elections based on the principle of overflow. Whereas the legitimacy that is based on personal characteristics will only be a comparison and directing, leading to the voting of the people, will not affect the government formed given the existence of peaceful and democratic election pacts and the media that has arrived in the regions. Keywords: Legitimacy, Constitution, General Elections, Jurdil, and Luber Abstrak Artikel bertujuan untuk mengetahui legitimasi pemilihan umum di Indonesia tahun 2019, khususnya terkait dengan masa depan pelaksanaan dasar konstitusi penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum 2019. Penelitian merupakan penelitian hukum normatif yang berdasarkan pada pendekatan statutory approach. hasil penelitian menjukkan bahwa legitimasi merupakan pengakuan dan dukungan dari masyarakat terhadap pemenang pemilu untuk kemudian membentuk pemerintahan negara. Sehingga legitimasi diperlukan untuk kesetabilan politik dan kemungkinan terjadinya perubahan sosial serta membuka kesempatan memperluas bidang-bidang dalam rangka peningkatana kesejahteraan. Untuk Indonesia, Pemilu Tahun 2019 akan mendapat legitimasi formal-prosedural dari siapapun mengingat adanya lemabaga negara yang menjalankan penyelenggaraan pemilu berdasar pada asas luber jurdil. Sedangkan legitimasi yang mendasarkan pada ciri pribadi hanya akan menjadi pembanding dan mengarahkan, menggiring menuju pemberian suara masyarakat, tidak akan berpengaruh pada pemearintahan yang terbentuk mengingat adanya pakta pemilu damai dan demokratis serta mas media yang sudah sampai kedaerah. Kata Kunci: Legitimasi, Konstitusi, Pemilihan Umum, Jurdil dan Luber
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Liu, Puning. « The Adoption of Neo-Confucianism in Discussing Legitimacy Dispute ». Asian Culture and History 10, no 1 (8 décembre 2017) : 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v10n1p43.
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Lipset (1960) denotes legitimacy as “the capacity of the system to engender and maintain the belief that the existing political institutions are the most appropriate ones for the society.” All political powers, including Chinese dynasties in history, needed legitimacy to ensure their governance. In general, Western thinkers who discuss political legitimacy could be identified into two groups (Habermas, 1979). The “empiricists”, likes Max Weber, studies legitimacy in an empirical method, focusing on the types, constitutions, functions, and evolutions of legitimacy. The second group consists of “normativists”, such as Plato and John Rawls, who tend to base legitimacy on various normative values such as justice or democracy. Pre-modern Chinese views on political legitimacy have the similar approaches like west. The first one pays attention to different empirical factors of legitimacy. For instance, the pre-Qin philosopher Zou Yan (305-240 BCE), and Western Han thinker Liu Xin (50 BCE-23 CE) view a dynasty’s legitimate by its adoption of rightful dynastic phase (Wang 2006). The Song Dynasty (960–1279) historian Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072) argues that the just position and the unification of China make a legitimate dynasty (Rao 1996). The second approach bases legitimacy on normative values. For example, Confucius (551-479 BCE) indicates that the rightfulness of a ruler relies on his properly practicing both “benevolence” (ren ), and “rites” (li ). Many present scholars give us their studies on the legitimacy in Chinese history. For instance, Rao Zong (1996) provides the general overviews of legitimacy in the Chinese tradition, with an extensive collection of relevant primary sources. Hou Deren (2009) introduces most relevant present-day Chinese studies on that issue. For English readers, general studies of traditional Chinese views on legitimacy can be found in the writings of Hok-lam Chan (1984) and Richard Davis (1983). Nevertheless, it is notable that the question of legitimacy became pressing from the 13th century onwards in China, when China was ruled by non-Chinese ruling houses, such as the Yuan Dynasty 元 (1272-1368) and Qing Dynasty (1889-1912). Scholars during that period showed a great interest in discussing the question of what makes a legitimate ruler of China. In general, these scholars approached that question in two ways; they introduced the prevailing Neo-Confucianism to define the virtuous rule as the principal value of legitimacy (Bol, 2009), or they defined a Chinese ruled dynasty as legitimate. To reveal these scholars’ distinct views on legitimacy, this paper investigates two of them, the Yuan literatus Yang Weizhen (1296-1370) and the Ming (1368-1644) scholar-official Fang Xiaoru (1357-1402). For English readers, only Richard Davis (1983) gives a brief introduction on Yang Weizhen’s views on legitimacy. Few studies focus on Fang Xiaoru’s relevant views. Following the text analysis way, this article proves that Yang Weizhen and Fang Xiaoru acted as two representatives of scholars in the late imperial China. Both of them adopted Neo-Confucianism to discuss legitimacy, viewing the discussion of legitimacy as a moral evaluation of the dynasty and monarch. They also shared the idea that Chinese ruled dynasty should be viewed as legitimate.
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Bondy, Patrick. « Virtues, Evidence, and Ad Hominem Arguments ». Informal Logic 35, no 4 (11 décembre 2015) : 450. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/il.v35i4.4330.
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Argumentation theorists are beginning to think of ad hominem arguments as generally legitimate. Virtue argumentation theorists argue that a character trait approach to argument appraisal can explain why ad hominems would are legitimate, when they are legitimate. But I argue that we do not need to appeal to virtue argumentation theory to explain the legitimacy of ad hominem arguments; a more straightforward evidentialist approach to argument appraisal is also committed to their legitimacy. I also argue that virtue argumentation theory faces some important problems, and that whereas the virtue-theoretic approach in epistemology is (arguably) well-motivated, that motivation does not carry over to virtue argumentation theory.
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Tyler, Tom R. « The Psychology of Legitimacy : A Relational Perspective on Voluntary Deference to Authorities ». Personality and Social Psychology Review 1, no 4 (novembre 1997) : 323–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327957pspr0104_4.
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People within organized groups often internalize their feelings of obligation to obey group rules and the decisions of group authorities. They believe that group authorities and rules are legitimate and, hence, entitled to be obeyed. Because of this belief, group members voluntarily accept and obey rules and decisions from group authorities. This review draws on evidence from studies of authorities in political, legal, managerial, educational, and family settings to explore why people view as legitimate and voluntarily defer to group authorities. Two theories about legitimacy are contrasted: resource-based theories, represented by instrumental models, and identification based theories, represented by the relational model. The findings provide strong support for the existence of a relational component of legitimacy, suggesting that authorities draw an important part of their legitimacy from their social relationship with group members. The findings also show that there is an instrumental component to legitimacy. Hence, the psychology of legitimacy involves both instrumental and relational elements.
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Maltais, Aaron, Jonas Hultin Rosenberg et Ludvig Beckman. « The Demos and Its Critics ». Review of Politics 81, no 3 (2019) : 435–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670519000214.
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AbstractThe “demos paradox” is the idea that the composition of a demos could never secure democratic legitimacy because the composition of a demos cannot itself be democratically decided. Those who view this problem as unsolvable argue that this insight allows them to adopt a critical perspective towards common ideas about who has legitimate standing to participate in democratic decision-making. We argue that the opposite is true and that endorsing the demos paradox actually undermines our ability to critically engage with common ideas about legitimate standing. We challenge the conception of legitimacy that lurks behind the demos paradox and argue that the real impossibility is to endorse democracy without also being committed to significant procedure-independent standards for the legitimate composition of the demos. We show that trying to solve the problem of the demos by appeal to some normative conception of democratic legitimacy is a worthwhile project that is not undermined by paradox.
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Heideman, Laura J. « Rethinking Legitimation : Positional and Mediated Legitimation Processes for Croatian NGOs ». Sociological Perspectives 62, no 4 (16 mai 2019) : 475–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121419845882.
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How do new forms of organizations legitimate themselves? Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have emerged as a dominant form of civil society organization in the past 35 years, often in societies undergoing social and political transitions. This paper analyzes legitimation processes for NGOs in postwar and postcommunist Croatia using interview and archival data. Starting from a principle that legitimation is a process involving multiple audiences, I examine the mechanisms NGOs use to legitimate themselves to different audiences. I find that Croatian civil society organizations adopted the NGO organizational form to legitimate themselves to international actors, who in turn pressured the Croatian government to accept these organizations as legitimate. However, the actions NGOs took to legitimate themselves to international actors undermined their legitimacy with the Croatian public. This case demonstrates that legitimation is a challenging prospect for a new type of organization, especially given the fragile nature of mediated legitimacy and the conflicting priorities of different audiences.
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Rauta, Umbu, et Ninon Melatyugra. « Hukum Internasional sebagai Alat Interpretasi dalam Pengujian Undang-Undang ». Jurnal Konstitusi 15, no 1 (29 mars 2018) : 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1514.
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Tulisan ini ingin menjawab dua isu utama mengenai hubungan hukum internasional dan pengujian undang-undang oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi RI (MKRI). Isu pertama adalah legitimasi penggunaan hukum internasional sebagai alat interpretasi dalam pengujian undang-undang, sedangkan isu kedua adalah urgensi penguasaan hukum internasional oleh hakim MKRI. Tulisan ini merupakan penelitian hukum yang menggunakan pendekatan konseptual dan pendekatan historis dalam menjelaskan perkembangan pengujian undang-undang di Indonesia sekaligus menemukan legitimasi penggunaan hukum internasional oleh MK RI. Kesimpulan dari tulisan ini menegaskan bahwa hukum internasional memiliki sumbangsih yang penting dalam perannya sebagai alat interpretasi dalam proses pengujian undang-undang oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi, khususnya terkait hak asasi manusia. Justifikasi keabsahan praktik penggunaan hukum internasional tersebut ditarik dari tradisi ketatanegaraan yang secara implisit dikehendaki UUD NRI Tahun 1945. Manfaat positif yang diberikan hukum internasional nyatanya harus disertai juga dengan penguasaan hukum internasional oleh hakim MK RI supaya hukum internasional dapat digunakan secara tepat. Pembahasan dalam tulisan ini dibagi ke dalam empat sub bahasan inti yakni, pengujian undang-undang, penggunaan hukum internasional sebagai the interpretative tool dalam pengujian undang-undang oleh MK, legitimasi penggunaan hukum internasional sebagai the interpretative tool dalam pengujian undang-undang, pentingnya penguasaan hukum internasional oleh hakim MK.This article intentionally answers two principal issues regarding the relationship between international law and judicial review by the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia. The first issue is the legitimacy of international use as an interpretative tool in judicial review. The second issue talks about the necessity of urgent international law mastery by the Constitutional Court’s judges. This legal research utilizes both a conceptual approach and a historical approach to explain the development of judicial review in Indonesia, and to find legitimacy of international law by the Constitutional Court. The analysis in this article affirms that international law positively contributes as an interpretative tool in judicial review by the Constitutional Court, particularly pertaining to human rights. A justification of a legitimate international law use is withdrawn from constitutional tradition which is implicitly desired by the Indonesian Constitution (UUD NRI 1945). Since international law has provided better insights into norms, a mastery of international law should be encouraged. There are four main discussions in this article: judicial review, application of international law in judicial review process, legitimacy of international law application in judicial review, and the importance of international law mastering by Constitutional Court judges.
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Peihani, Maziar. « Basel Committee on Banking Supervision ». Brill Research Perspectives in International Banking and Securities Law 1, no 2 (30 septembre 2016) : 1–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056936-12340002.
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Part 1 of this project overviewed the literature on the Basel Committee of Banking Supervision (bcbs) and provided a primer on the Committee’s governance and functions. It also engaged with the current theories on legitimacy and discussed what legitimacy meant for the global governance of banking and how it could be assessed. This part investigates the bcbs’s governance, operation, and policy outcomes to determine the extent to which it is and has been legitimate. The assessment is conducted based on three principles of reasoned decision making, transparency, and accountability. I argue that the bcbs has gradually become a more legitimate institution but there still exists significant room for improvement. I highlight a number of areas for reform and set out policy prescriptions to enhance the bcbs’s legitimacy.
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Tzimas, Themistoklis. « Examination of the ‘Assad Must Go’ Doctrine ». International Community Law Review 19, no 4-5 (26 septembre 2017) : 485–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12340026.
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Abstract The internal conflict in Syria and the legal imperatives of the ‘Assad must go’ doctrine have brought to the fore the issue of government legitimacy. This article examines the ‘de-legitimisation/legitimisation process’, meaning the denial of the legitimacy of a government from the perspective of the international community, in favor of the attribution of legitimacy to another entity. The main argument is that government legitimacy is determined on the basis of a combination of objective and legal criteria at the domestic and international level. When the objective criteria are contested by opposition forces to a significant extent, the international community needs to answer the question: who must be recognised as the legitimate government? Having set out the criteria for such a decision, I then examine the de-legitimisation of the Syrian government and the recognition of the Syrian National Coalition (snc) as the legitimate representative of the Syrian people by regional organisations and by Member States of the un.
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Clark, Janine Natalya. « International Criminal Courts and Normative Legitimacy : An Achievable Goal ? » International Criminal Law Review 15, no 4 (21 avril 2015) : 763–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01504004.
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Like any institution, international criminal courts must be seen as legitimate. The ultimate form of legitimacy that they can aspire to is normative legitimacy, meaning that their work is morally valued even when they issue contentious verdicts. Yet how realistic is it, in practice, for international criminal courts to achieve normative legitimacy? This is the central question that underpins this research, which, as its conceptual starting point, uses Mark C. Suchman’s typology of cognitive, pragmatic and normative legitimacy. Arguing that cognitive and pragmatic legitimacy are the building blocks for constructing normative legitimacy, the article concludes by demonstrating how the so-called New Haven School offers an important point of departure for addressing the practical challenges of achieving normative legitimacy.
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Agné, Hans. « Why democracy must be global : self-founding and democratic intervention ». International Theory 2, no 3 (novembre 2010) : 381–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971910000254.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Globalization, foreign intervention, and failed states have drawn new attention to theoretical issues of how political orders and communities can be legitimately founded, and what it means for a people to be self-governing. In this article, I will challenge an argument in this debate saying that the founding of new political orders is always in some sense illegitimate insofar as it cannot be decided democratically. In opposition to this view, I will suggest that the founding of political orders is legitimate even from a democratic point of view when decided together by people within as well as beyond the boundaries inherent in the foundation. In case of persisting disagreement over boundary issues, political decisions can still derive democratic legitimacy from global procedures that are equally inclusive of everyone capable of contesting those decisions. Elaborating on the implications of this argument, I will also reject the notion that foreign interventions for establishing democracy are themselves necessarily illegitimate or undemocratic.
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Fornaroli, Giulio. « Rawls contra Rawls : Legitimacy, Normative Impact, and the Basic Structure ». Ethics, Politics & ; Society 5, no 2 (8 décembre 2022) : 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/eps.5.2.209.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this paper, I contrast two approaches to political legitimacy, both influenced by Rawls. One is the classic political liberal picture, according to which a state is legitimate if its “constitutional essentials” could be endorsed by reasonable citizens. The alternative is the idea that what makes a state legitimate is primarily its success at organizing the basic structure in a way that is demonstrably favorable to the governed. Specifically, I suggest that a state is legitimate insofar as it organizes the basic structure in a manner that makes it easier for citizens to behave justly towards one another and adopt autonomous choices. I then move to demonstrate the superiority of this normative impact solution to the problem of legitimacy vis-à-vis political liberalism, even when reasonable disagreement about justice is factored in.
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Patala, Samuli, Ida Korpivaara, Anne Jalkala, Aino Kuitunen et Birthe Soppe. « Legitimacy Under Institutional Change : How incumbents appropriate clean rhetoric for dirty technologies ». Organization Studies 40, no 3 (17 décembre 2017) : 395–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840617736938.
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How organizations legitimate their actions under conditions of institutional change is a central yet little understood question. To address this gap, this paper investigates how incumbent firms legitimate investments in both novel and conventional technologies during periods of institutional and technological transition. We examine the rhetorical strategies that energy incumbents employ to gain legitimacy for their investments in renewable (legitimacy-gaining or novel) and non-renewable (legitimacy-losing or conventional) technologies. Employing a mixed-method content analysis of 483 press releases on strategic energy investments, published by the world’s largest energy firms during the time period 2010 to 2015, we find that incumbents utilize two different types of hybrid rhetoric to justify their investments. For investments in non-renewables, incumbents use pragmatic blending, appropriating the clean rhetoric traditionally associated with challenger technologies and combining it with justifications highlighting performance-oriented outcomes. The rhetoric used for investments in renewables involves visionary blending, combining rhetoric related to corporate strategy with sustainability rhetoric. We furthermore argue that these hybrid rhetorical strategies are observed when the legitimacy trajectories of two technologies intersect. Our study contributes to the research on rhetorical institutionalism, incumbents’ role during institutional change, and technology legitimacy.
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Hope, Jade Danielle, et Faye Kathryn Horsley. « Invited paper : Legitimacy of fire use : investigating the Continuum of Fire Use Theory (CoFUT) ». Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice 8, no 1 (7 octobre 2021) : 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcrpp-08-2021-0047.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Purpose Most individuals regularly encounter fire, but certain uses are legally disallowed. Horsley (2020, 2021; in press) proposed the continuum of fire use theory (CoFUT), which posits that the legitimacy of fire use exists on a spectrum. This study aims to investigate the CoFUT and to elucidate the process of conceptualising legitimacy in a sample of legitimate fire users. Design/methodology/approach A sample of 16 legitimate fire users underwent semi-structured interviews regarding their own experiences with fire, the factors considered when determining the legitimacy of fire use and the relationships between those factors. The data extracted was subjected to conceptual analysis. Findings Analysis indicated that the legitimacy of fire use is best conceptualised along a continuum. Placement on the continuum required consideration of seven defining attributes: function; location; scale; materials used; characteristics of the actor(s); potential and actual consequences, and social acceptance. These attributes were shown to have interactive semantic relationships with one another. Practical implications A continuum approach to understanding fire use is a novel conceptualisation. Exposing the nuances that exist along the continuum could inform early intervention strategies aimed at fostering healthy relationships between young people and fire. Furthermore, practitioners working with arsonists would benefit from adopting a continuum perspective that allows for consideration of offenders’ individualised trajectory “up and down” the continuum of fire use. Originality/value Findings offer support for the CoFUT (2020; 2021; in press) and provide insight into how the legitimacy of fire use is conceptualised in legitimate fire users.
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Shugurov, M. V. « The phenomenon of the legitimacy of rights : philosophical and legal interpretation ». Russian Journal of Legal Studies 2, no 1 (15 mars 2015) : 86–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls17997.
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Article seeks to substantiate the philosophical and legal approach to the analysis of the phenomenon of the legitimacy of law. It proved heuristic meaning of this concept, a distinction is made between the approaches of political philosophy, philosophy of law and legal theory in the definition of the concept of «legitimacy». The author focuses on the concept of «legitimate right» assumptions crisis of legitimacy of law, as well as possible ways to overcome it.
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Cheng, Kevin Kwok-Yin, Natasha Pushkarna et Sayaka Ri. « Enhancing the legitimacy of sentences in the minds of the public : Evidence from a public opinion survey in Hong Kong ». Punishment & ; Society 22, no 5 (1 mai 2020) : 617–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474520915595.
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Legal and criminology scholars have devoted a great deal of attention towards measuring public confidence in the courts and sentencing. However, little is known about how attitudes toward sentencing relate to the more complex concept of legitimacy. Departing from conventional measurements of the public’s confidence in the courts and their support for various sentence outcomes, this study centres on the process of sentencing and its relation to ‘sentence legitimacy’. The central question posed in this article is what makes sentence outcomes legitimate? Survey responses from the Hong Kong public revealed that the public viewed court sentences as legitimate through the courts’ overall adherence to procedural justice when making sentencing decisions and the perceived effectiveness of those sentences. Distributive justice of sentencing decisions was not found to influence sentence legitimacy. This article concludes with implications for the courts when delivering sentences.
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Pureklolon, Thomas Tokan. « PANCASILA SEBAGAI ETIKA POLITIK DAN HUKUM NEGARA INDONESIA [Pancasila as Political Ethics and Indonesian State Law] ». Law Review 20, no 1 (14 septembre 2020) : 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/lr.v20i1.2549.
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<p><em><strong>Abstract</strong></em></p><p><em>Pancasila is not only a source of derivation of legislation, but also a source of morality, especially in relation to the legitimacy of power, law and various policies in the implementation and administration of the state. The existence of the first precept of "The Almighty Godhead", and the second precept of "Fair and Civilized Humanity" is the source of moral values </em><em></em><em>for national and state life. The state of Indonesia which is based on the first precept of "The Almighty God" is not a "theocracy" state which bases state power and state administration on religious legitimacy. The power of the head of state is not absolute based on religious legitimacy but based on legal legitimacy and democratic legitimacy. Therefore, the principle of the principle of "Godhead of the Almighty" has more to do with moral legitimacy. This is what distinguishes the Almighty God from theocracy. The writing method in this journal is a qualitative method, with an interdisciplinary approach. Although in the Indonesian state it is not based on religious legitimacy, morally the life of the state must be in accordance with the values </em><em></em><em>derived from God, especially the law and morals in the life of the state.</em><strong><em></em></strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords: Political Ethics, Law, Pancasila</em></strong></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Pancasila tidak hanya merupakan sumber derivasi peraturan perundang-undangan, melainkan juga merupakan sumber moralitas, terutama dalam hubungannya dengan legitimasi kekuasaan, hukum serta berbagai kebijakan dalam pelaksanaan dan penyelenggaraan negara. Eksistensi sila pertama “Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa”, serta sila kedua “Kemanusiaan yang Adil dan Beradab” merupakan sumber atas nilai-nilai moral bagi kehidupan kebangsaan dan kenegaraan. Negara Indonesia yang berdasarkan sila pertama “Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa” bukanlah negara “teokrasi” yang mendasarkan kekuasaan negara dan penyelenggaraan negara pada legitimasi religius. Kekuasaan kepala negara tidak bersifat mutlak berdasarkan legitimasi religius, melainkan berdasarkan legitimasi hukum serta legitimasi demokrasi. Oleh karena itu asas sila “Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa” lebih berkaitan dengan legitimasi moral. Hal inilah yang membedakan negara yang Berketuhanan Yang Maha Esa dengan negara teokrasi. Metode penulisan dalam jurnal ini adalah metode kualitatif, dengan pendekatan interdisipliner. Walaupun dalam negara Indonesia tidak mendasarkan pada legitimasi religius, secara moralitas kehidupan negara harus sesuai dengan nilai-nilai yang berasal dari Tuhan, terutama hukum serta moral dalam kehidupan negara.</p><p><strong>Kata kunci: Etika Politik, Hukum, Pancasila</strong></p>
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Durning, Patrick. « Political Legitimacy and the Duty to Obey the Law ». Canadian Journal of Philosophy 33, no 3 (septembre 2003) : 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.2003.10716548.
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A growing number of political and legal theorists deny that there is a widespread duty to obey the law. This has lent a sense of urgency to recent disagreements about whether a state's legitimacy depends upon its ‘subjects’’ having a duty to obey the law. On one side of the disagreement, John Simmons, Robert Paul Wolff, David Copp, Hannah Pitkin, Leslie Green, George Klosko, and Joseph Raz hold that a state could only be legitimate if the vast majority of its subjects have a duty to obey the law. On the other side, M.B.E. Smith, Jeffrey Reiman, Kent Greenawalt, Christopher Morris, Rolf Sartorius, Jeremy Waldron, Christopher Wellman, William Edmundson and Allen Buchanan claim that a state could be legitimate even if its subjects lacked a duty to obey the law.This disagreement contains two separate disputes. One is a linguistic dispute about the meaning of ‘legitimacy,’ or about what it means to call something a ‘legitimate state.’ The other is a Substantive dispute about whether the various aspects of legitimacy are linked together. Since discussing the linguistic dispute will help us examine the Substantive dispute, let us consider it first.
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VIOTTO, MARINA HENRIQUES, BRUNO SUTIL et MARIA CAROLINA ZANETTE. « LEGITIMACY AS A BARRIER : AN ANALYSIS OF BRAZILIAN PREMIUM COCOA AND CHOCOLATE LEGITIMATION PROCESS ». Revista de Administração de Empresas 58, no 3 (juin 2018) : 267–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-759020180307.
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ABSTRACT How can a product be legitimated when the legitimation process includes another legitimate product as a barrier? To address this question, we conducted a process theorization through in-depth analysis of interviews and newspaper articles in the context of Brazilian premium cocoa and chocolate markets. We found that the legitimation process involving the interaction of different actors focused on building cultural-cognitive legitimacy was supported, in particular, by normative legitimacy. In this process, media appears as an important market ally in educating consumers. We used institutional theory to show that it is essential to address other legitimate products and the interaction of actors to understand the legitimation process.
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Fitzgibbon, Wendy, et John Lea. « Privatization and coercion : The question of legitimacy ». Theoretical Criminology 22, no 4 (11 mai 2017) : 545–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480617707952.
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This article explores issues surrounding the legitimacy of private sector provision in criminal justice. It examines changes in ideas about legitimate coercion which have made private sector involvement possible. It then elaborates two models of the processes whereby private sector entities attempt to obtain and maintain the legitimacy of their activities in the eyes of the public.
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Xu, Ting, et Wei Gong. « The legitimacy of extralegal property : global perspectives and China’s experience ». Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 67, no 2 (1 juin 2016) : 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v67i2.108.
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Binary thinking has been entrenched in property law, posing challenges to the protection of land tenure and land users who have no title to the land they cultivate. This paper critiques the state-law-centred approach to evaluating the legitimacy of property and defends extralegal property as legitimate claims to land and related natural resources that are not against the law, but that are not recognised by the law as formal property rights. It begins with an overview of how the legitimacy of property is conceived of at the global level, drawing upon several conceptual frameworks of property developed via global initiatives and soft law instruments. That being done, it moves to examine the legitimacy of extralegal property from the local perspective, looking at a case study of ‘minor rights property’ in China. It is argued that long-term usage of land supported by the prevalence of this practice and social consensus should be regarded as one of the major sources of the legitimacy of property. The paper concludes that the state-law-centred approach to evaluating the legitimacy of property overlooks a range of legitimate property claims and the plurality of norms governing property relations. In order to recognise the full spectrum of property, we should link global perspectives with local experiences.
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Muhammad Taufan Ashshiddiqi, Ani Oktaviani, Asep Gunawan et Ayu Fauzi Lestari. « PERSPEKTIF LEGITIMASI DALAM MANAJEMEN PEMERINTAHAN ». Jurnal Dialektika : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial 19, no 1 (9 avril 2022) : 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/dialektika.v19i1.66.
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Abstrak
Penelitian artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui seperti apa konsep dari legitimasi dalam manajemen pemerintahan. Legitimasi atau kewenangan yang merupakan salah satu hak dari seorang pemimpin, masyarakat seringkali menuntut agar para pemimpin tidak menggunakan kewenangan tersebut untuk digunakan sewenang-wenang, namun digunakan untuk kepentingan seluruh rakyat. Begitu Pula dengan birokrasi di mata masyarakat awam birokrasi seringkali dipandang sebagai penyakit dalam sebuah organisasi. Lalu bagaimana sebenarnya konsep dari legitimasi birokrasi itu sendiri. Birokrasi adalah tipe dari suatu organisasi yang dimaksudkan untuk mencapai tugas-tugas administratif yang besar dengan cara mengkoordinasi secara sistematis (Teratur) pekerjaan dari banyak orang. Sebagai seorang administrator yang harus dilakukan bukan sekadar bagaimana supaya organisasi-organisasi publik dapat berjalan secara efisien, tetapi juga bagaimana supaya organisasi organisasi itu dapat memberikan pelayanan yang memuaskan publik
Kata Kunci: Legitimasi, Birokrasi, & Administrasi Negara.
Abstract
This article's research aims to find out what the concept of legitimacy in the bureaucracy and state administration looks like. Legitimacy or authority which is one of the rights of a leader, people often demand that leaders do not use that authority to be used arbitrarily, but to be used for the benefit of the whole people. Likewise, bureaucracy in the eyes of ordinary people, bureaucracy is often seen as a disease in an organization. Then what exactly is the concept of bureaucratic legitimacy itself? Bureaucracy is a type of organization that is intended to accomplish large administrative tasks by systematically coordinating (orderly) the work of many people. As an administrator, what must be done is not only how to make public organizations run efficiently, but also how to make these organizations able to provide services that satisfy the public.
Keywords : Legitimacy, Bureaucracy & Administration
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Morris, Christopher W. « NATURAL RIGHTS AND POLITICAL LEGITIMACY ». Social Philosophy and Policy 22, no 1 (janvier 2005) : 314–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052505041129.
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If we have a natural right to liberty, it is hard to see how a state could be legitimate without first obtaining the (genuine) consent of the governed. I consider the threat natural rights pose to state legitimacy. I distinguish minimal from full legitimacy and explore different understandings of the nature of our natural rights. Even though I conclude that natural rights do threaten the full legitimacy of states, I suggest that understanding our natural right to liberty to be grounded in our interests in a certain way might not commit us to requiring consent for minimal legitimacy. Thus, even if natural rights effectively block the full legitimacy of states - on the assumption that rarely, if ever, the requisite consent will be forthcoming - they may allow minimal state legitimacy.
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Nix, Justin. « Do the Police Believe That Legitimacy Promotes Cooperation From the Public ? » Crime & ; Delinquency 63, no 8 (30 juillet 2015) : 951–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128715597696.
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Tyler’s process-based model of regulation suggests that when citizens perceive the police as a legitimate authority, they are more likely to cooperate in the form of reporting crimes and providing information to the police. Yet most studies have considered citizens’ perceptions of police legitimacy—few studies have asked the police what they feel makes them legitimate in the eyes of the public. Likewise, no studies have considered whether the police believe legitimacy is associated with cooperation from the public. The present study addresses this gap using data from a stratified sample of U.S. police executives. Findings suggest police believe performance, rather than procedural justice, is the key to generating cooperation from the public.
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Hansen, Nina, et Kai Sassenberg. « Exploring the self-directed anger of the stigmatized ». Group Processes & ; Intergroup Relations 14, no 6 (12 avril 2011) : 807–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430210392933.
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Does social identification protect or harm targets of discrimination? Two studies ( N = 52, N = 94) tested the prediction that perceived legitimacy moderates the impact of social identification on negative responses to discrimination. Results confirm that when discrimination is perceived as illegitimate, identification is negatively related to self-directed anger ( buffering effect) because identification provides a feeling of in-group support. However, when discrimination is perceived as legitimate, identification is positively related to self-directed anger ( exacerbating effect) because the internalized social identity is perceived as legitimate target for the negative treatment. Legitimacy is measured and manipulated among different low-status groups. The legitimization and internalization of discrimination driven by self-directed anger are discussed.
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Zurn, Christopher F. « THE LOGIC OF LEGITIMACY : Bootstrapping Paradoxes of Constitutional Democracy ». Legal Theory 16, no 3 (septembre 2010) : 191–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1352325210000169.
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Many have claimed that legitimate constitutional democracy is either conceptually or practically impossible, given infinite regress paradoxes deriving from the requirement of simultaneously democratic and constitutional origins for legitimate government. This paper first critically investigates prominent conceptual and practical bootstrapping objections advanced by Barnett and Michelman. It then argues that the real conceptual root of such bootstrapping objections is not any specific substantive account of legitimacy makers, such as consent or democratic endorsement, but a particular conception of the logic of normative standards—the determinate threshold conception—that the critic attributes to the putatively undermined account of legitimacy. The paper further claims that when we abandon threshold conceptions of the logic of legitimacy in favor of regulative-ideal conceptions, then the objections, from bootstrapping paradoxes to the very idea of constitutional democracy, disappear. It concludes with considerations in favor of adopting a more demanding conception of the regulative ideal of constitutional democracy, advanced by Habermas, focusing on potentials for developmental learning.
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Thompson, Winston C., Abigail J. Beneke et Garry S. Mitchell. « Legitimate concerns : On complications of identity in school punishment ». Theory and Research in Education 18, no 1 (28 janvier 2020) : 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477878520903400.
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In the present unjust context of US schools, many educators face uncertainty about the legitimacy of their issuing punishments, especially when their identity meaningfully differs from that of their students. In this article, we address these doubts by acknowledging distinctive elements of schools to provide helpful distinctions and analyses of the legitimacy of punishments within them. Specifically, we interrogate the role that identity categories such as race and gender play in establishing legitimate punishment within schools, with a particular focus on the case of Black girls attending US schools. We offer a taxonomy of legitimate responses to undesired student behavior, arguing that a particular person in their role within a school might lack legitimacy to punish based upon their identity even while other, related yet more nuanced, behavioral responses remain. In this work, we aim to equip educators with tools to better navigate the options available to them and better understand the significance of their actions in response to student behavior.
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Redyanto Noor, Anindita Fikri Amalia,. « STRATEGI SASTRA CYBER PADA ARENA KESUSASTRAAN INDONESIA : PERSPEKTIF PIERRE BOURDIEU (CYBER LITERARY STRATEGY IN THE INDONESIAN LITERARY ARENA : PIERRE BOURDIEU’S PERSPECTIVE) ». JURNAL BAHASA, SASTRA DAN PEMBELAJARANNYA 12, no 1 (30 mars 2022) : 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.20527/jbsp.v12i1.13043.
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AbstractCyber Literary Strategy In The Indonesian Literary Arena: Pierre Bourdieu’s Perspective.Digital technology makes cyber literature also has a role in the development of Indonesianliterary repertoire. This study uses qualitative research methods to find (1) cyber literaturestrategies in the Indonesian literary arena and (2) the legitimacy of the cyber literary arenain the Indonesian literary by using arena theory in Bourdieu's perspective and libraryresearch methods. The results of this study is (1) capital reconvention strategies andreproduction strategies are used to spread cyber literature and win the battle in theIndonesian literary arena; (2) cyber literature gets legitimacy it can develop and compete inthe Indonesian literary arena.Key words: cyber literature, strategy, legitimacy, arena, bourdieuAbstrakStrategi Sastra Cyber Pada Arena Kesusastraan Indonesia: Perspektif Pierre Bourdieu.Perkembangan teknologi digital menjadikan sastra cyber pun memiliki peran dalamperkembangan khasanah kesusastraan Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metodepenelitian kualitatif dengan tujuan untuk menemukan (1) strategi sastra cyber dalam arenakesusastraan Indonesia dan (2) legitimasi arena sastra cyber dalam arena kesusastraanIndonesia dengan menggunakan teori arena dalam perspektif Bourdieu dan metode penelitiankepustakaan. Adapun hasil dari penelitian ini diketahui bahwa (1) strategi rekonvensi modaldan strategi reproduksi digunakan untuk menyebarkan sastra cyber dan memenangkanpertarungan dalam arena kesusastraan Indonesia; (2) sastra cyber mendapat legitimasi dariberbagai pihak sehingga dapat berkembang dan bersaing dalam arena kesusastraan Indonesia.Kata-kata kunci: sastra cyber, stategi, legitimasi, arena, bourdieu
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Münnich, Sascha. « Thieves, Fools, Fraudsters, and Gamblers ? The Ambivalence of Moral Criticism in the Credit Crunch of 2008 ». European Journal of Sociology 56, no 1 (avril 2015) : 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975615000053.
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AbstractThis article examines public debates on the legitimacy of banking profits in the 2008 credit crunch. A content analysis of 957 newspaper articles published in Germany and the UK in the early weeks after the Lehman Brothers collapse examines critical statements directed at illegitimate forms of financial profit in order to identify the cultural legitimacy of financial capitalism. The conceptual framework provided by the French sociology of justification points to the role of shared orders of value as a normative reference for public discourses. In both national debates, four important boundaries for legitimate profits were drawn that concerned the problems of ownership, risk-management capacities of traders, fraudulent client relations, and speculative gambling. The meaning of this classical moral criticism of banks was transformed in the context of the 2008 crisis: a line between “normal” and “excessive” financial profits was drawn, defining an area of legitimate profit-seeking that hewed to the basic assumptions of the market model. Economic theory was used as a scheme of public economic morality. The seemingly harsh critical debate effectively reproduced a legitimate image of a functioning financial market, deflecting public attention away from the structural ambivalences of financial profit-seeking and granting legitimacy to the institutional status quo of financial capitalism.
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Goluža, Maruša, Maruška Šubic-Kovač, Drago Kos et David Bole. « How the state legitimizes national development projects : The Third Development Axis case study, Slovenia ». Acta geographica Slovenica 61, no 2 (27 octobre 2021) : 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3986/ags.9572.
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We analyzed planning mechanisms and evaluated their performance in achieving legitimacy in infrastructure planning in Slovenia. Planning mechanisms were divided according to the concept of input, throughput and output legitimacy. We conducted a document analysis and interviews to assess their effectiveness in achieving legitimate decisions. Although the analyzed decision-making process declaratively promoted democratic principles, the mechanisms failed to satisfactorily enhance the legitimacy of decisions. The study revealed inadequate communication approaches, both in the decision-makers' relationship with the public and within the expert discourse. Accordingly, the study argues for more genuine communication with the public and within academia to address legitimacy challenges in increasingly conflictual decision-making processes.
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Schatzberg, Michael G. « Power, legitimacy and ‘democratisation’ in Africa ». Africa 63, no 4 (octobre 1993) : 445–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161001.
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AbstractThis article explores the cultural bases of political legitimacy in sub-Saharan Africa. It proceeds by concentrating on the language, imagery, and metaphors that Africans use to convey perceptions about politics and political life. After examining the nature of power and reflecting on the importance of political language, it presents four premises of a model called the moral matrix of legitimate governance, noting their relation to political legitimacy. In conclusion it relates the analysis of power and legitimacy to the political turmoil current throughout much of Africa, focusing specifically on the question of ‘democratisation’.
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Klenk, Michael. « Charting Moral Psychology’s Significance for Bioethics : Routes to Bioethical Progress, its Limits, and Lessons from Moral Philosophy ». Diametros 17, no 64 (30 juin 2020) : 36–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33392/diam.1520.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Empirical moral psychology is sometimes dismissed as normatively insignificant because it plays no decisive role in settling ethical disputes. But that conclusion, even if it is valid for normative ethics, does not extend to bioethics. First, in contrast to normative ethics, bioethics can legitimately proceed from a presupposed moral framework. Within that framework, moral psychology can be shown to play four significant roles: it can improve bioethicists’ understanding of (1) the decision situation, (2) the origin and legitimacy of their moral concepts, (3) efficient options for implementing (legitimate) decisions, and (4) how to change and improve some parts of their moral framework. Second, metaethical considerations suggest that moral psychology may lead to the radical revision of entire moral frameworks and thus prompt the radical revision of entire moral frameworks in bioethics. However, I show that bioethics must either relinquish these radical implications of moral psychology and accept that there are limits to progress in bioethics based on moral psychology or establish an epistemic framework that guides radical revision.
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Sládecek, Michal. « Perfectionism and endorsement constraint ». Filozofija i drustvo 32, no 1 (2021) : 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2101089s.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with Hurka?s critique of Kymlicka and Arneson?s critique of Dworkin on endorsement constraint thesis, according to which a person cannot have a valuable life if values are imposed on her - primarily by state action - overriding her preferences and convictions on the good life. This thesis has often been identified with neutral liberalism and counterposed to perfectionism. The text argues against Hurka?s and Arneson?s argument that mild coercion and paternalistic reduction of trivial, bad or worthless options can indeed bring about a more valuable life. Their argument does not acknowledge adequately the difference between coercion from a person?s immediate social environment and state coercion, which are not equally legitimate. My critique, however, does not exclude the legitimacy of perfectionistic measures, as a person could accept as justified state intervention concerning the support of particular values or goods, while at the same time not endorsing those values and goods. Not all endorsed goods or activities should be treated equally, as more relevant and valuable ones can be legitimately supported by particular policy.
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Glaser, Daryl J. « The Right to Secession : An Antisecessionist Defence ». Political Studies 51, no 2 (juin 2003) : 369–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00429.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Liberal egalitarians should support a right to secession while seeking to discourage secessions. The coherence of these apparently opposed stances depends upon three important distinctions that are under-explored in existing secession literature: between the right to secede and the choiceworthiness of secessions; between moral considerations relevant in advising would-be secessionists and those relevant in advising leaders of existing states; and between the legitimacy of a secession and the means that might be legitimately employed in advancing or resisting it. There is a strong but conditional right to secession rooted in the principle of associational freedom, but there are good reasons usually not to exercise it. Would-be secessionists should normally be advised against secession, but leaders of existing states should be advised to grant secessions that satisfy certain conditions. Only certain means are legitimate in resisting even secessions that fail to satisfy these conditions. If necessary the conditions that secessionists are expected to satisfy should be relaxed, provided relaxation takes place in a morally appropriate sequence.
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Parkinson, John. « Legitimacy Problems in Deliberative Democracy ». Political Studies 51, no 1 (mars 2003) : 180–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00419.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The classic accounts of deliberative democracy are also accounts of legitimacy: ‘that outcomes are legitimate to the extent they receive reflective assent through participation in authentic deliberation by all those subject to the decision in question’ ( Dryzek, 2001, p. 651 ). And yet, in complex societies deliberative participation by all those affected by collective decision-making is extremely implausible. There are also legitimacy problems with the demanding procedural requirements which deliberation imposes on participants. Given these problems, deliberative democracy seems unable to deliver legitimate outcomes as it defines them. Focusing on the problem of scale, this paper offers a tentative solution using representation, a concept which is itself problematic. Along the way, the paper highlights issues with the legitimate role of experts, the different legitimate uses of statistical and electoral representation, and differences between the research and democratic imperatives driving current attempts to put deliberative principles into practice, illustrated with a case from a Leicester health policy debate. While much work remains to be done on exactly how the principles arrived at might be transformed into working institutions, they do offer a means of criticising existing deliberative practice.
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Bredemeier, Brenda Jo, Maureen R. Weiss, David L. Shields et Bruce A. B. Cooper. « The Relationship between Children’s Legitimacy Judgments and Their Moral Reasoning, Aggression Tendencies, and Sport Involvement ». Sociology of Sport Journal 4, no 1 (mars 1987) : 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.4.1.48.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study was to investigate (a) the relationship between children’s judgments regarding the legitimacy of potentially injurious sport acts for adults and for children, (b) the relationships between children’s legitimacy judgments and their moral reasoning, aggression tendencies, and sport involvement, and (c) the relative ability of the latter three variables to predict legitimacy judgments. Analyses were based on 78 girls and boys in grades 4 through 7 who participated in a moral interview, completed aggression ten dency and sport involvement questionnaires, and evaluated the legitimacy of potentially injurious sport acts depicted in a series of slides. Analyses revealed that children accepted more acts as legitimate for adults than for children. Boys’ legitimacy judgments were significantly related to their moral reasoning, aggression tendencies, and involvement in high-contact sports, but girls’ legitimacy judgments were correlated only with their life aggression tendencies. Children’s aggression tendencies were found to be the best predictors of their legitimacy judgments.
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Goldmann, Matthias. « United in Diversity ? The Relationship between Monetary Policy and Prudential Supervision in the Banking Union ». European Constitutional Law Review 14, no 2 (21 mai 2018) : 283–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019618000184.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Banking Union – Single Supervisory Mechanism – Economic interplay between monetary policy and prudential supervision – Strict separation envisaged by the Single Supervisory Mechanism legal framework – Legal framework does not prevent a more holistic approach – Financial stability is a legitimate consideration for monetary policy-making – Price stability is a legitimate concern for prudential supervision – Challenge to European Central Bank legitimacy and independence – Democratising the European Central Bank
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Coni-Zimmer, Melanie, Klaus Dieter Wolf et Peter Collin. « Editorial to the Issue on Legitimization of Private and Public Regulation : Past and Present ». Politics and Governance 5, no 1 (15 mars 2017) : 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i1.915.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thematic issue brings together research from political science and legal history about legitimacy discourses covering different forms of public–private co-regulation and private self-regulation, domestic and transnational, past and present. These forms of governance highlight the important role of non-state actors in exercising public authority. There has been a growing debate about the legitimacy of non-state actors setting and enforcing norms and providing public goods and services. However, the focus of this thematic issue is not on developing abstract criteria of legitimacy. Rather, the authors analyze legitimacy discourses around different cases of privatized or partly privatized forms of governance from the early 20<sup>th</sup> century until today. Legitimacy is subject to empirical and not normative analysis. Legitimacy discourses are analyzed in order to shed light on the legitimacy conceptions that actors hold, what they consider as legitimate institutions, and based on what criteria. The particular focus of this thematic issue is to examine whether the significance of democratic legitimacy is decreasing as the importance of regulation exercised by private actors is increasing.
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MacKay, Joseph. « Legitimation Strategies in International Hierarchies ». International Studies Quarterly 63, no 3 (29 juin 2019) : 717–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz038.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractHow do hierarchical cores or metropoles legitimate their influence or rule? How do their approaches to legitimation inform resistance? This theory note rethinks how legitimation operates in hierarchies, with a focus on variation in cores’ legitimation strategies. I argue that varying claims to hierarchical legitimacy shape both action at the core and resistance at the periphery. I develop a four-part typology of legitimation strategies, differentiated along two axes. On the first, cores may be universalist, recognizing no legitimate equals, or competitive, recognizing other cores as peer rivals. On the second, they may chiefly innovate legitimacy claims internally, drawing them from their own political traditions, or externally, borrowing the claims of others. These strategies shape available options for revisionism by rivals and resistance by hierarchical subordinates. I illustrate with historical examples.
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Mendes Barbosa, Daniel, et Aline Lima Pessoa de Mendonça. « APONTAMENTOS SOBRE A ILEGITMIDADE DAS DECISÕES POR EQUIDADE NA ARBITRAGEM (ITEMS ON THE ILLEGITIMACY OF EQUITY DECISIONS IN ARBITRATION) ». Revista de Processo, Jurisdição e Efetividade da Justiça 3, no 1 (1 juin 2017) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/indexlawjournals/2017.v3i1.1948.
Texte intégralRésumé :
O presente trabalho busca analisar a legitimidade das decisões proferidas por equidade no procedimento arbitral. Isso porque, ao se permitir que a equidade seja utilizada para fundamentar uma decisão, os destinatários da mesma não se reconhecerão como autores e, por conseguinte, a decisão proferida nada mais será que a visão idiossincrática do julgador em relação ao óbice apesentado para resolução. Com isso, o devido processo legal restará violado e a decisão, de acordo com o paradigma democrático, não será legitima. Através do método dedutivo, demonstrar-se-á a ilegitimidade das decisões proferidas por equidade. This work aims to examine the legitimacy of the decisions of equity in the arbitral proceeding. This because, allowing equity is used to support a decision, the recipients will not recognize _ as authors and therefore the decision is nothing more than a idiosyncratic vision of the judge regarding the dispute submitted to resolution. Thus, due process remain infringed and the decision, according to the democratic paradigm will not be legitimate. Through deductive method, will be demonstrating the illegitimacy of decisions of equity.