Thèses sur le sujet « Legitimaly »
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Galassini, Margherita. « Religion and Liberal Legitimacy ». Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/204075.
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Mitchell, Sommer. « Becoming Legitimate : How PMSCs are Seeking Legitimacy in the International System ». Scholar Commons, 2018. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7197.
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The use of private military and security companies (PMSC) by state governments has raised many questions regarding the role of the private security industry (PSI) in conflict. This use of PMSCs by states has resulted in much debate in the public and academic spheres (Avant 2005, Dunigan 2011, Kinsey 2006, Leander 2005, Singer 2008). The PSI and PMSCs are altering the international system of norms and redefining what it means to be secure and make war. States are no longer the only entity in the international system with security needs. Intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and multinational corporations (MNCs) also purchase security services provided by PMSCs. With the ever-growing presence of PMSCs in conflicts, peacekeeping, and humanitarianism, the legitimization of PMSCs is vital for their missions to succeed. Furthermore, companies that operate at the international level as well as their clients have vested interests in changing their image from ‘mercenaries’ and ‘dogs of war’ to ‘private warriors’ and ‘legitimate soldiers’.
This dissertation addresses why and how PMSCs seek legitimacy in the international system. I argue that PMSCs desire and need legitimacy to justify their existence and support the claim that their actions are desirable, proper, lawful, and just because they follow a socially constructed system of norms. My dissertation builds on private security literature by drawing on constructivist approaches to norms and legitimacy and employing discourse analysis. Through my analysis, I identify rebranding and self-regulation as measures taken by PMSCs and the PSI to build and solidify the perception of legitimate security providers. PMSCs and the PSI developed their own discourse through the creation and implementation of the Montreux Document, International Code of Conduct for Private Security Service Providers (ICoC), and the ICoC Association to counter the negative perceptions created by media coverage and controversial incidents involving PMSC personnel. The rebranding and self-regulation efforts of PMSCs and the PSI supports the argument that they need and desire legitimacy. Without legitimacy and a shift in perception, the actions of PMSCs and their contractors will always be questioned and full integration into the state and international security apparatus will remain out of reach.
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Richter, Fabian Felix. « Legitimate to whom ? : comparing national perspectives on the legitimacy of the European Union ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1614/.
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The thesis compares national perspectives on the legitimacy of the European Union. It develops a definition of legitimacy as a dual concept. Formal legitimacy describes the constitutional nature of a political system, whereas felt legitimacy is defined as the aggregate citizen beliefs about the legitimacy of their political system. Legitimacy is important for the EU because it is a necessary condition for its efficacy and long-term stability. The EU's need for legitimacy also increases in proportion to the degree of integration. The legitimacy of the EU is unusual in that it varies among the member state from whose perspective it is evaluated. That is because the EU's legitimacy is contingent on the constitutional structure and national identity of its member states. An empirical analysis of the legitimacy of the EU from the perspective of Britain and Germany reveals that the EU suffers from a legitimacy deficit relative to the British and German political systems. The nature and severity of the deficit depend on country-specific factors, but the single most significant cause from both countries' perspective is the lack of a European identity. Europeans do not regard themselves as one political community, and they feel limited attachment or trust towards each other. This diagnosis implies that the legitimacy deficit can only be remedied either by creating a European identity or by reducing the need for its creation. The legitimising potential of these two strategies differs between Britain and Germany, reflecting country-specific variations in their perspective on the legitimacy deficit of the EU. While the legitimacy deficit can in principle be resolved, the varying effectiveness of these two strategies, and the reluctance of political decision-makers in the EU to pursue either strategy, make an effective resolution of the legitimacy deficit unlikely to occur in the forseable future.
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Flinkfeldt, Marie. « Legitimacy Work : Managing Sick Leave Legitimacy in Interaction ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-267405.
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This thesis studies how sick leave legitimacy is managed in interaction and develops an empirically driven conceptualization of ‘legitimacy work’. The thesis applies an ethnomethodological framework that draws on conversation analysis, discursive psychology, and membership categorization analysis. Naturally occurring interaction is examined in two settings: (1) multi-party meetings at the Swedish Social Insurance Agency, in which participants assess and discuss the ‘status’ of the sick leave and plan for work rehabilitation; (2) peer-based online text-in-interaction in a Swedish forum thread that gathers people on sick leave. The thesis shows how mental states, activities and alternative categories function as resources for legitimacy work. However, such invocations are no straight-forward matter, but impose additional contingencies. It is thus crucial how they are invoked. By detailed analyses of the interaction, with attention to aspects such as lexicality and delivery, the thesis identifies a range of discursive features that manage sick leave legitimacy. Deployed resources are also subtle enough to be deniable as legitimacy work, that is, they also manage the risk of an utterance being seen as invested or biased. While legitimate sick leave is a core concern for Swedish policy-making, administration, and public debate on sick leave, previous research has for the most part been explanatory in orientation, minding legitimacy rather than studying it in its own right. By providing detailed knowledge about the legitimacy work that people on long-term sick leave do as part of both institutional and mundane encounters, the thesis contributes not only new empirical knowledge, but a new kind of empirical knowledge, shedding light on how the complexities of sick leave play out in real-life situations. Traditional sociological approaches have to a significant extent treated legitimacy as an entity with beginnings and ends that in more or less direct ways relate to external norms and cognitive states, or that focus on institutions, authority or government. By contrast, the herein emerging concept ‘legitimacy work’ understands legitimacy as a locally contingent practicality – a collaborative categorially oriented accomplishment that is integral to the interactional situation.
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Musonda, Anthony M. « Political Legitimacy ». Diss., lmu, 2006. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:19-58134.
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Thrandardottir, Erla. « What makes NGOs legitimate ? : an analysis of Amnesty International UK's, Greenpeace UK's and Cafod's legitimacy claims in the UK national context ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/what-makes-ngos-legitimate-an-analysis-of-amnesty-international-uks-greenpeace-uks-and-cafods-legitimacy-claims-in-the-uk-national-context(2ee6e680-4a18-4bb0-b3dd-7923bed7bdf2).html.
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This thesis examines how non-governmental organisations (NGOs) claim legitimacy in the UK national context with the aim of increasing the understanding of how NGOs’ access to power is justified. The thesis argues that the limits of current theories on NGOs and legitimacy do not enable proper scrutiny of the organisational complexities involved and proposes that Beetham’s approach to legitimacy is more fruitful. A Beethamite analysis is based on scrutinising NGOs’ legitimacy-in-context. This involves examining NGOs’ normative structures and internal organisation of power in order to explain and assess their legitimacy claims. It explores the legitimacy claims of three UK NGOs by applying a Beethamite analysis to interrogate their legitimacy claims. The NGOs that are my unit of analysis are enmeshed in complex organisational hierarchies that extend beyond the UK territory. Understanding the internal organisation of power in these hierarchies is important for identifying legitimacy sources that underpin NGOs’ legitimacy claims. The three NGOs are Amnesty International UK, Greenpeace UK and Cafod. The case study of Amnesty International UK shows how the legitimation of power is justified internally where the members of the UK section legitimise the representational powers of the International Secretariat. This is contrasted with the normative sources of legitimacy that are more commonly used to justify Amnesty International UK's legitimacy claims and which ignore members as an important source of authority. The analysis in the case study of Greenpeace UK demonstrates how it is a representative unit of Greenpeace International. It also highlights how scientific knowledge has become a legitimacy source that justifies Greenpeace UK's legitimacy claims with implications for how to assess their legitimacy claims. The case study of Cafod analyses how Cafod claims legitimacy as a Catholic agency and how it is institutionally embedded in the Holy See. Cafod is primarily a social agency of the Catholic Church in England and Wales. The case study demonstrates how Cafod's sources of legitimacy are primarily Catholic and that this causes legitimacy problems when Cafod uses secular rather than theological sources of legitimacy to justify its policies. One of the main conclusions of the thesis is that a differentiated approach is needed for analysing NGOs’ legitimacy claims, one that takes into consideration the context of NGOs’ legitimacy claims, their internal process of legitimation and their sources of legitimacy, when assessing their access to power. The lack of an appropriate regulatory framework, and in particular the systematic exclusion of politically oriented NGOs by UK regulators, hinders the advancement of proper assessment and understanding of NGOs’ role in society.
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Carlson, Heidi M. « Perceptions of regime legitimacy in Mozambique Legitimacy in transition ? / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FCarlson.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Letitia Lawson, Jessica Piombo. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-64). Also available in print.
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Wolff, Immanuel. « Afghanistan and the Problem of Legitimacy in International Public Law Implications for the Legitimate Use of Force in Response to Terrorist Attacks / ». St. Gallen, 2008. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/05610720001/$FILE/05610720001.pdf.
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Walshe, Garvan David. « Libertarianism after legitimacy ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/libertarianism-after-legitimacy(8c587d90-db47-4ceb-8b1c-674340049f2d).html.
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This thesis rejects the position, dominant in political philosophy since Plato that the authority of states may be explained by means of a moral theory of legitimacy. It denies that it is possible even in principle to determine a principle that can endow a state with the moral entitlement to rule and create for its citizens a moral obligation of obedience which thereby authorises it to coerce them. The thesis argues that a Lockean understanding of the state leads more naturally to the position that the state is properly understood as a necessary evil granted qualified justification to coerce in order to protect people from each other. It locates this ambiguity in the moral psychology of the individuals from which a Lockean state must derive its powers and through whom it acts. It further claims that, Government officials being no different in character than the individuals over whom they rule, further coercion may be justified to raise funds by taxation to set up political institutions such as a separation of powers, and to ensure that citizens may equip themselves with the skills needed to avoid being financially dependent on the state. This justification is nonetheless provisional, and the responsibility to weigh the necessity of public coercion against the evil that it involves falls upon individual voters as much as parliamentarians and prime ministers.
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Tosi, Justin R. « Legitimacy and Fairness ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/579109.
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The essays included in this dissertation develop a fair play account of state legitimacy. I argue for a modest revision to the traditional analysis of legitimacy. I then defend the principle of fair play against common objections. Next, I argue that the principle of fair play is capable of generating all the rights included in the new analysis of legitimacy defended earlier. Finally, I argue that the principle of fair play grounds the legitimacy of existing reasonably just states.
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Toon, Richard John. « Science centres and legitimacy ». Thesis, University of Leicester, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/31146.
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This thesis is a theoretically informed critical examination of the dual-legitimating role of science centres in contemporary North America through a case study of the Arizona Science Center (ASC), Phoenix, Arizona. By dual-legitimacy is meant the process by which an institution legitimates both the messages it delivers and its own authority to do so. The science centre is first distinguished from laboratory science practice, its non- science educational role emphasised, and its social role contrasted with that of the public understanding of science movement. The basic concept of legitimacy as an organising principle is argued for based on the thought of Ernest Gellner. The methodological issues of a single case study are considered in terms of generalisation and objectivity. An approach is advocated that is both multi-methodic and reflexive. A history of the science centre movement is provided that sees the science centre as a distinctive museum type, developing from a broad range of influences over the last three hundred years. The emergence of science centres in the late 1960s is related to social and political issues of the Cold War and an examination is given of the social significance of interactivity. This story provides the context for the development of ASC in the 1980s. This leads to the opening of a new science centre in Phoenix in 1997 and the meaning of its new building and the destination experience it offers are considered in terms of local legitimation among a variety of other institutions. An overview of the national science centre movement is provided and ASC is taken as a typical centre. The way ASC legitimates itself to potential visitors is examined in terms of the characteristics of its visitors and the messages it places in the media to attract them. A detailed examination is provided of the nature and meaning of ASC's offerings in art, exhibits, planetarium shows, giant-screen films, and demonstrations. It is argued that ASC offers different models of science and that much of its message is carried through being embodied by its visitors rather than cognitively understood by them. The result is that the science centre experience is a mixture of many elements with many aims, even though it carries what appears to be an ahistorical, asocial, apolitical message about science. An examination of some of the resulting tensions is given together with consideration of whether the embodied science of science centres ultimately achieves its goals.
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Groarke, Paul. « Legitimacy, legality and secession ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ53494.pdf.
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Vossen, Bas van der. « The shapes of legitimacy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527347.
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Chowcat, Ian. « Democracy, legitimacy and reconciliation ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1997. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10201/.
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This thesis aims to recover the central importance of the deliberative aspect of democracy which recent liberal theorising has neglected, and to capture common intuitions about the foundational nature of democratic institutions. The fundamental problem of political philosophy is that of justifying principles or institutions which can reconcile individuals and the political community on a moral basis. The use of political authority is morally legitimate when it is grounded upon such a reconciliation. Attempts to justify as legitimate a liberal constitutional framework are shown to fail, whether carried out on the basis of membership of a community, or as given by principles of justice, or on the grounds of utilitarianism or a perfectionist ideal. All these approaches must rely ultimately on a claim that there is or can be a consensus around some conception of morality or the good. However, none of them is entitled to claim that such a consensus can be reached without there already being in place a political process through which we can discover or construct a consensus, or find a way to go on when disagreement persists. The question then arises of how such a ground-level political framework can be justified and precisely what form it takes. The starting point is a notion of agents each with their own views about social and political issues. An argument is constructed from the logic of having such views to the conclusion that each agent has obligations to be prepared to participate in public discussion, and to accept democratic political decisions which are based upon such discussions. Failure to do so is self-undermining. Political legitimacy resides in the achievement of reconciling individuals to collective decisions. The practical implications of this notion of deliberative democracy for institutions and for individuals are drawn out.
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Weski, Emelie. « Law+Impunity=Legitimacy ? Rethinking liberal legitimacy of international law with a feminist critical approach ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23954.
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In here, the criminalization of sexual violence is a manifestation of increased recognition of feminism, and proof of international law reaching at liberal criteria for legitimization. Though, in making conclusions other necessary criteria for fully recognized legitimacy are acknowledged (such as other types of rights, types of security and other levels for analysis). Though, from a strict feminist critical approach the criminalization of sexual violence, and the extent of such criminalization can by itself prove legitimacy or illegitimacy.The criminalizing of sexual violence took place over 100 years ago, yet the systematic use of it in warfare was not publicly condemned until the ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal of Rwanda) and the ICTY (International Criminal Tribunal of former Yugoslavia) (Buss, 2009, p. 356) took on the duty to prosecute and convict. Still today women’s security and sexual violence are research fields that awake a lot of hostile emotions.Findings show that there is few, if any, affects for those tribunals that fail to bring justice to rape victims; calling for an analysis of Walzer’s political fit. The international praxis of impunity supports feminism in an existing ‘male truth’ risking the security of women. The legitimacy of the institution of international law is, however, not dependent on one legal procedure.Liberalist and feminist different interpretations of adequate necessity to create peace frame after 15 224 words a utilitarian illusion which slows down the pace of the implementation of a feminist security agenda. However, the progress is still evidence of strife towards the Kantian society of states. An inconsistent moral consensus finally results in the conclusion that this thesis cannot confirm the institution of international law illegitimate, arguably validating legitimacy.
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Huber, Mark M. « Legitimacy and Hafez al-Asad ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/23943.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.It has, been taken for granted that Hafez al-Asad relies exclusively upon an iron fist to perpetuate the survival of his regime. Close scrutiny of Asad's presidency, however, betrays the inadequacy of this explanation. In fact, Syria's conflict with Israel is the primary legitimizing agent for Asad's minority-Alawi regime, and it is because of this conflict that Asad's regime has endured. Consequently, the absence of a militant confrontation with Israel poses risks which the present Syrian leadership has been unwilling to assume. Furthermore, this condition acts as a restraint upon certain types of foreign policy activities and initiatives which Asad might otherwise elect to pursue. The reality of Israel's legitimizing function has specific relevance to U.S. foreign policy vis-a-vis both Syria and Israel, particularly regarding the peace process. Hafez al-Asad, Syria, Israel, Baath party, Pan-Arabism, Palestinians, 1973 War, Golan Heights, Muslim Brethren, Lebanon, Gulf crisis
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TAQUEMORI, DENNIS SEIJI. « ISO 9001 : EFFICIENCY OR LEGITIMACY ? » PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2009. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=14195@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROUm volume cada vez maior de práticas institucionais tem surgido com vistas a regular ou melhorar a atuação das organizações ou reduzir os custos de transação. Contudo, se observa que essas práticas, não necessariamente resultam maior eficiência. Com o intuito de evitar uma análise reducionista e mecanicista, optou-se por utilizar como base do estudo a teoria neo-institucional, por levar em consideração os seguintes aspectos: legitimidade; eficiência; isomorfismo; desinstitucionalização. Nesse contexto, a organização ISO representa um interessante objeto de estudo por ser internacionalmente legitimada e transformar diversas crenças e valores em regras e normas que se tornam mitos e cerimônias. Além disso, a pesquisa procurou, principalmente, analisar dois elementos aparentemente contrários na teoria institucional: eficiência e legitimidade. Para tal, utilizou-se como referência a percepção de especialistas quanto à eficiência da implementação da norma internacional para sistemas de gestão da qualidade, ISO 9001. Essa ISO, ao mesmo tempo em que parece legitimar as organizações que se certificam, é tida como um modelo de gestão que se propõe a gerar maior eficiência. Como conclusão, o dilema eficiência versus legitimidade na prática da ISO 9001 é analisado e são apresentados possíveis indícios de um processo de desinstitucionalização: práticas inovadoras; normas mais abrangentes; e, alteração de valores institucionais. Dessa forma, esse estudo representa uma contribuição tanto à academia por aplicar a teoria institucional à prática da ISO 9001 quanto para as organizações, por apresentar possíveis melhorias na implementação dessa norma e a tendência de sua provável substituição.
An increasing number of institutional practices has emerged to rule or improve organizational performances and reduce transaction-costs. However, these practices don´t necessarily enhance efficiency. The neo-institutional theory is chosen as the groundwork for this study in order to avoid a reductionist, mechanical analysis, and also for taking into account the following aspects: legitimacy; efficiency; isomorphism; and deinstitutionalization. The ISO organization represents an interesting subject to study since it is legitimated worldwide, and transforms several values and beliefs into organizational rules and norms that become myths and ceremony. Moreover, this research aimed at analyzing two seemingly opposite elements in the institutional theory: efficiency and legitimacy. In order to accomplish its objectives, the study applied as reference the perception of specialists in relation to the efficiency of implementation of the international standards for quality management systems known as ISO 9001. This ISO seems to legitimate organizations that become certified and, at the same time, it´s believed to be a management model intended to produce more efficiency. As an outcome of the study, the dilemma efficiency versus legitimacy in the practice of ISO 9001 is analyzed, and then possible evidences of a process of deinstitutionalization are presented: innovative practices; more extensive standards; and modification of institutional values. Therefore this study represents a contribution to academic matters through applying the institutional theory to the practice of ISO 9001, in as much as to organizations, since it presents possible improvements in the implementation of this standard, and the tendency of its possible substitution.
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Schrag, Claudia. « Imagined community : constructing EU legitimacy ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.611464.
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Farris, Jeremy Daniel. « Authority, philosophical anarchism, and legitimacy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:75985fea-1102-4cf1-a05a-a13e3a14f9b1.
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One way to prompt people to act is to claim that one’s commands impose duties upon some persons to act and subsequently to command those persons. This is the approach of practical authority. The claim of practical authority is ingredient to a predominant conception of the state. This thesis argues that the state’s claim to practical authority is both unjustified and morally wrong; it defends philosophical anarchism. The philosophical anarchist argument advanced here begins with a defence of a presumption against practical authority. It then argues that no argument for the practical authority of the state overcomes that presumption. Thus the state’s claim to practical authority is unjustified. The philosophical anarchist’s position suggests that we rethink both the normative claim ingredient to the concept of the state and the relationship between states and persons. This thesis suggests that states claim legitimacy – that is, states claim that the potentially coercive legal directives that they enact are all-things-considered morally permissible. The thesis outlines the ideal of legitimacy in political philosophy, an ideal distinct from authority. An analysis of legitimacy requires an analysis of coercion. The thesis develops a specific account of the pro tanto wrongfulness of coercion that locates the wrongfulness of coercion not with the badness of the outcomes that the coercee faces but rather with the beliefs and intentions of the coercer. Two upshots emerge from that account. The first is that legal directives are not necessarily coercive. The second is that the conditions which render coercion pro tanto wrongful also render the state’s claim to practical authority wrongful. However, whereas coercion is justifiable by an appeal to reasons that defeat its pro tanto wrongfulness, the philosophical anarchist shows that the state’s claim to practical authority is not so justifiable. Therefore, the state’s claim to practical authority is decisively wrongful.
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Zhang, Sheng. « Epistemic democracy and political legitimacy ». Thesis, University of Missouri - Columbia, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10180781.
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My dissertation aims to answer two questions: (1) Is democracy epistemically valuable? (2) Is the epistemic value of democracy, if it has any, necessary for justifying its legitimacy? I argue that democracy in certain form can be epistemically valuable. However, I also argue that the epistemic value of democracy is not necessary for justifying its legitimacy. To defend the epistemic value of democracy, I propose a post-deliberation version of Condorcet’s jury theorem. I argue that this version of the jury theorem can avoid the common challenges against the classic version. To reject the necessity of epistemic value for democratic legitimacy, I argue that, given that the epistemic value of democracy is subject to disagreement, it cannot be used to justify legitimacy. In addition, I provide a purely proceduralist argument for democratic legitimacy, which appeals to the egalitarian principle that every citizens ought to be equally respected by the state. This argument, if succeeds, shows that the epistemic value of democracy is not necessary for justifying democratic legitimacy.
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Brinkmann, Matthias. « A rationalist theory of legitimacy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6efb1b18-d901-40d3-9131-b83a4a10a642.
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In this thesis, I argue for rationalism, the claim that political legitimacy should be distributed such that justice is promoted best. In chapter 1, I define legitimacy as the permission to rule. I deny that political institutions generally enjoy authority, which is the moral power to directly impose duties on others. I then describe how legitimate political institutions without authority are possible in principle. In the second chapter, I outline a major problem for rationalism. If individuals have strong, moral rights, then it seems that political institutions cannot legitimately operate without their subjects' consent. I describe the key assumptions in this argument, and discuss a series of unconvincing proposals in the literature to escape it. In chapter 3, I argue that we can solve the problem if we look at theories of the moral justification of rights. There are two major such theories, the interest theory and the status theory. I outline the interest theory, and argue that it allows for non-consensual but legitimate political institutions. In chapter 4, I describe a Kantian claim about the nature of rights, according to which our rights are fully realised only if there are political institutions. If we accept this thought, then non-consensual political institutions can be legitimate on the status theory as well. In chapter 5, I outline what it means to promote-rather than respect-justice, and argue that the promotion of justice enjoys primacy over other values. At first sight, rationalism appears to have very radical implications, given that it asks us to base legitimacy on justice. In chapter 6, I argue that this impression is mistaken. We should often pursue justice indirectly, for example, through methods which focus on legal validity or democratic procedure rather than justice.
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Maloberti, Nicolas. « Individual Sovereignty and Political Legitimacy ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1181593400.
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Simonsson, Ingeborg. « Legitimacy in EC cartel control ». Stockholm : Juridiska institutionen, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-26192.
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Axelrod, Paul Scott. « Political legitimacy and self-loss / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10710.
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Muhammad, Nasiruddeen. « Legitimate expectations in investment treaty arbitration : balancing between state's legitimate regulatory functions and investor's legitimate expectations ». Thesis, University of Dundee, 2015. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/2e4fa295-67da-4e0a-b6b2-338a138bccfc.
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One of the impacts of globalization on the nation states across the globe is how the system reduces governmental intervention and weakens governmental control over many activities within a state's territory. From the governance perspective, states regulate and administer affairs within their territories in accordance with their constitutional mandates of satisfying fundamental objectives of their needs; the extent to which states can satisfy those needs is critically dependent on their ability to pursue public interest oriented policies for meeting the basic needs and for further development of its citizens i.e. for the public good. However, as the tasks of states entail regulation and administration for public purpose, it carries the risk of infringement of private interest or unfair treatment against private entities operating within the state. The complex nature of the investor - state relationship, therefore, provides a lush ground for tension and conflict between public and private interests. Private interests in this context, are the state's commitments to the foreign investors covered by investment treaty jurisprudence, while public interests are the domestic needs regarding public good also linked to compliance with other non-investment albeit international obligations. Under various domestic legal orders and some international law regimes, there is a well-developed principle of legitimate expectations which allows courts and domestic tribunals to filter, both, the legitimacy of individual's expectations and public interest dimension of governmental activities. In investment treaty arbitration, however, this tool or mechanism is lacking. The practice of the investment treaty (ad hoc) tribunals reveals the worrying degree of inconsistency and lack of coherence in the analysis of formulation and application of the principle of legitimate expectations. The principle as applied by investment treaty tribunals can be understood as 'reliance by foreign investor' caused by 'a state through its representation, conduct, or established legal framework', pursuant to which the foreign investor suffers damage or loss emanating from the state's regulatory or administrative measure. While Claimants in investment treaty arbitration are increasingly relying on the principle to frame their claims, its contours remain unsettled. In addition to the varying degrees of ambiguity in the formulation of the principle, the reach of its application raises the tension of overlap with a public interest dimension of the state's regulatory and administrative functions, particularly in the areas of human rights, public health, environment, and necessity measures or public choice. This thesis uses the doctrine of 'margin of appreciation' as an analytical framework for a comparative approach methodology. The doctrine of margin of appreciation as a public law tool could serve as a lens through which investment treaty tribunals could both formulate and apply the principle of legitimate expectations without obscuring the regulatory and administrative functions of states.
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Källberg, Ellen. « The Legitimacy of the EU : Different approaches of how to treat legitimacy within the EU ». Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-709.
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The nation state has over time become the natural locus for democracy and consequently also legitimate governance. Both concepts have been developed within the nation state and are therefore considered closely connected to it. Nation states are, however, not the only actor on the international arena anymore. The European integration is an example of a new actor, where nation states have started collaborating.
Similar to nation states, EU has decision-making authorities and must therefore attain legitimacy. The thesis questions how legitimacy can be treated within an entity such as the EU. Three different ways of attaining legitimacy are brought up. The first perceives EU as legitimate in its current design with an intergovernmental part and a regulatory part. The intergovernmental part is claimed to be legitimised through democracy from the member states, and the regulatory part is legitimised through non-majoritarian democracy. Non-majoritarian democracy implies decision-making by independent institutions, which relies on expertise and fairness. The second part emphasises the need to enhance democracy for the EU to become legitimate. The EU is considered too similar to a nation state to make do with lesser standards of legitimacy than a liberal democratic nation state. Deliberative democracy could bring legitimacy through creating a dimension where citizens become oriented towards what can be perceived or acknowledged as the “common good” through active participation in deliberative processes. Federalism is brought up as another alternative that would possibly permit for democracy to be practiced in the EU.
Legitimacy is claimed to be achieved through sustaining values such as mutual respect, reciprocity, compromise and toleration, values that are connected to a commitment to working for the “common good”. The purpose of this essay is to describe different aspects on the concept “legitimacy” in the EU context and to show how it is achieved and/or how it can possibly be achieved in a future union of nation states. The purpose is not to arrive at a solution, or even to construe a common ground, but to construe a limited insight on how “legitimacy” in the EU can be treated according to theorists/theories.
Nationalsstaten har kommit att bli den naturliga platsen för demokrati och legitimt styre. En trolig förklaring till detta är att båda koncepten har utvecklats inom nationsstaten och anses därför vara starkt sammankopplade med den. Nationalsstater är dock inte längre den enda aktören på den internationella arenan. Den Europeiska integrationen är ett exempel på en ny företeelse, ett forum/sammanhang där nationalsstater har börjat sammarbeta. Som med nationsstater har EU beslutsfattande befogenheter och måste därför uppnå legitimitet.
Uppsatsen ifrågasätter hur legitimitet kan behandlas inom en enhet såsom EU. Tre olika sätt att uppnå legitimitet tas upp. Det första uppfattar EU som legitimt i sitt nuvarande utförande med en mellanstatlig del och en reglerande. Den mellanstatliga delen skulle kunna legitimeras genom medlemsstaternas demokrati, och den reglerande delen legitimeras genom ”icke-majoritets demokrati”. ”Icke majoritets demokrati” innebär beslutsfattande av självständiga instutitioner, som förlitar sig på experter och rättvisa som värdegrund. Den andra delen framhåller behovet av att öka demokrati för att ska bli EU legitimt. Enligt detta synsätt är EU alltför likt en nationsstat för att klara sig med en lägre standard av legitimitet än en liberaldemokratisk nationsstat. Deliberativ demokrati skulle kunna bringa legitimitet genom att tillföra en dimension där medborgare, genom aktivt deltagain i deliberativa processer, blir orienterade mot lösningar som uppfattas och erkänns som ”allmänt goda”. Federalism tas upp som ytterligare ett alternativ. Legitimitet anses kunna uppnås genom upprätthållandet av värden såsom gemensam respekt, ömsesidighet, kompromisser and tålamod. Värden som är kopplade till åtagandet att sträva mot ”det allmäna goda”.
Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att beskriva olika aspekter av legitimitetsbegreppet i EU och att visa på hur legitimitet uppnås eller kan uppnås i en framtida union av nationalstater. Uppsatsen gör varken anspråk på att tillhandahålla klara lösningar eller ens att föreslå en gemensam bas av möjliga sådana, men att erbjuda läsaren en begränsad insikt i hur legitimitet behandlas utifrån några teoretiska perspektiv, och av några teoretiker.
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Pessoa, C?sar Pontes Silva. « Fatores de longevidade do programa Central do Cidad?o no Rio Grande do Norte ». Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2007. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/12089.
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Previous issue date: 2007-09-06The public management reform in Brazil, since 1995, provoked new experiences in public administration. Among the new models of public service the one-stop shopping has distinguished and was adopted at Rio Grande do Norte with the Citizens Center Program. The one-stop shopping assembles in the same place many public services with appropriate structure, enabled human resources and citizens focus processes. The goal of this research was understand how citizens focus processes help to explain Citizens Center Program s longevity. It was made a case study and the research tools were applied with Citizen Center Programs workers and citizen-users at South Unit of Citizen Center Program placed at Via Direta Mall, Natal. The major contributions for Citizen Center Program s longevity were imputed to Basic Operation Processes. The most spoken features in Citizen Center Program mentioned were quality, efficiency, celerity e personal appearance, what demonstrate concern and care with citizen-users. Worker s personal appearance, accommodation, celerity, politeness and attending capacity planning were high evaluated by citizen-users revealing the wisely choice of use a large quality concept and citizenship concept in public administration. Citizen-users also pointed the necessity of refine and enlarge the communication ways that form an essential mechanism to public citizen focus administration. Not ignoring the policy aspect citizen focus processes were noticed like especial management actions that make easier citizen s activities and public service access, what generate satisfaction to citizen-users. It s possible to conclude that the high level approving evaluation of Citizen Center Program consolidates it an especial public policy that serves citizen s necessities e create appropriate legitimacy conditions of the public policy making harder the choice of ending the policy even in more fragile moments strongly contributing for its longevity
O processo de reforma gerencial do Estado no Brasil, a partir de 1995, impulsionou novas experi?ncias na administra??o p?blica. Entre os novos modelos de presta??o de servi?o p?blico destacam-se as Unidades de Atendimento Integrado que, no Rio Grande do Norte, foram adotadas atrav?s do Programa Central do Cidad?o. As Unidades de Atendimento Integrado re?nem, em um ?nico local f?sico, diferentes servi?os p?blicos com instala??es f?sicas adequadas, pessoal treinado e processos organizacionais focados no cidad?o. O objetivo deste trabalho foi compreender em que medida os processos organizacionais com foco no cidad?o ajudam a explicar a longevidade do Programa Central do Cidad?o no Rio Grande do Norte. A pesquisa foi realizada atrav?s de um estudo de caso e os instrumentos de pesquisa foram aplicados aos servidores e cidad?os-usu?rios atendidos na unidade Zona Sul do Programa Central do Cidad?o, localizado no Shopping Via Direta, em Natal. As maiores contribui??es para a longevidade do Programa Central do Cidad?o foram atribu?das ao processo organizacional Opera??es B?sicas. Os aspectos relacionados ? qualidade, efici?ncia, rapidez e apresenta??o pessoal foram apontados como aqueles tratados com mais freq??ncia no Programa Central do Cidad?o, o que demonstra a cont?nua preocupa??o e aten??o com o cidad?o-usu?rio. A apresenta??o dos servidores, acomoda??es, rapidez, cortesia e o dimensionamento da capacidade de atendimento foram bem avaliados pelos cidad?os-usu?rios revelando a pertin?ncia de trabalhar com um conceito ampliado de qualidade e cidadania na administra??o p?blica. Os cidad?os-usu?rios apontaram tamb?m para a necessidade de aprimorar e ampliar os canais de comunica??o que constituem um mecanismo essencial para a gest?o do um servi?o p?blico focado no cidad?o. Sem ignorar a influ?ncia do aspecto pol?tico os processos organizacionais com foco no cidad?o foram percebidos como a??es de gest?o diferenciadas que facilitam a vida do cidad?o e o acesso ao servi?o p?blico, resultados que geraram a satisfa??o do cidad?o-usu?rio. ? poss?vel concluir que os ?ndices muito elevados de aprova??o do Programa Central do Cidad?o consolidaram uma pol?tica p?blica diferenciada de atendimento ?s necessidades do cidad?o e criaram as condi??es de legitima??o da pol?tica p?blica, dificultando tentativas de termina??o da pol?tica mesmo em momentos de maior fragilidade e influenciando fortemente a sua longevidade
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Yoon, Youngmin Shoemaker Pamela J. « Public relations, legitimacy, and media access ». Related electronic resource : Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Wait, Kate. « Poland and the problem of legitimacy / ». Title page, contents and introduction only, 1992. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw1438.pdf.
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Karlsson, Christer. « Democracy, legitimacy and the European Union / ». Uppsala : Uppsala University Library, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/329961624.pdf.
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Krehoff, Bernd Michael. « The legitimacy of international legal institutions ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab3cf53c-bc7e-4140-a532-bb0696d2e44a.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is about the legitimacy of political authority in general and international legal institutions (ILIs) in particular. It is divided into two parts with three chapters corresponding to each part. The first part presents an account of legitimate political authority that is based on Joseph Raz's service conception of authority but also makes some important modifications to it. The central claim of the first part is that the legitimacy of political authorities in general, as measured by the standard of Raz's Normal Justification Thesis, depends in a crucial way on the ability of the subjects to get involved –more so than Raz is prepared to admit– in the activities that are relevant in the political domain. The thesis offers a general account of legitimate political authority, i.e. one that is valid for any type of political authority. The second part, however, examines the implications of this account for the legitimacy of ILIs. These are non-state authorities, such as the World Trade Organisation or the International Criminal Court, that deal with problems of global political relevance. Because of this global approach, the subjects of ILIs (i.e. those whose reasons are to be served by the ILI) are not confined to the boundaries of regions or states, but distributed across the world. ILIs operate by creating, interpreting, and applying public international law. Despite some striking differences between ILIs and other types of political authority (particularly states), I argue that they all ought to be measured by the same standard of legitimacy, namely the Normal Justification Thesis. But I also argue that the requirements for meeting this standard of legitimacy may vary according to the type of political authority (especially with regard to the requirement of democracy).
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Machin, Dean James. « Liberal-Egalitarian Justice, Democracy and Legitimacy ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.525439.
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Evans, Samantha Jane. « Interpretation and legitimacy in charity regulation ». Thesis, Imperial College London, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.542965.
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DAVIDOVICH, MARCIA MORAES. « THE LEGITIMACY OF THE PSYCHOANALYTICAL METHOD ». PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2014. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=29098@1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
Na presente tese pretendemos defender que o método psicanalítico é legítimo enquanto capaz de produzir conhecimento científico. Partimos da identificação do argumento segundo o qual o diálogo com a Neurociência poderia imprimir um caráter científico às proposições psicanalíticas, confirmando (ou não) suas hipóteses. Não é difícil perceber a hierarquização dos modelos epistemológicos em operação neste argumento. Um autor representativo do argumento descrito é o neurocientista Eric Kandel. Ele acredita que, embora a Psicanálise ainda represente a visão de mente mais coerente e cientificamente satisfatória dentre as que existem, ela entrou no século XXI em declínio por não ter desenvolvido métodos objetivos para testar suas ideias — o que só pode acontecer a partir de sua aproximação teórica, mas, sobretudo metodológica, com a Biologia em geral e com a Neurociência Cognitiva em particular. A fim de nos posicionarmos contrariamente a este argumento, discutiremos, portanto, a especificidade do método psicanalítico, cunhando a seguinte expressão para designá-lo de método baseado na investigação clínico-conceitual como a empiria da psicanálise. Consideramos que as pesquisas clínica conceitual e empírica se complementam, se sobrepõem e até certo ponto, se indiferenciam, na produção do edifício teórico denominado Psicanálise.
We intend to defend on this thesis that the psychoanalytic method is legitimate as able to produce scientific knowledge. We depart from the point of view that the dialogue with Neuroscience could give a scientific character to the psychoanalytic propositions confirming (or not) its hypothesis. It is not difficult to notice the hierarchy of the epistemological model on that argument. A representative of the above argument is the neuroscientist Eric Kandel. He believes that although psychoanalysis still represents the most coherent and satisfactory vision of the mind it has declined in the XXI century because it was unable to develop objective methods to test its ideas – something that can only happen with a theoretical and especially methodological proximity with biology in general and Cognitive Neuroscience in particular. To support our position against this argument we will discuss the specificity of the psychoanalytic method, coining the following expression method based in the clinic conceptual investigation as the empiricism of psychoanalysis. We consider that the clinic conceptual and empiric researches superpose, and to a certain point they are undifferentiated to produce the theoretical building named Psychoanalysis.
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Lee, K. H. « Political legitimacy, representation, and confucian Virtue ». Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2014. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1429891/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis first examines the compatibility of political development and Confucian traditional thought in East Asia, and South Korea in particular, and then suggests an alternative methodology for the study of political theory in regards to culture. In order to accomplish these goals, this research focuses on three concepts: legitimacy, representation, and Confucian virtue. This research proposes political legitimacy as the most fundamental basis in the study of the relationship between political development and culture. Legitimacy is essential in every government and cannot be borrowed externally. Rather, it must be established through the practices and customs of the people and thus, involves culture. From this view, Confucian traditional thought should be considered the foundation of political development in Confucian East Asia. In most cases in modern politics, representation is the only legitimate form of democratic governments. While in principle, representation seems to conflict with democracy, in the sense that not all people participate in the decision-making procedure and representatives are required to have some level of competence, in modern representative democracy, it has been accepted as reasonable by the people. This is possible through an epistemic understanding of democracy whereby democracy is regarded as a system in which people pursue better decisions. Although the concepts of representation and democracy conflict, and the linking of the two in representative democracy shows the double-sided characteristics of representation, this double-sidedness emerges from the conceptual nature of representation in politics—the representation of the people’s interest and will. While representation of will seems to be the intrinsic element in the democratic principle of equality, the epistemic understanding of modern representative democracy implies that the representation of the people’s interest is also important. Based on this view of representative democracy, this thesis argues that Confucian representative theory, that only good people make good representatives, is not in conflict with modern representative democracy. It is often alleged that Confucian virtues do not coincide with the virtues required for modern democracy, even though representative democracy also demands competence in its representatives. However, Confucian virtue is based on the theory of conditional government founded on the Mandate of Heaven. This idea of limited government requires rulers to hear and to respect the people because Heaven only speaks and hears through the people. Therefore, the concepts that are regarded as essential in representative democracy - responsibility, responsiveness, and cooperation - are also important elements in Confucian representative theory, both in principle and practice. The coherence of virtue, one of the characteristics of Confucianism, is not unique to Confucian East Asia. The concept that integrated virtue is necessary in a good representative can also be found in western tradition. Some western theorists have been interested in this topic in regards to whether the good representative in reference to virtue is relevant in modern democracy. For this reason, there seems to be no reason to deny the Confucian view of the virtue of a representative in regards to the coherence of virtue. Although this thesis mainly discusses democratic legitimacy and Confucian virtue, one of the most important implications of this research is the existing methodology used in the comparative research of political theory. This thesis suggests the concept of legitimacy as the foundation of comparative political theory study. Second, this research argues that in comparative political theory research, it is necessary to focus on practice as the accumulation of the people’s behaviours in belief-systems, rather than formal institutions. Third, this thesis proposes that there is a need to find and use more neutral concepts for comparative study, such as representation, which is common in both modern western democracy and Confucian traditional thought. In such neutral categories, an interactive understanding is conceivable in any political system. First, this thesis argues that comparative research of political theory, particularly of different cultures, should start from an understanding of the nature of political legitimacy. This suggests that there should be relative conceptions in political theory and that they should be distinguished from others. For example, while the framework of legitimacy as a belief-system may be common to every government, the contents of the belief-systems are varied, insofar as the way of life is different in different societies. In the same way, though democracy is the only legitimate system of politics, there are varied forms of electoral systems, party systems, and government systems. Second, this thesis suggests that if politics are to be understood in the relationship between legitimacy and culture at a radical level, the practice and custom of the people in each belief-system must also be examined, since legitimacy cannot directly or automatically be established through institutions, nor can it be borrowed from institutions. Although institutions can be established by cultural aliens, a procedure of legitimation created through the practices of the people themselves is necessary. Without practice, the institution cannot be a foundation of political legitimacy. If we focus on institutional aspects, especially those based on the standards of modern values, the comparison may become an unfair one since modern values must be conceptualized in the West first. For this reason, it is necessary to examine the contextual understanding of practice and custom within the belief-system. Third, existing research on different systems of political thought frequently seem to compare different theories on the basis of certain values and ideologies, such as democracy, liberal democracy, or human rights. Based on these standards, theories were compared by statistical indexes in empirical studies, or by institutional or conceptual differences in normative research. Some theorists have tried to clarify whether there is a common idea of equality, liberty, or rights. Some have been interested in institutional similarity and differences. However, since much of the concepts are conceptualized in the context of the modern West, such research easily succumbs to misunderstanding or misjudging non-western theories. Even though we must also be conscious of the prejudice of non-western concepts or ideas, the continued use of western originated standards can lead to unfair comparisons. For this reason, neutral concepts are useful for fair comparison. Along this vein, this thesis offers the concept of representation, a necessary element for legitimate government in both the West and Confucian East. In this case, the main task is to examine the ways in which each tradition is compatible with modern standards of political legitimacy, such as democracy.
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Sergeeva, Galina. « Why legitimacy eludes : going beyond the procedural versus substantive distinction to explain legitimacy deficit in international organizations ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/48499.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper examines the concept of legitimacy, its different forms and the way it is related to conceptions of international society. It argues that the legitimacy of international organizations will decline if the relevant audience splits in its perceptions of what is legitimate. In cases where different members of the audience develop incompatible conceptions of legitimacy, institutional solutions to the resulting legitimacy crisis will have limited potential. In these cases, even procedural legitimacy may be out of reach because of fundamental disagreements over even the minimal terms of cooperation.
The paper applies this theoretical argument to the case study of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (CHR, or the Commission) and its reform. It finds that the CHR’s legitimacy crisis was precipitated by the change in the normative environment of the international society after the end of the Cold War. As a result of this shift, some members of the CHR developed a substantive understanding of input and output legitimacy, while others promoted a neutral understanding of legitimacy.
Because the Commission’s members held incompatible conceptions of what is legitimate and because none were satisfied with the status quo, the CHR’s legitimacy declined. Furthermore, institutional solutions to the legitimacy crisis in this case proved ineffective. Because the shift affected both input and output legitimacies, compromise even on strictly procedural aspects became impossible. As a result, the CHR’s reform did not address legitimacy concerns and the United Nations Human Rights Council suffers from the same “credibility deficit” (General Assembly A/59/2005, 2005) as the abolished Commission.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
37
Castrén, Matias Lennart. « Construction of legitimacy through contestation of norms and ideas - Legitimacy of the European Central Bank’s crisis governance ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22277.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this thesis is to study the social construction of the legitimacy of the European Central Bank (ECB). This research addresses the research gap in literature on the legitimacy of the ECB. The research conceptualizes a constructivist concept of legitimacy as contestation that is shaped by norms and ideas. The theoretical framework is applied in a case study of the ECB’s policies during the European sovereign debt crisis. The textual data consists of statements by significant political actors in European economic governance. A qualitative content analysis is applied as a method of analysis. The main findings of the research are that the dominant legitimacy discourse during the European sovereign debt crisis was shaped by ordoliberal norms. Those norms were challenged, due to their moral commitments, by a communitarian democratic discourse. The thesis argues that the dominant legitimacy discourse establishes a wider framework of legitimacy for the EMU as a whole and does not only legitimate the policies of the ECB. In addition, the thesis contributes to the understanding of the role of norms and ideas as constitutive of legitimacy. In relation to the field of Global Politics, this study introduces a case of legitimacy in supranational global governance.
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Bartlett, Jennifer Lea. « Web of institutionalised legitimacy : building a model of legitimacy as a raison d'etre for public relations practice ». Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2007. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16568/1/Jennifer_Lea_Bartlett_Thesis.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research responds to calls for the establishment of an overriding rationale, or
raison d'être, for public relations practice. Several scholars are suggesting that the
construct of legitimacy provides an overarching rationale that would link public
relations practice across organisations, industries and countries (Boyd, 2000;
Massey, 2001; Metzler, 1995, 2001; van Ruler & Vercic, 2005; Vercic, van Ruler,
Butschi, & Flodin, 2001). However, existing public relations studies using legitimacy
have focused on the communicative aspects, with little emphasis on long term and
societal level effects for organisations. In seeking to accommodate these challenges,
the central research question of this thesis is:
Does legitimacy provide a rationale for public relations practice, and if so, in
what ways?
This study draws on institutional theory, with its central imperative of
legitimacy, to address this question. Institutional theory considers the relationship
between organisations and environments from a social constructionist perspective.
Institutions created through the social construction of reality are based on shared,
rational myths of legitimacy which drive organisational and social action, and with
which organisations need to demonstrate compliance through their organisational
ceremonies or practices. These two central contributors to legitimacy -- rational
myths and ceremonies -- provide the framework guiding the study. The study was
conducted around issues about the corporate social responsibility (CSR) of the four
major Australian banks.
In order to consider relationships between public relations practice and
legitimacy as an institutional concept, Giddens' theory of structuration is used as a
theoretical apparatus to straddle the rational myths of legitimacy at the level of
institution, with public relations practice related to ceremonies at the level of action.
'Structuring moments' identified in media coverage provide sites of microanalysis
of the intense social construction of rational myths of legitimacy that include
organisations and publics. Through these theoretical devices, a number of guiding
research questions shape the study:
RQ i): What is learned about the social construction of rational myths about
legitimacy by studying media coverage about CSR in Australian banking?
RQ ii): What is learned about legitimacy by studying public relations
practices in relation to media coverage about CSR in Australia banking?
A longitudinal, qualitative, case study approach was taken to explore the
research questions in this study. As legitimacy was viewed as a process of ongoing
social construction, a temporal bracketing strategy (Langley, 1999) was used to
examine the relationships between the level of institution and of action over the six
year period of the study. Media coverage, annual and social impact reports, and
interviews were used as sources of data to examine the institutionalisation of
corporate social responsibility in the Australian banking industry.
The findings of the study show that there is a dynamic relationship between
public relations and legitimacy at both theoretical and practical levels. Through the
duality of structure lens, theoretically public relations can be conceived as agency
and legitimacy as structure. The influence of these two dynamically interrelated
levels of agency and structure is both constituted by human agency and is the
medium of the institutions (Sewell, 1992). Public relations practices, therefore, can
be seen as human agency that both shapes and is shaped by legitimacy. If legitimacy
represents a dominant concept of organisational success, it is also a rationale for
public relations practice as an act of human agency that seeks to create alignment
between organisations and publics in their environment.
As such, public relations practices are not just activities. Rather, public
relations practices constitute a central resource that organisations can access to exert
power to create and manage their legitimacy within the broader environment. Public
relations practices, therefore, are resources because they are embedded within the
deep structures of society that influence organisational practice, but also are actions
that allow the organisation to shape those structural arrangements. This process takes place within webs of communication and relationships between organisations and
publics that form institutionalised legitimacy.
This study also found that public relations practice is a balance between the
demands of time and space. The traditional focus of public relations studies has been
on incidents of compressed time and space, such as crises and campaigns. This study
suggests that expanded periods of time and space are also integral to how and why
public relations make a contribution as, over time, there were shifts to the
institutional arrangements that guide public relations practices. This suggests that
there is a compression of time and space as organisations and publics communicate
in their relationship and an expansion of time and space to shift frames of social
structures and legitimacy. It is through this juxtaposition of time and space, and
across dual levels of structure, that legitimacy provides a rationale for public
relations practices.
The conclusions of this research make a major contribution to public relations
theory by building a model for considering how legitimacy provides a raison d'être
for public relations practices. As such, the model developed in this research provides
a theoretical framework of how public relations practices contribute to organisational
legitimacy at a societal level. The study also provides deeper insights to the role of
public relations practices in managing organisational legitimacy at the level of
action. In doing so, it addresses theoretical and methodological issues of the
conflation of publics and environment.
A number of opportunities for further research are presented by this study in
understanding drivers of public relations practices and the role of inspection forums
in processes of legitimacy. For practice, there are implications of taking a longer
term perspective to considering the role of public relations practices, its impact on
organisational success and, therefore, how it is evaluated.
39
Bartlett, Jennifer Lea. « Web of institutionalised legitimacy : building a model of legitimacy as a raison d'etre for public relations practice ». Queensland University of Technology, 2007. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16568/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research responds to calls for the establishment of an overriding rationale, or raison d'être, for public relations practice. Several scholars are suggesting that the construct of legitimacy provides an overarching rationale that would link public relations practice across organisations, industries and countries (Boyd, 2000; Massey, 2001; Metzler, 1995, 2001; van Ruler & Vercic, 2005; Vercic, van Ruler, Butschi, & Flodin, 2001). However, existing public relations studies using legitimacy have focused on the communicative aspects, with little emphasis on long term and societal level effects for organisations. In seeking to accommodate these challenges, the central research question of this thesis is: Does legitimacy provide a rationale for public relations practice, and if so, in what ways? This study draws on institutional theory, with its central imperative of legitimacy, to address this question. Institutional theory considers the relationship between organisations and environments from a social constructionist perspective. Institutions created through the social construction of reality are based on shared, rational myths of legitimacy which drive organisational and social action, and with which organisations need to demonstrate compliance through their organisational ceremonies or practices. These two central contributors to legitimacy -- rational myths and ceremonies -- provide the framework guiding the study. The study was conducted around issues about the corporate social responsibility (CSR) of the four major Australian banks. In order to consider relationships between public relations practice and legitimacy as an institutional concept, Giddens' theory of structuration is used as a theoretical apparatus to straddle the rational myths of legitimacy at the level of institution, with public relations practice related to ceremonies at the level of action. 'Structuring moments' identified in media coverage provide sites of microanalysis of the intense social construction of rational myths of legitimacy that include organisations and publics. Through these theoretical devices, a number of guiding research questions shape the study: RQ i): What is learned about the social construction of rational myths about legitimacy by studying media coverage about CSR in Australian banking? RQ ii): What is learned about legitimacy by studying public relations practices in relation to media coverage about CSR in Australia banking? A longitudinal, qualitative, case study approach was taken to explore the research questions in this study. As legitimacy was viewed as a process of ongoing social construction, a temporal bracketing strategy (Langley, 1999) was used to examine the relationships between the level of institution and of action over the six year period of the study. Media coverage, annual and social impact reports, and interviews were used as sources of data to examine the institutionalisation of corporate social responsibility in the Australian banking industry. The findings of the study show that there is a dynamic relationship between public relations and legitimacy at both theoretical and practical levels. Through the duality of structure lens, theoretically public relations can be conceived as agency and legitimacy as structure. The influence of these two dynamically interrelated levels of agency and structure is both constituted by human agency and is the medium of the institutions (Sewell, 1992). Public relations practices, therefore, can be seen as human agency that both shapes and is shaped by legitimacy. If legitimacy represents a dominant concept of organisational success, it is also a rationale for public relations practice as an act of human agency that seeks to create alignment between organisations and publics in their environment. As such, public relations practices are not just activities. Rather, public relations practices constitute a central resource that organisations can access to exert power to create and manage their legitimacy within the broader environment. Public relations practices, therefore, are resources because they are embedded within the deep structures of society that influence organisational practice, but also are actions that allow the organisation to shape those structural arrangements. This process takes place within webs of communication and relationships between organisations and publics that form institutionalised legitimacy. This study also found that public relations practice is a balance between the demands of time and space. The traditional focus of public relations studies has been on incidents of compressed time and space, such as crises and campaigns. This study suggests that expanded periods of time and space are also integral to how and why public relations make a contribution as, over time, there were shifts to the institutional arrangements that guide public relations practices. This suggests that there is a compression of time and space as organisations and publics communicate in their relationship and an expansion of time and space to shift frames of social structures and legitimacy. It is through this juxtaposition of time and space, and across dual levels of structure, that legitimacy provides a rationale for public relations practices. The conclusions of this research make a major contribution to public relations theory by building a model for considering how legitimacy provides a raison d'être for public relations practices. As such, the model developed in this research provides a theoretical framework of how public relations practices contribute to organisational legitimacy at a societal level. The study also provides deeper insights to the role of public relations practices in managing organisational legitimacy at the level of action. In doing so, it addresses theoretical and methodological issues of the conflation of publics and environment. A number of opportunities for further research are presented by this study in understanding drivers of public relations practices and the role of inspection forums in processes of legitimacy. For practice, there are implications of taking a longer term perspective to considering the role of public relations practices, its impact on organisational success and, therefore, how it is evaluated.
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Sham, Chun-wai Sammy, et 岑振威. « Towards legitimate housing expansion ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31986791.
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Sham, Chun-wai Sammy. « Towards legitimate housing expansion ». Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2002. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25948787.
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Kaniut, Eric G. « United Nations reform : the need for legitimacy / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1994. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA297104.
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Schoenberger-Orgad, Michèle Anne. « Communicating strategically : public relations and organisational legitimacy ». The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2630.
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This thesis aims to facilitate an understanding of some of the critical debates in public relations theory and practice. It joins others in contributing to a shift from a functional systems-based public relations paradigm to one where public relations is transparently seen as playing a role in shaping democracy in a global society. The research analyses NATO's communication operations in the Kosovo Campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, examining the case from a number of different perspectives. The thesis contributes to the body of knowledge of public relations practices and how, in this case, they were used to inform and persuade publics of the moral cause of a bombing mission to achieve specific strategic organisational and communication goals. Further, it contextualises the case of NATO as an organisation facing a crisis in legitimacy following the end of the Cold War. It demonstrates how the Kosovo Campaign provided a vehicle to transform NATO's identity while retaining military capabilities, to make the organisation relevant to the global demands of the 21st century. In this way, NATO could claim a unique self and maintain its credibility and relevance. The thesis argues that NATO's public relations campaign was successful in maintaining both credibility and popular support for a 78-day bombing campaign within the 19 nations of the Alliance. The campaign allowed NATO to claim that it was the only organisation that could provide ii security and stability, as well as be the main bulwark of the defence of Western values in a rapidly globalising and changing world. Moreover, by framing the Kosovo air campaign as a humanitarian intervention, NATO was not only able to legitimise its actions but transform its military might with an acceptable human face in order to achieve its broader ideological goals in Europe. This thesis demonstrates how military interventions on behalf of powerful interests can be legitimised if the appropriate public relations framework is used and acceptable communication strategies employed. It suggests how citizens of democratic countries can be led to support decision-makers who present themselves as acting altruistically even when their actions may be self-interested.
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Dhanaraj, Charles. « Legitimacy and stability of Japanese overseas subsidiaries ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape2/PQDD_0016/NQ58123.pdf.
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Metz, Natalie M. « The influence of legitimacy on academic misconduct / ». Available to subscribers only, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1328066651&sid=19&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Decker, Carolin. « Legitimacy needs as drivers of business exit / ». Wiesbaden : Gabler, 2008. http://d-nb.info/987522434/04.
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Decker, Carolin. « Legitimacy needs as drivers of business exit ». Wiesbaden Gabler, 2007. http://d-nb.info/987522434/04.
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Montanaro, Laura. « The democratic legitimacy of 'self-appointed' representatives ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28877.
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Standard accounts of democratic representation involve both the authorization of a representative by election, and the accountability of elected officials to their constituents for their performance in office. Yet actors such as Oxfam, Amnesty International, and the musician Bono, who make representative claims outside of formal representative institutions – who “self-appoint” – are an increasingly important part of today’s political landscape. On most standard accounts of democratic representation, the absence of formal authorization and accountability renders such activities non-democratic, regardless of any good achieved. Yet the case for their credentials is rooted in a norm that is at the heart of most contemporary democratic theories: those potentially affected by a collective decision should have some say in making that decision. From an empirical perspective, there is a need for a theory of representation that will identify the types of self-appointed representatives that, although unelected, comprise growing and important parts of our political landscape. From an analytic perspective, there is a pressing need for criteria that will allow us to distinguish legitimate from illegitimate claims of self-appointed representatives.
To develop the theory required, I develop a general account of representation that identifies representative relationships apart from electoral representation. Because this framework interrupts the close association of representation with elections, we are able to conceptualize actors who claim to represent by self-appointment as representatives, and perhaps even as democratic ones. Furthermore, viewing representation separately from electoral institutions expands our understanding of constituency to include peoples who do not neatly fall within the boundaries of electoral districts but who are affected by their law and policy. In fact, this is where the potentially democratic credentials of self-appointed representation are to be found: in its ability to identify and mobilize affected constituencies around claims of representation. I also conceptualize non-electoral mechanisms of authorization and accountability that may be used to guide, inform, and sanction the self-appointed representative. Understanding the concepts of representation and constituency in this fluid way is a necessary step in developing a democratic theory that is appropriate to the complex, globalizing, pluralistic, and highly differentiated societies within which we now live.
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Higashi, Daisaku. « The challenges of constructing legitimacy in peacebuilding ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43028.
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Observing challenges in Afghanistan, Iraq, Sudan, Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti, Kosovo, East Timor, and Libya, to name a few, there is no doubt that peacebuilding—international efforts to create lasting peace in post-conflict states — is a critical issue in world politics. It appears to be a widely shared understanding among both scholars and policymakers that it is imperative for the peacebuilders—both international and domestic authorities in charge of creating peace—to obtain legitimacy in reconstructing war-torn states. Surprisingly, however, concrete methods or policies to construct legitimacy in “host states” have not been fully examined by either IR theorists or practitioners.
The objective of this dissertation is to develop an understanding of the mechanism of constructing or eroding the legitimacy of newly created domestic governments in the specific context of peacebuilding. The existing accounts basically contend that constructing legitimate governments in post-conflict states largely depends on the level of force and level of resource distribution (or “guns and money”). On the contrary, my argument emphasizes that in addition to those two factors, other factors, such as inclusive governments reconciling with political adversaries and the substantial role of international organizations as a credible third party to establish the fairness and neutrality of the political process, are very critical in building the legitimacy of the domestic governments in the long run. In order to assess this argument, the dissertation conducts detailed process tracing to assess peacebuilding in Afghanistan as a primary case, demonstrating how the legitimacy of the Afghan government has been eroded. The dissertation also assesses the cases of Iraq, Sierra Leone and Timor-Leste (East Timor) in more concise fashion. All four cases support my argument about the requirements for an inclusive political process in peacebuilding as well as the important role of the UN which has often been dismissed by its critics. The research suggests important policy implications for peacebuilding and contributes to generating a theory that can be assessed by future studies.
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Wilson, Debra Susan. « Transforming nursing education : a legitimacy of difference ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Educational Studies and Human Development, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1845.
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In 1973 two trial pre-registration nursing education programmes were piloted in New Zealand polytechnics. These represented an alternative to traditional hospital-sited schools of nursing. The establishment of nursing education in the tertiary sector marked a radical challenge to the cultural heritage of apprenticeship-style nursing training associated with paternal and medically-dominated health institutions. This thesis offers a Foucauldian and feminist poststructuralist analysis of discourses employed by fifteen senior nursing educators in the comprehensive registration programmes between 1973 and 1992. The women employed to teach in the comprehensive programmes faced unique challenges in establishing departments of nursing, in developing curricula that would promote a reorientation of nursing and in supporting candidates to attain their nursing registration. Through semi-structured interviews and discourse analysis methods, a set of unique characteristics shared by this group of early leading comprehensive nursing educators has emerged. The women's narratives were underpinned by discourses that centre around the valuing of education as a vehicle for emancipation and an upholding of a legitimacy of difference in nursing educators' work. The participants upheld the importance of clinical practice skills and drew on their own student nursing experiences as incentives for reforming nursing education. These nursing educators conceptualised an idealised type of graduate, and commonly employed an heroic metaphor to describe their experiences as senior comprehensive educators. Their engagement with such discourses and their shared characteristics demonstrate unique re-constitutions of power, knowledge and relations with their colleagues and clients throughout the education and health care sectors. I propose that these traits characterise the women as strategic and astute professionals who successfully negotiated the construction of comprehensive nursing programmes as a legitimate and transformative preparation for nursing registration.