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1
Karlsson, Christer. « Democracy, legitimacy and the European Union / ». Uppsala : Uppsala University Library, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/329961624.pdf.
Texte intégral
2
Szewczyk, Bart Michael Julius. « European citizenship and national democracy : sources of EU legitimacy in the common interest and in service of human dignity ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610301.
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3
Hägerström, Emelie. « Behind the scenes of lockdowns and quarantines : A quantitative assessment of how legitimacy and capacity shaped early governmental responses to Covid-19 in European countries ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432515.
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This thesis aims to gain insight to lockdowns and social distancing measures taken by European governments during the early period of the Covid-19 pandemic. Questions have been raised of whether the variations of responses can be systematically explained, which have so far received little attention in research. However, prior research has stressed the importance of government capacity and legitimacy for the facilitation of a crisis response. On the one hand, capacity to coordinate within governing authorities, and with external actors is crucial. On the other hand, emphasis is put on cultural factors, such as citizens’ trust in political institutions. Through a quantitative analysis of 30 European countries, this thesis maps the stringency of measures implemented by governments. Furthermore, utilizing an expert survey from SGI (Sustainable Governance Indicators) and the Eurobarometer survey (2019), this thesis asks how coordination capacity and political trust are associated with the maximum stringency of policy responses implemented by governments. Using bivariate and multivariate regressions, the models suggest that European countries with high coordination capacity are more likely to implement modest policy responses, while European countries with low coordination capacity are more likely to implement strict policy responses. A possible understanding is that countries with high coordination capacity weigh alternatives and address certain issues, instead of beating the drum all at once. As expected, there is a negative relationship between political trust and stringency of policy responses, but further research is needed to confirm this covariation. The complexity of the Coronavirus crisis complicates a comprehensive understanding of governmental responses. However, this thesis contributes with early insights and provides a piece of the puzzle as to why European governments have acted so differently.
4
Axelrod, Paul Scott. « Political legitimacy and self-loss / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10710.
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5
Chan, Yuk-kit, et 陳鋈傑. « Staging democracy : rethinking political legitimacy and the public sphere ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50534166.
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By now it has become a common observation that liberal and republican models of democracy are inadequate in making sense of the expansive political landscape in today’s complex and pluralistic societies. Deliberative democracy has become a new favorite amongst scholars in the attempt to reinvigorate democracy through normative frameworks that emphasize rationality, consensus and informed discussions. On the other hand, scholars have questioned whether the this model is effective with regards to present forms of political engagements that are often mediatized and staged in ways that fall short of deliberative ideals.
This research moves beyond these models in the attempt to better capture the complex power relations that underpin contemporary liberal democratic societies. This involves rethinking concepts of political legitimacy and the public sphere. Through interrogating Habermas’s discourse model of democracy and putting him in dialogue with the works of Lefort and Foucault, it will be demonstrated that it is useful to view political legitimacy not as a status but a process in which individuals legitimate or de-legitimate the power relations that they find themselves in. In addition, the public sphere should be conceptualized as the public stage, in which individuals must struggle with not only the state apparatuses, but also with oppressive or dominating forms of power, in the government of both themselves and others. By redefining these two important concepts in political philosophy, this research seeks to rethink modern democracy as constituting the very condition of indeterminacy.published_or_final_version
Philosophy
Master
Master of Philosophy
6
Li, Chan-man Philip, et 李燦文. « The issue of dynastic legitimacy of the Three Kingdoms asseen in Zizhi Tongjian ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31949526.
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7
Saward, M. « Co-option and legitimacy : The varieties and consequences of formal incorporation ». Thesis, University of Essex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384595.
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8
Depner, Wolfgang. « The effectiveness and legitimacy of federal minority governments in Canada since 1945 ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/47034.
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Despite popular expectations and theoretical predictions, Canada’s first-past-the- post electoral system continues to produce minority governments, defined by Forsey “as government by a cabinet with less than half of the seats in the House of Commons.” Since 1945, almost half of all federal elections have produced this form of government. Drawing instruction from the most recent run of minority governments between 2004 and 2011, the dissertation scrutinizes the effectiveness and legitimacy of the nine federal minority governments that have governed Canada since 1945. Methodologically, it treats them as probationary majorities and retroactively judges their effectiveness by whether they shed this status. Effectiveness, so understood, can in turn be explained by a number of different factors best seen through the prism of the prevailing Canadian party system. Turning to the question of legitimacy, the dissertation adopts a dualistic view of legitimacy in judging the surveyed minority governments by their (i) constitutional legitimacy and (ii) input legitimacy. Concerning the former, it argues that federal minority governments have historically played fast and loose with the constitutional conventions that sustain them. Concerning the latter, it argues further that minority governments have generally failed to improve the input legitimacy of parliamentary government, contrary to the position of Russell and others scholars who claim that minority government has the capacity to improve the ‘deliberative’ nature of the Commons. The present study challenges the claim of Russell and others in finding that minority government actually increases partisanship in discouraging genuine deliberation, as defined by theorists of deliberative democracy. It finds minority government nonetheless to be legitimate, according to Canada’s constitutional conventions.
9
PAOLINI, Giulia. « The legitimacy deficit of the European Union and the role of national parliaments ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10445.
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Defence date: 17 September 2007Examining Board: Prof. Morten Kelstrup, (University of Copenhagen) ; Prof. Peter Mair, (European University Institute) ; Prof. Gianfranco Pasquino, (University of Bologna) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI Professional Fellow)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
10
FERNANDES, Daniel. « Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
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Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
11
Zhu, Jiafeng, et 朱佳峰. « Farewell to political obligation : toward a new liberal theory of political legitimacy ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/196492.
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Is there a general moral duty to obey the law because it is the law? This is the question of political obligation. The issue of political obligation is allegedly a central topic of political philosophy, because political obligation is often assumed to be necessary for state legitimacy; that is to say, for a state to be legitimate, it must be capable of imposing political obligation on the governed. Nonetheless, the literature has indicated that it is enormously difficult, at least within the liberal doctrine that many find most attractive, to justify political obligation. Given that political obligation is viewed as an indispensable part of state legitimacy, skepticism about political obligation points to a seemingly inescapable yet disturbing conclusion: no existing liberal state is legitimate, no matter how just it is. This skeptical position is also known as philosophical anarchism.
This study aims to show that philosophical anarchism is not as irresistible as it appears. But I do not take the traditional approach of refuting philosophical anarchism by defending or developing theories of political obligation. On the contrary, I devote the first part of my thesis to consolidating the skepticism about political obligation.
The approach I favor is to argue that political obligation is not necessary for state legitimacy. If this point can be established, then even if political obligation is unjustified, it will not automatically lead to philosophical anarchism. This constitutes the second part of my thesis, where I develop a conception of “legitimacy without political obligation” and defend it against the objection that it is either conceptually or morally wrong to claim that a legitimate state need not impose political obligation on its subjects.published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
12
Lo, Wai-yan. « An analysis of the power of the Hong Kong government in education policy making ». Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1403475X.
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13
Morales, Diez de Ulzurrun Laura. « Institutions, mobilisation, and political participation political membership in western countries / ». Madrid : Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales, Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=NNOGAAAAMAAJ.
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14
Beetz, Jan P. « Popular sovereignty in Europe ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/17653.
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This thesis proposes a realist analysis of the contemporary concept of popular sovereignty in its ability to make sense of the EU's legitimacy. Drawing upon Bernard Williams' political thought, a conception of legitimacy should make sense of hierarchical rule as a desirable civic order from within its own historical circumstances at the normative level. In addition, it should offer realistic guidance to political agents, meaning that its political fictions must therefore acquire a certain degree of practical resonance in order to act as heuristic tools. The modern concept of popular sovereignty sets appropriate criteria of legitimacy based upon the bonds created between citizens. Through a genealogical inquiry, I reconstruct conceptions of popular sovereignty which underpin defences of the EU's output, democratic, and identitarian legitimacy from canonical arguments. These justifications of the state consider the people as beneficiaries of security and economic prosperity, as a self-governing demos, and as a cultural nation, respectively. I propose a realist vindication of this multi-faceted conception of popular sovereignty at the normative level, because these different conceptions complement one another in making sense of the sovereign state's legitimacy. The thesis then discusses how the political fictions of the people could simultaneously make sense within the European polity. In short, the citizens of Europe's polities have become part of the normative systems which create judicial-economic, civic-democratic, and socio-cultural relationships within the territorial borders of the European states. In addition, the centralisation of decision-making power and implementation resources has given plausibility to the political fiction of sovereignty. European integration has, however, resulted in a reconfiguration of these normative systems and restructuring of power into a two-tier political order. In this novel context, a realist vindication of the contemporary conception of popular sovereignty is no longer possible. The thesis concludes by suggesting that a demoicratic reconceptualisation of popular sovereignty offers a constructive way to make sense of the EU's legitimacy.
15
Li, Chan-man Philip. « The issue of dynastic legitimacy of the Three Kingdoms as seen in Zizhi Tongjian Lun "Zi zhi tong jian" dui San guo zheng run wen ti zhi chu li / ». Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1989. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31949526.
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16
Pastorella, Giulia. « Technocratic governments : power, expertise and crisis politics in European democracies ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3364/.
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The aim of my thesis is to investigate the reasons for the appointment of technocratic governments in Europe. In order to do this, I conceptualise what technocratic governments are, both in terms of their own characteristics and in comparison with party governments. I problematize classic elements, such as independence, neutrality and expertise of ministers, and add further ones including the relation to electoral outcomes, their particular type of agenda, and the echo they have in the media. Having established that technocratic governments require a shift in politicians’ preferences away from typical office-seeking behaviour, I proceed to enquire as to the situations that make their appointment more likely. Through a statistical analysis on all European cabinets from 1977 to 2013, I identify situations of economic and political crises – in particular scandals - as the main variables influencing the likelihood of technocratic government appointments. I further examine how these crises have lead to these appointments by exploring cases of over 25 technocratic governments in a range of countries and years. The qualitative illustrative evidence highlights the importance of institutional characteristics of the given political system in which such governments were appointed. The status of the party system, the role of the Head of State and external pressures coming from international or supranational institutionas are thus shown to be important in technocratic cabinet appointments. Finally, I assess whether technocratic governments fit within the European democratic standards and conclude that technocratic governments are symptoms of the decline of party democracy, identifiable in the loosening of delegation and accountability ties between parties and cabinets, increasing external pressures on domestic political actors, and the weakening of partisan ideology-based politics. The thesis adds further elements to reinforce the already vast literature on the crisis of – especially party – democracy in Europe.
17
Scheuer, Angelika. « How Europeans see Europe structure and dynamics of European legitimacy beliefs / ». [Amsterdam] : Amsterdam : Vossiuspers UvA ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2005. http://dare.uva.nl/document/78908.
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18
Kurnitzki-West, Vera. « Legitimation and legitimacy in Canadian federal communications policies and practices ». Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63240.
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19
Tennyson, Kristin M. « Establishing legitimacy and democratic rule of law in Latin America their impact on victimization in 12 countries / ». [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0024927.
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20
Choudhury, Zahidul Arefin. « Politics of natural disaster : how governments maintain legitimacy in the wake of major disasters, 1990-2010 ». Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1566.
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This dissertation is about major natural disasters, and how they contribute to legitimacy crises of governments. Three major factors explain the emergence of a legitimacy crisis in a post-disaster context: the frequency of disaster occurrence, the quality of the government response to disasters, and the type of regime within which the government operates. Employing a large-N statistical analysis of data on major natural disasters and anti-government domestic political activities for the years between 1990 and 2010, I show that higher counts of disasters, as a rule, increase the risks of anti-government demonstrations, revolutions, riots, guerrilla warfare, and intrastate conflict. The disaster-political opposition relationship is conditional upon the characteristics of political regimes. No regime is entirely free from the political dangers of disasters. Consolidated autocracies and well established democracies are less likely than mixed regimes to observe political crises in the context of a higher frequency of natural disasters.
To evaluate the quality of government response and how it mediates the disaster-legitimacy relationship, I conduct a qualitative analysis of news reports on four major disaster events in South Asia - cyclone Sidr of 2007 and cyclone Aila of 2009 in Bangladesh and cyclone Aila and the Kashmir earthquake of 2005 in India. The case studies reveal that poor preparedness and inadequate immediate and long-term response of a government invite public criticism of the incumbent, antigovernment protest movements, and anti-incumbent voting in elections. When opposition parties translate this public frustration into broader political mobilization, the moral claim of the incumbent to remain in power diminishes substantially, sometimes causing a legitimacy crisis. As opposed to common expectations, democracy may not provide the best political environment for effective disaster response. The quality of government response is influenced rather by a regime's security concerns, the level of administrative efficacy and corruption, the military's role in the disaster response process, socio-economic conditions of the affected people, and leadership competition over the disaster management process.
This study has broader implications for understanding the kinds of political strains that disasters create in a society and how governments function in Bangladesh and India. Much of these governments' energy is devoted to managing disasters, which diminishes their capacity to govern. Political elites in Bangladesh and India use disaster events as opportunities to strengthen clientelism and exclude political opposition in the affected areas
21
Olschewski, Boris. « Herrschaftswechsel, Legitimitätswechsel : die Mediatisierungen Biberachs und Friedbergs im europäischen Kontext (1802-1806) / ». Trier : Kliomedia, 2009. http://d-nb.info/992915171/04.
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22
Garme, Cecilia. « Newcomers to power how to sit on someone else's throne : socialists conquer France in 1981, non-socialists conquer Sweden in 1976 / ». Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48621507.html.
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23
Maor, Moshe. « The dynamics of minority rule : intra-party politics and minority governments in Western Europe ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1174/.
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The aim of this study is to provide a theoretical and empirical explanation of the question: How do conflicts within a party affect its coalitional behaviour insofar as such conflicts may influence the bargaining power of party elites in the parliamentary arena. There are three major themes around which the theoretical explanation is organized. The first theme is that 'party institutionalization' and the nature of intra-party conflicts are important factors in shaping the ability of the party elites to neutralize internal conflicts. The second theme - a particular application of the first - is that the strength of a party in the parliamentary bargaining plane (i.e. its relative bargaining power) lies in its organization weakness. The third theme reveals that political parties, which are characterized by the existence of heterogeneous and diffused mechanisms for internal dissent, can handle internal conflicts in a variety of ways without forcing members to leave the party. Based upon a comparative analysis of intra-party conflicts and minority governments in Denmark, Norway, France, Italy and the U.K., the study suggests that weakly institutionalized parties can enter into conflict inducing coalition negotiations without risking their hold on their membership, whereas inter-party negotiations can lead to disintegration of highly institutionalized parties as members may be forced to leave the party as their primary mechanism for expression of discontent. A major implication of this study is that in multi-party systems in which minority situations occur, the most attractive strategy (i.e. in terms of bargaining power) for highly institutionalized parties occupying a governmental position is the formation of informal minority governments, whereas the most attractive strategy for weakly institutionalized parties is the formation of formal minority governments.
24
Hatton, Lucy. « Democratic legitimacy and the European Citizens' Initiative : a recipe for disappointment and disaffection ? » Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/86232/.
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The European Union has long been argued to suffer from a deficit of democratic legitimacy. One recent innovation introduced with the intention of addressing this deficit is the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI), a means by which 1 million EU citizens can ask the European Commission to propose new legislation. In 2015, three years following its introduction, opinions on the performance of the ECI amongst EU politicians, journalists and campaigners are tinged with disappointment and disaffection. This thesis asks to what extent the sceptics are warranted in their frustrations towards the ECI or whether it is able to live up to the high expectations of the EU institutions at the time of its introduction. By drawing analytic criteria directly from the theory of democratic legitimacy and applying them in a systemic manner, I address how the ECI can, in principle, and has thus far, in practice, affected the EU in terms of inclusion in policy making, impacts on policy outcomes, and the pursuit of normatively justifiable and salient issues. Using case studies of the first four ECI campaigns registered by the Commission, I argue that the ECI has the potential to contribute to the inclusion of EU policy making through the activation and formation of multiple, issue-specific demoi in the EU, which can form the basis of democratic legitimacy. I also find the ECI capable of producing tangible impacts on EU, national and local policy, though mostly in ways unintended by the Regulation underpinning the instrument. Effects on inclusion and impacts are, furthermore, affected by the salience of the issues the ECI is used to pursue, and the normative justifiability of the issue in terms of how it upholds the political equality of the people can directly enhance the EU’s democratic legitimacy. Given these findings, it is concluded that the ECI, despite the current disappointment of many commentators, has scope for unanticipated positive, though limited, impact on the EU’s democratic legitimacy.
25
Tse, Yuk-how. « An exploration of the relationship between political legitimacy and control of corruption in Hong Kong ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B36194967.
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26
Monteux, Camille. « Institution building in Kosovo : the role of international actors and the question of legitimacy ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/286/.
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This thesis argues that establishing legitimacy, both in relation to the international community and in relation to local populations, is a critical precondition for the success of international missions in post-conflict situations. The argument is developed through a study of post-conflict institution-building in Kosovo. In 1999, when the Security Council established the United Nations Administrative Mission in Kosovo, the international community had a unique opportunity to develop conflict management mechanisms capable of responding to the contemporary challenges posed by ethnic conflicts. By acting under the United Nations umbrella, the international community could have sent a strong message to the deeply divided population of Kosovo: this mission had the ability to protect them and provide them with institutional structures capable of sustaining long-term economic, political and social peace and stability. Yet the international actors failed to do so. They failed to grant the Kosovo population the security they so dearly needed, and they failed to construct institutions appropriate to the challenges faced by the territory. This thesis argues that this occurred because of the international community’s inability to provide legitimacy for their actions and policies. As the different actors focused their attention on attempting to secure legitimacy vis à vis the international community, they failed to nurture the roots of the new political system they wished to establish by obtaining the support of Kosovo’s population as a whole. After developing a working concept of legitimacy, I analyse the degree and nature of legitimacy of the different international actors, and their policies at each stage that led to the establishment of a new political system in Kosovo. Through this analysis, I provide an explanation for the failure of the international community to offer a satisfactory and sustainable solution to the Kosovo issue.
27
Källberg, Ellen. « The Legitimacy of the EU : Different approaches of how to treat legitimacy within the EU ». Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-709.
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The nation state has over time become the natural locus for democracy and consequently also legitimate governance. Both concepts have been developed within the nation state and are therefore considered closely connected to it. Nation states are, however, not the only actor on the international arena anymore. The European integration is an example of a new actor, where nation states have started collaborating.
Similar to nation states, EU has decision-making authorities and must therefore attain legitimacy. The thesis questions how legitimacy can be treated within an entity such as the EU. Three different ways of attaining legitimacy are brought up. The first perceives EU as legitimate in its current design with an intergovernmental part and a regulatory part. The intergovernmental part is claimed to be legitimised through democracy from the member states, and the regulatory part is legitimised through non-majoritarian democracy. Non-majoritarian democracy implies decision-making by independent institutions, which relies on expertise and fairness. The second part emphasises the need to enhance democracy for the EU to become legitimate. The EU is considered too similar to a nation state to make do with lesser standards of legitimacy than a liberal democratic nation state. Deliberative democracy could bring legitimacy through creating a dimension where citizens become oriented towards what can be perceived or acknowledged as the “common good” through active participation in deliberative processes. Federalism is brought up as another alternative that would possibly permit for democracy to be practiced in the EU.
Legitimacy is claimed to be achieved through sustaining values such as mutual respect, reciprocity, compromise and toleration, values that are connected to a commitment to working for the “common good”. The purpose of this essay is to describe different aspects on the concept “legitimacy” in the EU context and to show how it is achieved and/or how it can possibly be achieved in a future union of nation states. The purpose is not to arrive at a solution, or even to construe a common ground, but to construe a limited insight on how “legitimacy” in the EU can be treated according to theorists/theories.
Nationalsstaten har kommit att bli den naturliga platsen för demokrati och legitimt styre. En trolig förklaring till detta är att båda koncepten har utvecklats inom nationsstaten och anses därför vara starkt sammankopplade med den. Nationalsstater är dock inte längre den enda aktören på den internationella arenan. Den Europeiska integrationen är ett exempel på en ny företeelse, ett forum/sammanhang där nationalsstater har börjat sammarbeta. Som med nationsstater har EU beslutsfattande befogenheter och måste därför uppnå legitimitet.
Uppsatsen ifrågasätter hur legitimitet kan behandlas inom en enhet såsom EU. Tre olika sätt att uppnå legitimitet tas upp. Det första uppfattar EU som legitimt i sitt nuvarande utförande med en mellanstatlig del och en reglerande. Den mellanstatliga delen skulle kunna legitimeras genom medlemsstaternas demokrati, och den reglerande delen legitimeras genom ”icke-majoritets demokrati”. ”Icke majoritets demokrati” innebär beslutsfattande av självständiga instutitioner, som förlitar sig på experter och rättvisa som värdegrund. Den andra delen framhåller behovet av att öka demokrati för att ska bli EU legitimt. Enligt detta synsätt är EU alltför likt en nationsstat för att klara sig med en lägre standard av legitimitet än en liberaldemokratisk nationsstat. Deliberativ demokrati skulle kunna bringa legitimitet genom att tillföra en dimension där medborgare, genom aktivt deltagain i deliberativa processer, blir orienterade mot lösningar som uppfattas och erkänns som ”allmänt goda”. Federalism tas upp som ytterligare ett alternativ. Legitimitet anses kunna uppnås genom upprätthållandet av värden såsom gemensam respekt, ömsesidighet, kompromisser and tålamod. Värden som är kopplade till åtagandet att sträva mot ”det allmäna goda”.
Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att beskriva olika aspekter av legitimitetsbegreppet i EU och att visa på hur legitimitet uppnås eller kan uppnås i en framtida union av nationalstater. Uppsatsen gör varken anspråk på att tillhandahålla klara lösningar eller ens att föreslå en gemensam bas av möjliga sådana, men att erbjuda läsaren en begränsad insikt i hur legitimitet behandlas utifrån några teoretiska perspektiv, och av några teoretiker.
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Allard-Tremblay, Yann. « Epistemic theories of democracy, constitutionalism and the procedural legitimacy of fundamental rights ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3465.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The overall aim of this thesis is to assess the legitimacy of constitutional laws and bills of rights within the framework of procedural epistemic democracy. The thesis is divided into three sections. In the first section, I discuss the relevance of an epistemic argument for democracy under the circumstances of politics: I provide an account of reasonable disagreement and explain how usual approaches to the authority of decision-making procedures fail to take it seriously. In the second part of the thesis, I provide an account of the epistemic features of democracy and of the requirements of democratic legitimacy. I develop a revised pragmatist argument for democracy which relies on three presumptive aims of decision-making: justice, sustainability and concord. In the third and last section, I first argue for the desirability of constitutionalism. I then explain why constitutionalism, as it is usually understood, is incompatible with my procedural epistemic account of democratic legitimacy. In the last chapter, I offer a two-pronged solution to the apparent incompatibility of constitutionalism and epistemic democracy. I first argue for the appropriateness of political constitutionalism, as opposed to legal constitutionalism, in understanding the relationship between rights and democracy. I then provide an account of rights protection and judicial review compatible with epistemic democratic legitimacy. Finally, I use the notion of pragmatic encroachment to explain how constitutional laws can achieve normative supremacy through the increased epistemic credentials of the procedure.
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Osiander, Andreas. « Peacemaking and international legitimacy : stability and consensus in the state system of Europe, 1644-1920 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316812.
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Okafor, Obiora Chinedu. « Re-defining legitimacy : international law, multilateral institutions and the problem of socio-cultural fragmentation within established African states ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0010/NQ34602.pdf.
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Lo, Wai-yan, et 羅維恩. « An analysis of the power of the Hong Kong government in education policy making ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31958072.
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Monaghan, Elizabeth. « Civil society, democratic legitimacy and the European Union : democratic linkage and the debate on the future of the EU ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2007. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10558/.
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Recent reform agendas have emphasised a perceived need to bring the European Union (EU) institutions and the citizens of the member states and closer together, as a means of enhancing the legitimacy of EU governance. The debate on the future of the EU, the initiative which led to the signing of the constitutional treaty in October 2004, addressed the challenge of 'bringing closer' by incorporating civil society in to the treaty reform process. In this thesis I investigate the role played by transnational civil society organisations in helping to bring citizens and institutions closer together. I employ the notion of democratic linkage to describe and explain the downward-facing interactions between civil society organisations and ordinary citizens, which have sometimes been neglected, as well as their upward-facing interactions with elite decision-makers. Drawing upon data from qualitative interviews with 25 civil society organisations and six officials from various EU institutions I find serious discrepancies between the rhetoric of the EU institutions on bringing citizens closer, and the capacities and willingness of the civil society actors involved as well as the opportunities for doing so.
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Dagkas-Tsoukalas, Vladimiros. « Liberal trusteeship : preparatory work for an epistemic defence of non-egalitarian liberalism ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10251.
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This thesis examines some epistemic defences of democracy put forward by David Estlund, Michael Fuerstein, Cheryl Misak, and Fabienne Peter, as well as a critique of democracy raised by Jason Brennan. It then develops an epistemic defence of a moderately non-egalitarian system, which it proposes to call liberal trusteeship. According to the proposed theory, the power to draft laws ought to be separated from the power to enact those drafts into law. The former power ought to be vested in trustees, who are essentially specialists that have inquired extensively into a given matter, and the latter power ought to be vested in a democratically elected parliament. Subsequently, this thesis argues that parliament should nevertheless have the prerogative to ultimately override trustees on ethics and pass its own legislation regulating moral matters; that the criteria for selecting trustees should be determined by jury courts; and that parliament and jury courts should be given some powers to influence the composition of trustee committees, so that the political process can guard against the risk that trustees might be biased or corrupt. The above proposal is grounded on three principal claims. Firstly, this thesis argues that moral authority and legitimacy ought to be reserved for the political system that strikes the best balance between competence and equality. Secondly, it argues that liberal trusteeship is more likely than democracy to determine correctly what ought to be done in light of the progress of open and vigorous inquiry into a given matter. Thirdly, and as a result, it argues that liberal trusteeship is likely to exercise power sufficiently more competently than democracy, such that its moderate deviation from political equality will be justified. In the light of this, the thesis concludes that liberal trusteeship would strike a better balance between competence and equality than democracy.
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MacDonald, Lindsey Te Ata o. Tu. « The political philosophy of property rights ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2270.
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This thesis argues that within political philosophy, property rights deserve closer attention than has been paid to them recently because the legitimacy of a state rests upon their definition and enforcement. In this way property rights differ from the right to liberty or equality. A state may or may not have liberty or equality, but it has no meaning at all if it does not enforce the rights of property. This is not to suggest that normative arguments for property rights are ‘nonsense upon stilts’. Morality may provide many reasons for an individual to exclude other members of a political community from a property. However, the function of property rights is to enforce that exclusion and this suggests that the normative legitimacy of a state is closely bound both to its ability to enforce whatever property rights it already has granted, and its justification of decisions taken when property rights are granted within its borders. My argument is that a proper political philosophy of property rights should acknowledge that a state depends upon its treatment of property rights for justification, not as a matter of justice, but as a matter of its existence.
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Paskeviciute, Aida. « The role of political parties for political system support in established and new democracies ». Online access via UMI:, 2005.
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Schröder, Hinrich. « Die völkerrechtliche Verantwortlichkeit im Zusammenhang mit failed und failing States / ». Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015477608&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Olivares, Concha Eduardo Alberto. « Party system institutionalisation in new democracies of Latin America, Europe and Asia ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/party-system-institutionalisation-in-new-democracies-of-latin-america-europe-and-asia(ac03c40e-841f-4379-9113-c4a92dced8a5).html.
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This thesis examines why party systems of some developing countries become deeper and more quickly stabilised than others. Drawing on the scholarship of party system institutionalisation in third wave democracies, the thesis argues that the field can be strengthened by looking to three factors that the current literature has taken for granted: the role of cleavages, the function of personalistic politics, and the requirement of legitimacy to assess party systems. This thesis addresses these issues and in so doing provides a novel view of how, when and why party systems in newer democracies from Latin America, Europe and Asia consolidate over time. The research considers three case studies from three regions of the world, following the most similar approach method of comparison. One country per world region has been chosen for study in detail: Chile (Latin America), Estonia (Central and Eastern Europe) and South Korea (East and Southeast Asia). They all have party systems which have become more stable over time, but they exhibit different trajectories and speeds of consolidation. The thesis uses a variety of methods. In order to infer the causes of different processes of institutionalisation from party systems’ own participants, more than 120 elite interviews were conducted in the three countries over 13 months. To evaluate the overall legitimacy of the stabilisation process, this works presents the results of almost 500 face-to-face interviews with randomly selected individuals from the population. Quantitative analyses based on secondary public opinion surveys are used to test implications and observations, and offer potential generalisations. The findings suggests: 1) Where the ideological cleavage (left-right) is a strong determinant of party support the party system is more stable, and the stronger the ideological cleavage becomes over time, the more consolidated the party system is. Here, an ideological trauma can be at the core of the limitations of the left-right scope development. 2) Party systems with personalistic leaders can consolidate, contrary to the received wisdom, if charismatic figures build their parties around programmatic lines. And 3) legitimacy should not be regarded as a dimension for the Theory of Party System Institutionalisation, because it does not contribute in any way, positive or negative, to the stability of party systems. The thesis concludes that theories of party system institutionalisation should be reconsidered with respect to cleavages, personalism and legitimacy. In so doing, the growing literature on party system institutionalisation can benefit from a more comprehensive understanding of the complexities of party systems in new democracies from different regions of the world.
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Musielak, Aleksandra. « The European Union accession to the European Convention on Human Rights as a plausible means to enhance the legitimacy of the EU ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/51644/.
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The aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that the EU accession to the European Convention on Human Rights is a promising way to improve the legitimacy of the supranational regime, provided that accession is organised in a well-considered and effective manner. My work tries to find, at least partial, resolution to the problem of the erosion of the EU authority, and is based on the underlying presumption that human rights substantially contribute to the successful functioning of the European polity. Understanding of the human rights environment in the EU is therefore crucial to find remedies to the lack of credibility in its exercise of power. For this reason the EU Human Rights Policy, in its internal realm, in particular the normative-judicial, monitoring, enforcement, and promotion components of the Policy, are examined in great detail. The identified flaws and insufficiencies, regarding both the design and implementation of the Policy in question, lend weight to the view that only a serious, comprehensive, and feasible plan for the reform of the Policy on human rights can provide an answer to the legitimacy problem at the supranational level of governance. But how is this objective best achieved? In this context, the proposal for the EU accession to the ECHR should be understood as a plausible means to rectify the shortcomings of the EU Human Rights Policy, and thus improve its image of the Union as a credible and powerful actor in European affairs. The proposal put forward in this work outlines principles which should govern the human rights reform of the EU and how they should be translated into practical terms. My research is therefore an invitation to a discussion about the role of the European Union, its orientation towards human rights, and its aspirations for the future.
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Lehmann, Molander Jonathan. « Why secession ? -The will of the people or a threat to democracy ». Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-84007.
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Europe is not as calm as one might think. There are currently several secessionist struggles that are ongoing in the region and in this thesis three of them will be researched. This thesis has investigated the biggest democratically elected actor that wants secession in Flanders, Catalonia and Scotland. This has been done by questioning how they argue for their secession and how these arguments relate to different approaches to legitimize secession. These approaches being the remedial approach, the free choice approach, the functional approach, the exit approach and the anti-theory approach. This was performed by using a qualitative content analysis. With this method I created an analytical scheme which was applied to the arguments in order to sort them into the scheme. The arguments used by the actors were pluralistic, relating to democracy, nationalism, administration, governance, economy, grievance and history. This proved that the actors are much more pluralistic than what theory could handle hence, none of the actors fit to either one of the approaches as they argued in a multitude of different ways. In addition to this, I was also able to show that against theoretical assumptions these secessionist actors didn’t favour external legitimacy. Even though this is argued by some to be most important for secessionist groups to gain independence. In the end the implications of this thesis are that secessionist actors are incredibly pluralistic, and it is quite hard for theory to fully capture this plurality. Hence, secessionist theory gives a very incomplete picture of how secessionist actors try to legitimize their secession.
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Morelon, Claire. « Street fronts : war, state legitimacy and urban space, Prague 1914-1920 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6148/.
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This thesis examines daily life in the city of Prague during the First World War and in its immediate aftermath. Its aim is twofold: to explore the impact of the war on urban space and to analyse the relationship of Prague’s inhabitants to the Austro-Hungarian and then Czechoslovak state. To this end, both the mobilization for the war effort and the crisis of legitimacy experienced by the state are investigated. The two elements are connected: it is precisely because of the great sacrifices made by Praguers during the conflict that the Empire lost the trust of its citizens. Food shortages also constitute a major feature of the war experience and the inappropriate management of supply by the state played a large role in its final collapse. The study goes beyond Czechoslovak independence on 28 October 1918 to fully grasp the continuities between the two polities and the consequences of the war on this transitional period. Beyond the official national revolution, the revolutionary spirit in Prague around the time of regime change reveals the interplay between national and social motives, making it part of a broader European revolutionary movement at the time.
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Forman, Mark, et n/a. « The politics of inheritance ? : the language of inheritance in Romans within its first-century Greco-Roman Imperial context ». University of Otago. Department of Theology and Religious Studies, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080128.161919.
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This thesis is an exploration of the extent to which Paul�s terminology of Inheritance [(...)] in Romans, and its associated imagery, logic and arguments, functioned to evoke socio-political expectations that were alternative to those which prevailed in contemporary Roman imperial discourse.
There are two parts to this study. The first is to take seriously the context of Empire and the claims being made by the Roman Empire in the first century. In particular, what were some of the messages conveyed by the Roman Empire with regard to the structure and purpose, the hopes and expectations, of first-century society? The Christians in Rome were daily exposed to the images and message of Caesar and his successors and there is therefore a need to consider how Paul�s language of Inheritance would have sounded within this environment.
Second, this study gives attention to the content of Paul�s use of the word "inheritance" as it occurs in Romans. In order to address this question, three interrelated ideas are explored. First, for Paul, what does the inheritance consist of? The traditional understanding is that the concept is an entirely spiritualised or transcendent reality. This study proposes a more this-worldly, geographical nature to the word. Second, there is the closely related question of the political nature of inheritance. If it is the case that the language of inheritance has to do with the renewal of the land, then who inherits this land? These two questions raise a third issue-how will the inheritance transpire? Paul�s inheritance language contributes to notions of lordship, authority and universal sovereignty for the people of God. Conceivably, the path to this dominion could mirror the hegemonic intentions of imperial Rome which envisages the triumph of one group of people (the strong) over another (the weak). Is this the case with Paul�s inheritance language, or does it somehow undermine all claims to power and control?
There are five undisputed uses of [...] and its cognates in Romans-Rom 4:13, 14; Rom 8:17 (three times) and there is one textual variant in Rom 11:1 where the word [...] is used in place of [...]. This study finds that, to varying degrees in each of these texts, the inheritance concept is not only a direct confrontation to other claims to rule, it is also simultaneously a reversal of all other paths to lordship and rule.
This study then considers the use of the concept in the two other undisputed Pauline letters where it occurs (Galatians and 1 Corinthians) and also in the disputed letter to the Colossians. The overriding impression is that there is nothing in Galatians, 1 Corinthians or Colossians which significantly challenges the this-worldly, political nature of the language of inheritance in Romans. In these epistles and in Romans Paul employs the language and politics of inheritance in order to subvert the message of Empire.
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Dreyhaupt, Stephan J. « Locational tournaments in the context of the EU competitive environment a new institutional economics approach to foreign direct investment policy competition between governments in Europe / ». Wiesbaden : Deutscher Universitäts-Verlag, 2006. http://site.ebrary.com/id/10231776.
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Lubbe, Lesley. « Filling the political void : the mechanisms of coping in stateless Somalia ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17813.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia continues to intrigue scholars and policy-makers around the world, due to the fact that it is enduring what few others have, total state collapse. Not only does the situation defy easy explanation, the degree of state failure is unprecedented. After more than two decades without a functioning central authority, Somalia is now the longest-running instance of state collapse in postcolonial history. While researching and understanding state weakness and state failure is critical, it is useless unless combined with devising ways to prevent state failure in the future. Somalia provides policy makers with a unique opportunity to study the consequences of state collapse. Understanding the complex dynamics of state weakness and state collapse could ultimately help save the lives of thousands of people on the African continent. This study focuses on the mechanisms of coping by analysing the actors who have stepped up to fill the political vacuum left behind by the collapsing state. The role played by both state and non-state actors will be explored throughout this study. As it is not possible to address every actor who has played a part in Somalia since the implosion of the state in 1991, only the three most important internal and external actors will be analysed. The role played by the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) will be discussed at length. The contributions made by neighbouring country Ethiopia, will also be investigated. Although the contributions and the impact of these external actors have in some instances led to undesired results, it does not change the fact that these actors attempted to fill the void in Somalia. Non-state actors positions within Somalia will also be examined in detailed. These actors include regional authorities, the role of Al-Shabaab, as well as the Islamic Courts Union. The study does not excuse the behaviour of these actors but rather discusses the rise of these organizations in light of the collapsing state and the position which they have taken up in Somalia to fill the political void. Lastly the role of the “Somali coast guards” also known as the Somali pirates, will be discussed.ipti
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië bly die brandpunt van belangstelling vir geleerdes en beleidmakers dwarsoor die wêreld. Die hoofrede hiervoor is dat hierdie land ervaar het wat min ander lande het, naamlik algehele ineenstorting van die staat en bestuur. ‘n Maklike verduideliking of vereenvoudiging van die situasie is daar nie, want die ongeëwenaarde ineenstorting van stuktuur en staat, van Somalië is uniek. Twee dekades later is hierdie land nogsteeds sonder ‘n funksioneerende gesetelde staatsgesag. Hierdie tydperk is die langste voorbeeld van staatsineenstorting sonder herstel in post-koloniale geskiedenis. Navorsing en insig in elke staat se inherente swakhede en probleme help om mislukte bestuur te voorspel en te voorkom. Hierdie inligting moet korrek geimplimenteer en geinterpreteer word om krissise en mislukkings binne staatsbestel te verhoed. Somalië bied beleidmakers ‘n unieke geleentheid om die gevolge van totale staatsineenstorting te bestudeer en daaruit te leer. Net deur middel van begrip vir die komplekse dinamika van ‘n staat wat ineenstort en deur wanbestuur verswak word, sal daar uikoms vir duisende mense op hierdie vasteland kom. Sodoende sal ontelbare lewens in Afrika gered kan word. Hierdie studie analiseer die tegnieke van aanpassing, gebruik deur die rolspelers wat die politieke vakuum vul, wat deur die staatineenstorting nagelaat is. Die ondersoek fokus ook op die impak en effekte van beide interne en eksterne rolspelers. Aangesien dit onmoontlik is om die aandeel wat elke rolspeler sedert die ineenstorting van Somalië in 1991 gehad het te bestudeer, word net die drie belangrikste interne en eksterne rolspelers bespreek. Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), Afrika Unie (AU) en die buurland Ethiopië se bydraes sal ondersoek word. Alhoewel die bydraes en insette van hierdie eksterne rolspelers soms tot ongewenste resultate gelei het, bly die feit staan dat hulle probeer het om die leemtes in Somalië te vul. Ander belangrike rolspelers wat nie deel van die plaaslike regering is nie, sal ook in diepte bespreek word. Hierdie invloede binne Somalië sluit streeksowerhede in, asook die rol van Al Shabaab en die Islamitiese Howe Unie. Die studie verskoon nie die gedrag van die rolspelers nie, maar bespreek eerder die opkoms van hierdie organisasies. Dit word alles gesien in die lig van die ineenstorting van die staat en die posisie wat hulle in Somalië geneem het om mag te bekom en die politieke leemte te vul. Ten slotte word die omstrede rol van die "Somaliese kuswagte", anders bekend as Somaliese seerowers, bespreek.
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Silva, Aristóteles de Almeida 1978. « O capitalismo tardio e sua crise = estudo das interpretações de Ernest Mandel e a de Jürgen Habermas ». [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279454.
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Orientador: Silvio César CamargoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O objetivo desse trabalho é estudar a obra de Ernest Mandel O capitalismo tardio e Jürgen Habermas Problemas de legitimação no capitalismo tardio, onde analisam o capitalismo do pósguerra e sua crise. As transformações do capitalismo desde o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial desencadearam uma importante discussão sobre a explicação marxista do desenvolvimento capitalista, de sua crise e sobre as condições para superação desta formação social. A discussão evidencia que a confrontação com a obra de Marx é oportuna não só porque permite entender quanto o capitalismo se transformou desde Marx, mas também para discutir se ela ainda consegue oferecer uma explicação relevante para se compreender as modificações estruturais contemporâneas. Nesse sentido, os autores se relacionam de maneira distinta com o legado marxiano. A obra de Mandel se mostra como um esforço para explicar o período segundo o instrumental teórico marxiano, mantendo o papel central da teoria do valor-trabalho e a crise como manifestação das contradições imanentes do capital. Já a obra de Habermas aponta para uma mudança de forma e lógica da crise, consequentemente apontando para a ineficácia da teoria do valor-trabalho aplicada aos dias atuais, o legado de Marx só continuaria a ser útil caso fosse reconstruído. Por fim, discutiremos as consequências dessas distintas explicações para os projetos de emancipação
Abstract: The purpose of this research is to study the work of Ernest Mandel's Late Capitalism and Jürgen Habermas Legitimation crisis, whose works examine the capitalism in postwar and its crisis. The transformations of capitalism since the end of Second World War caused an important discussion on the Marxist explanation of capitalist development and of its crisis, and the conditions to overcome this social formation. The discussion shows that the confrontation with Marx's work is timely not only because it allows us to understand how capitalism has turned since Marx, but also to discuss whether it still is able to offer a relevant explanation to understand the contemporary structural changes. In this sense, the authors relate differently with the Marxian legacy. Mandel's work appears as an effort to explain the period according to the concepts of Marxian theory, maintaining the central role of the labor theory of value and the crisis as a manifestation of the immanent contradictions of capital. Already the work of Habermas points to a change of form and logic of the crisis, thus pointing to the ineffectiveness of the labor theory of value applied to the present day, the legacy of Marx would still only be useful if it were rebuilt. Finally, we discuss the consequences of these different explanations for the projects of emancipation
Mestrado
Sociologia
Mestre em Sociologia
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Rosário, Luana Paixão Dantas do. « Uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade democrática do poder judiciário para a concretização dos direitos fundamentais ». Faculdade de Direito, 2014. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/15275.
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Esta tese resulta das pesquisas desenvolvidas ao longo do curso de doutoramento em Direito Público na Universidade Federal da Bahia, na linha de pesquisa Cidadania e Efetividade dos Direitos. O objetivo inicial desta tese era desenvolver uma teoria substantivo-procedimentalista de legitimidade democrática do Poder Judiciário. Resultou no desenvolvimento de uma teoria substantivo-dialógica. A conciliação entre as perspectivas substancialista e procedimentalista se deu pela hermenêutica fenomenológica. Inicialmente, esclarece a concepção multidimensional de Direitos Fundamentais na qual se firmará e insere o problema no domínio da moralidade prática. Aborda o tema da legitimidade democrática pela elucidação dos conceitos de democracia, república e soberania. Trata da relação entre Direito, democracia e legitimidade. Visita as doutrinas sobre a legitimidade da jurisdição constitucional pela tutela dos procedimentos democráticos. Faz referência ao ativismo judicial. Expõe a teoria substancialista de Ronald Dworkin dos direitos morais e da igualdade política como substrato de legitimidade. Analisa o juiz Hércules. Expõe a teoria de Jürgen Habermas, que, ao colocar o Direito e a moral na razão comunicativa, acaba por desenvolver uma perspectiva procedimentalista de legitimidade. Aborda o procedimentalismo de pretensão corretiva de Robert Alexy, a partir da análise de sua teoria dos Direitos Fundamentais, de sua Teoria da Argumentação Jurídica e do seu constitucionalismo discursivo. Questiona se sua teoria atinge o objetivo de fundir a perspectiva procedimentalista a pontos substantivos de partida e regulação. Expõe a hermenêutica fenomenológica de Heidegger e filosófica de Gadamer. Distingue o plano hermenêutico do plano apofântico da linguagem. Revisa a hermenêutica heterorreflexiva, seus conceitos de abertura compreensiva contratextual, de primazia do problema e abertura dialógica. Analisa a proposta do juiz Hermes. Desenvolve uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade na qual cria a figura da juíza Maia. Determina a pressurização ontológica da dignidade como institucionalização prévia do espaço do jogo na ética da alteridade para o desvelamento da resposta correta.
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Omes, Marco Emanuele. « La festa di Napoleone : Sovranità, legittimità e sacralità nell’Europa francese (Repubblica/Impero francese, Repubblica/Regno d’Italia, Regno di Spagna, 1799-1814) ». Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL040.
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En mélangeant une approche d’histoire culturelle du politique et une perspective comparative, ma recherche étudie les fêtes napoléoniennes qui eurent lieu entre 1799 et 1814 dans la République / Empire français, la République / Royaume d’Italie et le Royaume d’Espagne. Par le biais de cette méthode je dévoilerai l’existence d’un modèle de fête napoléonienne qui était plutôt uniforme dans les trois contextes géographiques considérées, surtout en matière de principes de base, de mots-clés et de valeurs transmises. Mon étude se focalise sur les concepts de souveraineté, de légitimité et de sacralité, visant à mettre en lumière leurs interconnections réciproques et leur signification en rapport avec l’époque napoléonienne par le prisme des fêtes civiques, et notamment par les représentations symboliques, visuelles et discursives qui les ponctuaient. L’analyse de ces représentations permet de mieux comprendre non seulement les manifestations, mais aussi les fondements, les caractéristiques et l’évolution du pouvoir napoléonienBy combining research methods from the cultural history of the politic with a comparative perspective, my dissertation covers the celebrations of the Napoleonic era that took place between 1799 and 1814 in the Republic (later, Empire) of France, in the Republic (later, Kingdom) of Italy, and in the Kingdom of Spain. My comparative perspective aims to show the existence of a model of Napoleonic celebration that was fairly uniform across the three geographical contexts I studied, especially in its basic principles, fundamental concepts and values conveyed. My study centres on the concepts of sovereignty, legitimacy and sacrality, and aims to shed light on their interplay and their significance in the context of Napoleonic-era civic festivities, especially in terms of the forms of symbolic, visual and discursive representation that were used. My analysis of these forms of representation will allow the reader to better understand not only the manifestations of Napoleonic power, but also its ideological underpinnings, characteristics, and evolution over time
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Staron, Joséphine. « La solidarité intra-européenne : questions de principe et stratégie d’application pour une refondation du projet européen ». Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2020. http://accesdistant.sorbonne-universite.fr/login?url=http://theses.paris-sorbonne.fr/2020SORUL033.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Notre thèse retrace le parcours inédit de solidarisation entre les États et les peuples européens que constitue le processus de l’intégration européenne. Elle interroge les conditions, les justifications et les obstacles de ce que Robert Schuman identifiait comme le passage d’une « solidarité de fait à une solidarité de production », c’est-à-dire d’une solidarité négative entendue au sens d’interdépendance, à une solidarité positive, souhaitée, choisie. Cet objectif ambitieux souffre de nombreux obstacles. Progressivement, la solidarité européenne s’est vue dépolitisée pour devenir une entreprise technique, suivant la méthode fonctionnaliste, engendrant une perte de sens et des finalités du projet européen. Dès lors, la question des justifications légitimes de la solidarité européenne est devenue impérieuse, tout comme la recherche des conditions d’un renouvellement du consentement des États et des peuples à la solidarité européenne. En effet, pourquoi et comment les États ont-ils consenti par le passé à un projet d’intégration qui impliquait des sacrifices en termes de souveraineté, et pourquoi et comment pourraient-ils à nouveau y consentir demain ? La crise de confiance et de légitimité que traverse l’UE est révélatrice d’une crise plus profonde de la solidarité intra-européenne. Nous identifions ainsi les conditions normatives et empiriques de la solidarité que nous confrontons à l’expérience européenne. Puis, par l’identification des finalités de la solidarité européenne, nous définissons les contours d’un cadre d’intégration capable de répondre aux attentes des européens en matière de solidarité, moyen de protection complémentaire des solidarités nationalesOur thesis traces the unprecedent path of solidarity between European States and Peoples made possible by the process of European integration. It questions the conditions, the justifications and the obstacles of what Robert Schuman identified as the transition from “de facto solidarity to production solidarity”, that is to say from negative solidarity understood in the sense of interdependence, to positive, desired, chosen solidarity. This ambitious goal encounters many obstacles. Gradually, European solidarity has been depoliticized and thus became a technical enterprise, following the functionalist method, which caused a loss of meaning and of the aims of the European project. Consequently, the question of legitimate justifications for European solidarity has become imperative, as has the search for conditions for a renewal of the consent of States and Peoples to European solidarity. Indeed, why and how have States consented in the past to an integration project that involved sacrifices in terms of sovereignty, and why and how could they consent to it again tomorrow? The crisis of trust and legitimacy in the EU is indicative of a deeper crisis of intra-European solidarity. We thus identify the normative and empirical conditions of solidarity that we confront with the European experience. Then, by identifying the purposes of European solidarity, we define the contours of an integration framework capable of meeting the expectations of Europeans in terms of solidarity, a means of added protection
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Hauenfels, Theresia. « Visualisierung von Herrschaftsanspruch die Habsburger und Habsburg-Lothringer in Bildern ». Wien Praesens-Verl, 2005. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2704892&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Cherem, Youssef Alvarenga. « Islã, legitimidade e cultura politica : o movimento estudantil no Irã durante o periodo Khatami (1997-2005) ». [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281552.
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Orientador: Omar Ribeiro ThomazDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T11:57:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cherem_YoussefAlvarenga_M.pdf: 1667068 bytes, checksum: 23d691189fa6ca5fdeeef14108da6208 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006
Resumo: Durante os dois mandatos Mohammad Khatami como presidente da República Islâmica do Irã (1997-2001; 2001-2005), observou-se um debate intenso e violento na sociedade iraniana a respeito da concepção do espaço político e dos fundamentos da ação política. Uma parte essencial desse debate foi a participação dos estudantes numa incipiente (embora efêmera e limitada) abertura do espaço público. Mas essa política de reforma teve o resultado inesperado de trazer à tona as vozes de contestação da organização normativa autoritária do campo político, expondo as contradições constitutivas do sistema e seu funcionamento ambíguo, e ameaçando por um momento a dominação da elite política religiosa-revolucionária. Essa ameaça ocorreu porque os estudantes agiam segundo uma lógica republicana de igualdade jurídico-política e exigiam a instauração desse padrão, prometido por Khatami durante a campanha eleitoral. Em outras palavras, podemos perceber uma vontade de reformulação simbólico-institucional da divisão público-privado que regia as relações entre o estado e a sociedade do Irã desde o estabelecimento da República Islâmica. A participação de elementos anteriormente excluídos do espaço público e o fortalecimento da sociedade civil fizeram com que fossem contestados a estrutura de poder e o funcionamento enclausurado (privado) do sistema político iraniano, bem como regras não escritas da vida política iraniana. Assim, embora os estudantes tenham sido reprimidos, esse período de abertura relativa nos abre uma perspectiva frutífera para interpretar a pluralidade de concepções de governo, religião e sociedade presentes num país muçulmano, opondo-se a algumas visões do meio acadêmico que se destacam por uma leitura superficial e/ou unidimensional de fenômenos onde se entremeiam cultura e política
Abstract: Islam, legitimacy and political culture: the Iranian student movement in the Khatami government During his two terms as the president of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1997-2001; 2001- 2005), we have come to witness an intense and violent debate in Iranian society about the conception of the public space and the fundaments of political action. An essential element in this debate was the participation of the students in a fledgling (but ephemeral and limited) opening of the public space. But this policy of reform had the unexpected result of bringing into the open the dissenting voices against the normative, authoritarian framing of the public space, exposing the inherent contradictions of the system and its hazy functioning, and jeopardizing, even if for just one moment, the ascendancy of the religious revolutionary elites. The students¿ coming out in public was a threat because the students acted according to a republican logic of juridical and political equality and demanded the implementation, as promised by Khatami in his campaign of this pattern, and the abolition of the ¿unwritten rules¿ of Iranian political life. In other words, we can notice a will of symbolic and institutional reformulation of the separation between public and private spheres that ruled the relations between state and society in Iran since the establishment of the Islamic Republic. The participation of people who had been previously excluded from public space and the strengthening of civil society increased opposition to the power structure and the closed, private working of the political system. Thus, although the students have been repressed, this period of relative opening opens a promising path to interpret the plurality of conception of government, religion and society in a Muslim country ¿ an interpretation that engages critically some scholarly views of the interweaving of culture and politics that are remarkable for their shallow and/or one-dimensional reading of intrinsically multi-layered phenomena
Mestrado
Mestre em Antropologia Social
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Romero-Valderrama, Ana. « La coalición pedracista : elecciones y rebeliones para una re-definición de la participación política en México (1826-1828) ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1905.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The pedracista electoral coalition that was formed in Mexico during the 1828 presidential elections was deliberately ignored by the traditional historiography of the early national period. Instead it concentrated on the leaders of the liberal struggle, deeming this alliance unworthy of study. There were essentially two key reasons why this happened. On the one hand, General Manuel Gómez Pedraza (1789-1851) was not an archetypal liberal patriot in the mould of those heroes that were exalted and written about by Mexico’s Porfirian and PRIísta historians. His politics were associated with a certain ideological indeterminateness as a result of his moderate stance, proving problematic to historians who were intent on developing a liberal and subsequently post-revolutionary historia patria. On the other hand, the official historiography accepted, unquestioningly, the critical version of his actions that his opponents circulated at the time. As a result of this, the yorkino version of the events is the one that prevailed, casting Pedraza in the role of staunch anti-yorkino in a simplistic bipartisan vision of Mexican politics that depicted the political tensions of the time as a clear-cut confrontation between the pedracista aristocrats and the democratic yorkino followers of mulatto hero of the War of Independence, General Vicente Guerrero (1783-1831). This two-dimensional dichotomy has only recently started to be nuanced by the revisionist historiography of the last thirty years. This has been due, in great measure, to the fact that the traditional interpretation of the pedracista coalition posed a number of significant problems when attempting to understand the political behaviour of the people involved. Above all, it was an interpretation that proved incapable of explaining how such a variety of political tendencies, represented by those individuals who joined the alliance that backed Pedraza’s presidential candidacy, could have come together; i.e., anti-masonic groups, the imparciales, certain yorkinos and former escoceses. This thesis aims to explain what brought these individuals, whose political ideas were ostensibly incompatible, together, in what resulted in a particularly resourceful and successful electoral force. The pedracista coalition represented the first political formation in Mexico that came together specifically to win a presidential election. It was one which set out to bring an end to the political interference of Masonic societies in Mexico, and in particular, that of the Rite of York lodges. It also challenged the yorkinos’ electoral campaign by criticising their leader, Guerrero, and, by highlighting the negative aspects of their Masonic faction. It pointed out, moreover, the dangers inherent in a central administration led by guerrerista yorkinos and, in so doing, made clear the problems that were to be found in the political ideas these individuals stood for, depicting them as partisan, ignorant, and representative of the popular classes. The pedracista coalition argued that the presidency needed to go to someone who did not belong to any particular party, who was virtuous, who was renowned for being hard-working and energetic in government, and who belonged to the exclusive circles frequented by the “hombres de bien”. Given that Pedraza won the elections, it is evident that his coalition benefited from a constitutional structure that favoured his candidacy, gaining, at the same time, the public validation of the governmental authorities in place at the time. However, Pedraza’s candidacy was defeated by the armed mobilizations that ensued in the pronunciamientos pro-yorkino followers launched from October to November 1828, and was consequently eliminated from the political scene until late 1832 given that the leaders of the imparciales as well as Pedraza himself chose not to fight back or support a counter-revolution. During the electoral campaign, the pedracista coalition displayed, with astounding clarity, what it thought were the essential qualities a president needed to possess and, likewise presented a distinctive appreciation of how it thought the Mexican political class should behave. In this sense, the coalition’s views, captured in its votes, networks and press articles, offer a fascinating snapshot of what were the fundamental themes of the Mexican republic during its formative years as a nation-state, and how this ignored political grouping interpreted them. Of particular interest is the manner in which the pedracista coalition explored the ways in which political legitimacy, participation and representation were to be understood, defended, and systematised. By studying the pedracista coalition this thesis offers, for the first time, a detailed analysis of the nature and dynamics of Mexican politics in the mid-late 1820s, as experienced, discussed, and represented by the short-lasting yet effective alliance that was forged around the candidacy of Manuel Gómez Pedraza.