Thèses : « Legislature Assembly »

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YONKERS, ADAM THOMAS. « A GRAND COUNCIL : THE FORMATION OF A POLITICAL GENERATION AND THE LOWER ASSEMBLY OF THE FIRST CISALPINE REPUBLIC 1796-1799 ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/920434.

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In the years of the Republican Triennio (1796-1799), Northern and Central Italy found itself transformed by a new political establishment rooted in the principles of revolution, republicanism, and national identity. These territories came together in 1797 to form the First Cisalpine Republic (1797-1799). Guided by the French Constitution of Year III, The Cisalpine Republic saw the materialization of a new political culture which blended French Revolutionary political practices, Italian political philosophy, and Cisalpine political development. This political culture was formed and developed inside the political and ideological center of the Cisalpine legislative apparatus, the lower house of the Cisalpine Assemblies, the Gran Consiglio. From 2 Frimaire to 14 Fructidor Republican Year VI (22 November 1797 to 31 August 1798), the Gran Consiglio, and the men who served as representatives within its chambers, was the point of legislative and political cultural formation, thanks to its constitutional mandate as the conceptualizer and incubator of legislative resolutions. This period saw the greatest moment of political and constitutional autonomy in Northern Italy during the entire Triennio, allowing for a looser and more progressive blending of Italian and French Revolutionary principles within Cisalpine legislation. This study will look at how the political and legislative culture of the Cisalpine Republic came to be created in the Gran Consiglio by examining the events which took place between 2 Frimaire and 14 Fructidor, and by understanding the personal backgrounds of Gran Consiglio representatives which shaped the way they debated and formed legislation. Through the use of archival resources, published acts of law and the debates recorded in the processi verbali of the Council itself, this thesis aims to provide evidence of the central role the Gran Consiglio played in development of Cisalpine administrative, social and political structures, its interactions with foreign and domestic institutions, and its place as the origins of early nineteenth century Italian political identity.

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Centurione, Danilo de Pádua. « Cooperação e controle : o papel do legislativo em 20 estados da federação na legislatura 2007-2010 ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-18062013-092708/.

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A ciência política brasileira produziu explicações consistentes no que se refere ao funcionamento da democracia pós-1988. Os mecanismos de governabilidade e o processo decisório do sistema político brasileiro encontram-se amplamente discutidos pela literatura sob a rubrica do presidencialismo de coalizão. No entanto, duas agendas de pesquisa sobre nosso sistema político não foram suficientemente testadas, quais sejam: o estudo sobre as relações Executivo-Legislativo nas unidades subnacionais e os mecanismos de checks and balances em nossa democracia. O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar o ponto de toque ou mesmo a junção entre estas duas agendas: a dimensão de fiscalização e o controle nas unidades subnacionais brasileiras. Para isso, o desenho de pesquisa é composto pelo balanço do estado da arte das respectivas literaturas relevantes, juntamente à análise dos dados de 20 Estados da Federação Brasileira, na legislatura 2007-2010.
The Brazilian political science produced consistent explanations about the functioning of democracy in the post-1988 period. The mechanisms of governability and decision-making of the Brazilian political system are widely discussed in the literature under the rubric of coalition presidentialism. However, two research agendas on our political system have not been sufficiently tested, namely: the study of the Executive-Legislative relations in subnational units and mechanisms of checks and balances in our democracy. The goal of this dissertation is to analyze the touch point or even the junction between these two frameworks: the dimension of supervision and control in the Brazilian subnational units. To accomplish these objectives, the research design consists in the review of the relevant literature, along with the analysis of data from 20 states of the Brazilian Federation - from 2007 to 2010.

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Green, Dawn Amanda. « Women and the National Assembly in France : an analysis of institutional change and substantive representation, with special reference to the 1997-2002 legislature ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/21894.

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This thesis explores institutional features of the Fifth Republic in France that affect women's representation, both in terms of their access to elected office and in terms of their ability to substantively represent women once elected. After identifying factors that were particularly favourable to women in the 1997 Parliament, it assesses the institutional reforms enacted from 1997-2002, which include not only the Constitutional Amendment and the Parity Law, but also limitations on the cumul des mandats, reform of the Senate, the creation of a statut de l'elu (defining elected officials' benefits and rights) and of the new parliamentary Women's Delegations. It attempts a holistic appraisal of the institutional reforms, and their effect on patterns of political recruitment. The second part analyses practices and power within the Palais-Bourbon to assess gender differences in access to parliamentary posts and tasks. It investigates the National Assembly as a 'gendered institution' and asks whether women are in a position to make a difference to the political process and legislative outcomes. It finds perceptible differences in women's and men's access to power, their committee work and use of parliamentary questions. The thesis concludes with a study of the Women's Delegation. After investigating the rationale and circumstances of its creation, the institutional status of the Delegation within the Assembly is analysed. Its contribution to legislation and its modus operandi in the 1997 Parliament, as well as its integration into the National Assembly are examined, in order to ascertain whether it has the potential to enhance women's substantive representation and to provide' safe space' for women Deputies.

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Ng, Yau-man Ivan, et 吳優文. « HKSAR legislative assembly ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1994. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31982165.

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Ng, Yau-man Ivan. « HKSAR legislative assembly ». Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1994. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25945233.

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Banik, Pankaj. « Tripura legislative assembly : a study of its evolution and selected legislations (1972-2002) ». Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1402.

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Bhattacharjya, Samujjal Kumar. « Role of STs in the Assam Legislative Assembly since 1972 ». Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/145.

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Kino, Junko Carleton University Dissertation History. « The genesis of reform politics in Upper Canada ; the opposition group of the fifth parliament, 1809-1812 ». Ottawa, 1988.

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Nehl, Eric J. « A comparison of selected personal variables of Indiana state legislators and their voting records on tobacco issues ». Virtual Press, 2001. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1266139.

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The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between personal demographic variables of Indiana's legislators and their voting records regarding laws associated with tobacco regulation. Personal demographic data of the legislators who were in office in either 1997 and/or 1998 were compared with their voting records on tobacco issues during that same time period. The evidence suggests that Democratic legislators appear to be more in favor of tobacco control than their Republican counterparts and legislators that are members of the House of Representatives are more supportive of tobacco control than their counterparts in the Senate. Conversely, the evidence suggests that there were no statistically significant differences on tobacco voting records when the legislators were grouped by representation of a tobacco district, level of education the legislator has attained, holding an office in their respective chambers, or their occupations other than being a legislator.The results of this study can be used to better educate legislators on the consequences of tobacco use and the benefits of voting for pro-tobacco control legislation. Future studies should include attempts to form a profile of a pro-tobacco control or pro-tobacco industry legislator at both the state and national level.
Department of Physiology and Health Science

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Azevedo, Elisabete. « Elected legislatures in sub-saharan Africa : Attitudes of citizens from 18 countries towards legislatures, with a particular focus on Mozambique, its assembly and parliamentarians ». Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3798.

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Elected multi-party assemblies have existed in Africa on average for no more than two decades. Consolidating democracy and improving the lives of ordinary citizens demands guardian parliaments. Parliaments are comprised predominantly of politicians and, interconnected with citizens and executives, are perceived as core institutions of representative democracies. This dissertation seeks to contribute to a better understanding of African multiparty parliaments and their role in consolidating democracy. The study seeks to comprehend the links between citizens and their elected parliaments in 18 African countries, in the process attempting to predict the prospects of these new democracies. It also focuses on the Assembly of Mozambique to attempt an understanding of the evolution, capacity and functioning of an emerging parliament. The study investigates the perceptions of Mozambican civil leaders toward their parliament, and it looks at the perceptions of Mozambican parliamentarians concerning their roles and their relations with the electorate, and concerning the Assembly’s capacity and powers. This is critical to understanding how democracy has been and will be exercised, since parliamentarians are at the forefront of the process. Each parliament has distinctive characteristics. However, there are common features based on their age and origin. The development of the Mozambican Assembly since the monoparty regime illustrates the challenges and achievements that African parliaments have undergone in the transition to democracy. The findings reveal that African citizens distinguish between presidents and parliaments, which is important given the legacy in Africa of strong executives led by dominant presidents. They also reveal that citizens value the gains made by the multiparty regimes and that parliaments as lawmakers are preferred to presidents. In most countries surveyed, citizens, on average, gave positive evaluations of their parliaments, especially concerning their trustworthiness. Political characteristics outweigh socio-economic status in influencing how citizens perceived parliaments. Party allegiance and perception of electoral fairness are the factors that most influenced how citizens perceived their parliaments. Interviews with Mozambican MPs revealed their frustration over the influence of the Assembly over the national budget. In the MPs’ opinions, direct foreign aid to the budget reduced parliament’s role to that of a rubber stamp, weakening the role of MPs. Mozambican civic leaders saw parliament as an indispensable and critical institution, and they expressed frustration with the extreme party-centricity of MPs, which is perceived as normal by MPs. Distrust between these groups reinforces the sentiment among ruling party members that the party deserves protection. In democracies, MPs from different parties are political opponents and not enemies. In Mozambique, the transition from enemy to adversary is not yet complete. While fragile, parliament has been the only space in Mozambican society where political parties can interact.

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O'Brien, Antony, et antony obrien@deakin edu au. « The 1859 election on the Ovens ». Deakin University. School of Social and International Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20080808.120248.

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The Victorian general election of 1859 occurred during a time of social transition and electoral reformation, which extended the vote to previously unrepresented adult males. Gold discoveries, including those on the Ovens, triggered the miners insistent demands for access to land and participation in the political process. The thesis identifies issues, which emerged during the election campaign on the Ovens goldfields, surrounding Beechworth. The struggle centred on the two Legislative Assembly seats for the Ovens and the one Legislative Council seat for the Murray District. Though the declared election issue was land reform, it concealed a range of underlying tensions, which divided the electorate along lines of nationality and religion. Complicating these tensions within the European community was the Chinese presence throughout the Ovens. The thesis suggests the historical memory of the French Revolution, the European Revolutions of 1848 and the Catholic versus Protestant revivals divided the Ovens goldfield community. The competing groups formed alliances; a Beechworth-centred grouping of traders, merchants and the Constitutions editor, ensured the existing conservative agenda triumphed over those perceived radicals who sought reform. In the process the land hungry miners did not gain any political representation in the Legislative Assembly, while a prominent Catholic squatter who advocated limited land reform was defeated for the Legislative Council seat. Two daily Beechworth papers, Ovens and Murray Advertiser and its fierce competitor, the Constitution and Ovens Mining Intelligencer are the major primary sources for the thesis.

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Volker, Derek. « Constituency representation in parliamentary systems : an examination of evidence in the Legislative assembly of Alberta ». Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=104837.

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This thesis builds on the existing constituency representation (or dyadic representation) literature that assesses how closely elected officials represent their constituents' views in their official roles. While much research has been completed on this type of representation in presidential systems, much less has been completed in parliamentary systems. There are typically high levels of constituency representation in presidential systems, but that does not mean that there is no presence of it in parliamentary systems. Following the research design of a study of constituency representation completed at the national level in Canada that found some evidence of this type of representation, this study seeks to replicate that study at the provincial level in Alberta to see if evidence can be found at that level also, thus adding to the broader comparative literature on constituency representation.
Cette thèse se fonde sur la littérature existante de la représentation de circonscription électorale (ou la représentation dyadic) qui évalue comment étroitement les élus représentent les avis de leurs constituants dans leurs rôles officiels. Tandis que beaucoup de recherche a été complétée sur ce type de représentation dans des systèmes présidentiels, beaucoup a moins été complétée dans des systèmes parlementaires. Il y a les typiquement hauts niveaux de représentation de circonscription électorale dans des systèmes présidentiels, mais cela ne signifie pas qu'il n'y a aucune présence de cela dans des systèmes parlementaires. Après le design de recherche d'une étude de représentation de circonscription électorale complétée au niveau national au Canada qui a trouvé un peu d'évidence de ce type de représentation, cette étude cherche à reproduire cette étude au niveau provincial en Alberta pour voir si l'évidence peut être trouvée à ce niveau aussi, ajoutant ainsi à la littérature comparative plus large sur la représentation de circonscription électorale.

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Oliveira, Domingos S?vio Silva de. « A organiza??o do processo legislativo na Assembl?ia Legislativa do Rio Grande do Norte ». Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2005. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/13755.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DomingosSSO.pdf: 367456 bytes, checksum: 47ff282a53f1e9c0244d4da8cbf2e8ee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-09-29
Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior
This work evaluates the organization of the legislative activities and the decision-making process within the Legislative Assembly of RN, emphasizing the role of ruling institutions on the Legislative Power working, as well as the structure of its decisions. The organization and the production of the decision-making process inside the Legislative Assembly will be seen along with how institutional norms determine the nature of the legislative process and influence his legal production. The period under study extends from 1990/94 to 1994/97 legislatures. The work is divided in three parts. The first analyzes the legislative process, the role of legal production, the nature of the legislation produced during the time referred and the role of the decisory instances: the directive Table, the leaders collegiate and the permanent commissions; the second part will present the results of questionnaires made to the deputies about their perspective concerning the actual power structure, as well as a more desirable power distribution among different decisory instances in the Assembly. At last, part three will focus on the Executive power role exerted on the legislative process, analyzing how it makes use of his initiating and veto prerogatives, via the study of some laws sanctioned in 1990-1997
No presente texto avaliamos a organiza??o dos trabalhos legislativos e o processo decis?rio no ?mbito da Assembl?ia Legislativa do RN, enfatizando o papel das institui??es reguladoras do funcionamento do Poder Legislativo e da estrutura de suas decis?es. Verificamos a organiza??o e a produ??o do processo decis?rio na Assembl?ia Legislativa, estudando como as normas institucionais determinam a natureza do processo Legislativo e influenciam sua produ??o legal. O per?odo coberto pelo estudo vai das legislaturas de 1990/94 a 1994/97. O trabalho se divide em tr?s partes. Na primeira analisamos o processo legislativo, o papel da produ??o legal, a natureza da legisla??o produzida no per?odo coberto pelo estudo e o papel das inst?ncias decis?rias: a Mesa diretora, o Col?gio de L?deres e as Comiss?es Permanentes. A segunda parte apresentar? os resultados de entrevistas feitas aos Deputados sobre sua percep??o a respeito da estrutura de poder existente, bem como sua opini?o sobre uma distribui??o mais desej?vel de poder entre diferentes inst?ncias decis?rias da Assembl?ia. Por fim, a parte tr?s centrar-se-? no papel que o Executivo exerce no processo legislativo, analisando o uso de suas prerrogativas de iniciativa e seu poder de veto, mediante o estudo de algumas leis sancionadas em 1990 1997

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Roeder, Lee Ann. « A study of Indiana legislators' perceptions of local media coverage, 1995 ». Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1033644.

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The relationship between the media and politicians is uncertain at best. This study examined the attitudes of Indiana state senators and representatives with regard to the way they are treated by their local media. It is based on a study conducted in 1990 by Dr. Daniel Riffe, that sought similar opinions from Alabama state lawmakers.The hypothesis assumed that legislators who indicated they found the media useful would not view them as adversarial. A 39% response rate was achieved, which while not high enough to statistically validate findings did indicate a rejection of the hypothesis, as well as reveal other interesting observations.
Department of Journalism

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Leiliyanti, Eva. « Representation and symbolic politics in Indonesia : an analysis of billboard advertising in the legislative assembly elections of 2009 ». Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2013. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/684.

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The overarching characteristic of the 2009 legislative elections lay in the legislative candidates’ politics of image. It stemmed from the amendment to the election Law no. 10/2008 article 214 that ostensibly cut off the parties’ power in determining their candidates without the public’s “direct” consent. The public was then given a direct opportunity to choose and vote for their preferred candidates in the 2009 elections. This marked the emergence and proliferation of the candidates’ image construction, especially in the “outdoor” political arena. Billboards were chosen as the most effective outdoor advertising medium to introduce the candidates and propagate their slogans and platforms. However, at the same time, this mode of introducing and propagating reveals itself as an ideological map that demonstrates the contestation and synthesis of the two major ideological camps in the Indonesian political arena, i.e. the nationalist and Islamic. The candidates were coopted into and by this framework. They themselves could not escape as their political dispositions were unconsciously defined by this framework. Their billboards speak loudly the ideological contestation and synthesis. The investigation of the contestation and synthesis needs Bourdieuan analytical tools, such as capital, dispositions (habitus) and field. These are used not merely to show how the mechanism of the contestation and synthesis operated and was defined by the rules of political “game”, but also to show how this mechanism involves the intricate inter-relationships of various capitals, such as the political, social, economic, cultural and symbolic, that reflect the candidates’ (read also: the parties’) dispositions within the field of Pancasila discourse. Pancasila becomes not only an ideological basis for the state but also the bastion of the contestation and synthesis. The twin roles arguably derive from the dominant cultural root (Javanese) that highly values the concepts of harmony, tolerance and appropriateness as the essences that allow the ideological contestation and synthesis of the nationalist and Islamic strands as the dominant ideological markers in the Indonesian political arena. This thesis aims to demonstrate how the candidates’ billboards represent ideological contestation and synthesis as the billboards can also be perceived as the candidates’ visual “responses” which reflect their political dispositions and the process of taking stances amidst the contestation and synthesis. Therefore, this study was conducted in the form of a layered case study. Using a Bourdieuan lens, the first layer explores the historical background of the contestation and synthesis, their proliferation in the political arena and the mechanism of deploying these strands in the political parties’ branding. Using a social semiotic lens, the second layer investigates how the billboards as the products of the candidates’ political articulation represent not only these contestations and syntheses but also their dispositions. I found that the system of representation (on the candidates’ billboards) operates within the Javanese ideals of “equilibrium” in Pancasila discourse. These ideals frame the power relations between the nationalist and Islamic factions in an ostensible “consensus” in order to maintain the harmony and dilute ideological friction.

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Sait, Lynette. « Strategies for the National Assembly to ensure the effective implementation of the National Development Plan of South Africa ». Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2099.

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Thesis (MTech (Public Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology.
The primary objective of this study was to contribute evidence and analysis that the administration of Parliament and structures such as portfolio committees can utilise during their oversight activities to ensure the successful implementation of the National Development Plan (NDP). In this regard, this study endeavoured to shed light on the current legislative, oversight and public participation practices of the National Assembly with respect to the executive. In particular, the study considered the strengths and weaknesses of the many ways in which Parliament pursues its mandate, through its oversight methods such as debates, questions, portfolio committee oversight activities, and legislation, amongst others. As such, the study’s recommendations are geared towards strengthening the capabilities of Parliament to deliver improved outcomes and, in so doing, raise the level of accountability within and throughout the institution. A number of gaps and weaknesses in the way in which Parliament executes its mandate were found. Significantly, accountability – which is the axis around which the roles of Members of Parliament and Parliament itself revolves – has been significantly weakened by competing political agendas. The highly political context and the proportional representative system influence the autonomy and commitments of Parliament. The NDP (2012:45) holds that “accountability is essential to democracy and that the accountability chain should be strengthened from top to bottom”. Serious questions emerged about the ability of Parliament to hold the executive to account. Capacity constraints which pertain to both members and staff and the building of coalitions (external expertise) were factors that require attention.

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Park, Gyuyeon. « Do Women Legislators Represent Women ? : The Effect of Women Legislators and Gender Quotas on the Substantive Representation of Women in the 20th National Assembly of the Republic of Korea ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-449067.

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This thesis aims to explore the link between women’s descriptive representation and substantive representation in the 20th National Assembly of the Republic of Korea according to the different conceptualization of women’s substantive representation. First, the link between women’s descriptive representation and substantive representation is examined by investigating whether women legislators introduce bills for women’s interests and succeed in passing such bills more than men. Plus, women legislators’ impact on the introduction of bills for women’s interests and success to pass such bills is explored separately according to different definitions of women’s interests, feminist and traditional women’s interests. This thesis also seeks to compare the influence of quota women with non-quota women on introducing bills for women’s interest and being able to pass such bills. The effect of legislators’ gender and quota women on women’s substantive representation is analyzed by running multivariate OLS regressions. The result strongly supports the positive impact of female legislators on the substantive representation of women. The regression analysis result indicates that being female is positively and significantly related to all types of women’s substantive representation, except the introduction of traditional women’s interests bills. The positive effect of the female legislators is more robust on the introduction of feminist women’s interests bills than the passage of them. However, the positive effect of the female legislators is stronger on the passage of traditional women’s interests bills than the introduction of them. When I compare the connection between women’s descriptive representation and substantive representation according to the different definitions of women’s interests, female legislators are more positively related to feminist women’s interests than traditional women’s interests. The result mildly supports the positive moderating effect of quota women on the link between women’s descriptive representation and substantive representation. These findings indicate that women legislators and quota women improve women’s substantive representation in the Republic of Korea. Specific effects of female legislators and quota women on women’s substantive representation are varied depending on different aspects of substantive representation and different definitions of women’s interests.

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CARDOSO, RODRIGO MENDES. « THE POPULAR INITIATIVE IN THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS OF THE NATIONAL CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY TO THE 1988 CONSTITUTION REGIMEN : AN ANALYSIS ». PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=17613@1.

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Esta dissertação analisa as dinâmicas da iniciativa popular legislativa no âmbito da Assembléia Nacional Constituinte e da Constituição da República de 1988. Para tanto, o trabalho parte do estudo das principais bases teóricas do plexo democrático, situando o mecanismo no contexto da democracia participativa. Após a fundamentação teórica, a pesquisa é pautada na investigação das emendas populares no processo constituinte de 1987-1988, inaugurando a temática com uma breve reflexão sobre a fase pré-constituinte, passando pela reconstrução dos debates e decisões legislativas que permitiram a utilização do mecanismo, até chegar à análise das proposições populares apresentadas à Comissão de Sistematização da ANC. Em seguida, o trabalho trata da investigação dos debates constituintes que possibilitaram a inclusão da iniciativa popular de leis no texto final da Constituição. Por conseguinte, a dissertação cataloga e analisa as experiências de iniciativa popular legislativa apresentadas à Câmara dos Deputados e trata do inventário de suas ocorrências nas assembléias legislativas dos Estados de Minas Gerais, São Paulo, Paraná, Espírito Santo e na Câmara Legislativa do Distrito Federal. Por fim, o trabalho analisa, brevemente, as propostas de emendas à Constituição tendentes a reduzir as exigências para a propositura de projetos de leis de iniciativa popular e, de forma mais ampla, o desempenho da Comissão de Legislação Participativa da Câmara dos Deputados.
This dissertation analyses the dynamics of the popular initiative in the legislative process at the 1988 National Constituent Assembly and in the 1988 Republic Constitution. In order to achieve that goal, this work starts from the main theoretical bases of the democratic field, placing the popular initiative in the legislative process in the context of participatory democracy. After the theoretical exposition, the research is based on the investigation of the popular amendments in the constituent process from 1987 - 1988, presenting the theme with a brief reflection about the pre-constituent phase, passing through the reconstruction of the debates and legislative decisions which enabled the usage of the popular initiative in the legislative process, until reaching the analysis of the popular proposals presented to the National Constituent Assembly s Systematizing Commission. Next, this paper discusses the investigation of the constituent debates that enabled the inclusion of the popular initiative in the legislative process in the Constitution s final text. Hence, this dissertation catalogues and analyses the experiences of popular initiative in the legislative process presented to the Deputies Chamber and deals with the inventory of its occurrences at the legislative assemblies in the states of Minas Gerais, São Paulo, Paraná, Espírito Santo and at the Legislative Chamber of the Federal District. Finally, this dissertation will, briefly, analyze the amendment proposals to the Constitution tending to reduce the demands for the proposal of legislation projects originated from popular initiative and, in a wider manner, the performance of the Commission for Participative Legislation of the Deputies Chamber.

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Graça, Luís Felipe Guedes da. « Independência ou irrelevância ? : produção legislativa e vetos na Assembleia Legislativa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (1983-2010) ». Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2014. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=8115.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
A relação entre governadores e assembleias estaduais no Brasil é marcada pela tese de que os governadores possuem ampla capacidade para estabelecerem um pacto homologatório com os legislativos estaduais. Literatura recente tem buscado comparar as experiências dos diferentes estados. O Rio de Janeiro tem se destacado como um dos casos em que o legislativo conseguiu espaço para levar adiante uma agenda própria. Esse diagnóstico contrasta não só com a tese do poder dos governadores, mas também com a experiência histórica da máquina política chaguista no Estado. Essa tese busca entender como que a relação dos governadores do Estado do Rio de Janeiro com a Assembleia Legislativa do Estado se desenvolveu desde a retomada das eleições diretas para esse cargo em 1982 até o ano de 2010. A principal hipótese é a de que as mudanças no federalismo brasileiro e o ajuste fiscal levados a cabo durante os anos 1990 foram centrais para repactuar a relação entre os dois poderes. Essas mudanças nacionais permitiram que um desejo de maior independência na relação entre os poderes ganhasse espaço. A mudança na relação entre os poderes é comprovada pelo crescimento temporal na quantidade de vetos do governador derrubados pelo legislativo. A tese mostra, no entanto, que o ganho de espaço para atuação do legislativo não significou uma restrição às agendas do Executivo que continuou a ser ator central da política estadual.
The relationship between governors and state legislatures in Brazil is marked by the thesis that the governors have the capacity to establish a ratification pact with the state legislatures. Recent literature has sought to compare the experiences of different states. The Rio de Janeiro has emerged as one of the cases where the legislative was able to carry forward their own agenda. This diagnosis contrasts not only with the thesis of the governors powers, but also with the historical experience of chaguista political machine in the state. This thesis seeks to understand how the relationship of state governors of Rio de Janeiro with the State Legislative Assembly has developed since the resumption of direct elections for this position in 1982 through the year 2010. The main hypothesis is that the changes the Brazilian federalism and fiscal adjustment carried out during the 1990s decade were central to renegotiate the relationship between the two powers. These national changes allowed a desire for greater independence in the relationship between the powers to gain space. The change in the relationship between the powers is demonstrated by the growth in the amount of governor vetoes overturned by the legislature. The thesis shows, however, that the gain of the legislative did not meant a restriction on the agendas of the Executive which continued to be a central actor in state politics.

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Müller, Sophia. « Talking Back : An Examination of Legislative Sequels Produced by the National Assembly of Quebec in Response to Judicial Invalidation of the Charter of the French Language ». Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35880.

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Grounding its approach in historical and discursive institutionalist frameworks, this thesis examines the process of judicial review through an evaluation of Hogg et al.’s Charter dialogue hypothesis as it pertains to judicial invalidation of sections of the Charter of the French Language (CFL) and the legislative sequels produced by the National Assembly of Quebec (i.e. Bills 178 and 86). When examined from an historical institutionalist perspective, the National Assembly of Quebec appears to have strategized its response through an assertion of parliamentary sovereignty, rather than the desire to engage in a “dialogue” with the Supreme Court of Canada. However, a closer examination of how the Bourassa government crafted Bill 178 reveals that the first ‘legislative response’ to the Supreme Court’s decision in Devine and Ford was crafted exclusively by the executive branch, in virtual secrecy among a handful of Bourassa’s cabinet members. Displeased with the outcome of Bill 178, Anglophone civil society actors challenged the legitimacy of the CFL, as well as the notwithstanding mechanism at an international level, with their submission of Ballantyne, Davidson, McIntyre v. Canada to the United Nations Human Rights Committee (UNHRC). In 1993, the UNHRC ruled that Bill 178 violated sections of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The UNHRC’s decision eventually pressured the National Assembly of Quebec to amend Bill 178 with the passage of Bill 86, and consequently brought the Supreme Court’s remedies into partial effect. However, Quebec’s subsequent amendment to the CFL, Bill 86, was not a “legislative sequel” in response to judicial nullification; rather it was primarily a response to comply to international human rights norms. Bill 86 amended sections 58 and 68 of the CFL, but contrary to the recommendations of linguistic equality set forth by the Supreme Court, the Bourassa government ensured that French remained the predominant language on signage. The evidence in this thesis suggests that Charter compliance was an almost secondary effect caused by the primary objective of Quebec’s adherence to international human rights norms for the purpose of continued participation in international affairs. In its rejection of the Charter dialogue model, this thesis uncouples the pairing of the notwithstanding clause with the notion of parliamentary sovereignty and, in doing so, raises critical questions regarding the roles of the provincial executive and legislative branches during the process of constitutional interpretation. This thesis concludes that in lieu of Charter dialogue, a modified version of Baker’s model of coordinate interpretation is a more appropriate model of judicial review for summarizing the interaction of actors within the case studies of Bills 178 and 86.

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Real, Pirmin. « Cleavages and Coalitions in the United Nations General Assembly after the Cold War From Blocs to Varying Geometries ? A Spatial Analysis of Legislative Behaviour of UN Member States / ». St. Gallen, 2007. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/01653294002/$FILE/01653294002.pdf.

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Dallari, Paulo Massi. « O instituto do veto presidencial no constitucionalismo brasileiro contemporâneo ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-03052016-103219/.

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Nos Estados republicanos modernos, o sistema de freios e contrapesos é um dos modelos institucionais responsável por assegurar o equilíbrio entre os Poderes e prevenir abusos por parte dos governantes. Dois questionamentos podem ser encontrados na literatura brasileira sobre o tema e fundamentam esta Dissertação: um geral sobre o suposto poder excessivo que o nosso sistema político confere ao Poder Executivo e outro, específico, de que nesse contexto, o veto teria um papel central na supremacia do presidente da república sobre o Congresso Nacional no âmbito do processo legislativo. Partindo dessas premissas, a pesquisa avalia se essas características estão condizentes com as expectativas e o desenho institucional proposto para o Estado brasileiro pela Assembleia Nacional Constituinte ANC de 1987. Com base nos anais da ANC e em referências históricas, conclui-se que, ao menos no tocante ao instituto do veto presidencial, o modelo de preponderância do Poder Executivo observado no processo legislativo decorreu de uma opção deliberada e reafirmada pela elite política em 1988, quando da promulgação da Constituição.
In modern republican states, the system of checks and balances is one of the institutional models responsible for ensuring the balance between powers and preventing abuses by rulers. Two issues can be found in the Brazilian academic literature on the matter that underlie this Dissertation: one concerning the alleged excessive power that our political system grant to the executive branch, and another one more specific that, in this context, the veto would have a main role in the supremacy of the President of the Republic over Congress in the legislative process. Beginning with these assumptions, this research evaluates whether these characteristics are consistent with the expectations and the institutional design proposed for the Brazilian State by the National Constituent Assembly (ANC) of 1987. Based on the ANC records and historical references, it concluded that, at least in regard to the presidential veto institute, the preponderance of the executive branch model observed in the legislative process derived from a deliberate and reaffirmed choice made by the political elite in 1988, at the promulgation of the Constitution.

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鮑子健. « 澳門立法議員刑事豁免制度比較研究 =A comparative study about the criminal immunity system of the members of the Legislative Assembly of Macau ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3951550.

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Jardim, Marcia de Almeida. « Antenas do legislativo : uma analise dos canais de televisão do Poder Legislativo no Brasil ». [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280843.

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Orientador: Rachel Meneguello
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: O objetivo desta tese é explicar o impacto da TV legislativa sobre o comportamento parlamentar. A hipótese é a de que a TV legislativa tem potencial para estimular mecanismos de accountability, primeiro, porque seu modelo tem características que a tornam "accountable", no sentido de contribuir para a informação (e formação) do cidadão e, segundo, porque ela estimula comportamento responsivo dos representantes no exercício do seu mandato. Outra hipótese é a de que o impacto da TV legislativa é diferente nos diferentes níveis do Poder Legislativo, estadual, capital e interior. Para responder às indagações lançadas e sustentar as hipóteses construídas, a pesquisa contou com três entradas. A primeira foi o mapeamento das TVs legislativas brasileiras e a segunda entrada consistiu em uma radiografia das TVs legislativas das Assembléias Legislativas, da TV da Câmara de São Paulo e das TVs das Câmaras municipais do estado de São Paulo. A terceira entrada contou com entrevistas realizadas com parlamentares das Casas legislativas e com os profissionais responsáveis pelas TVs da Assembléia Legislativa de São Paulo, da Câmara de São Paulo e de treze Câmaras municipais.
Abstract: The aim of this thesis is to explain the impact of parliament TV on the parliamentarian behavior. The hypothesis is that the parliament TV has the potential to stimulate accountability mechanisms, first because its model has characteristics that make it accountable, meaning to contribute to the information (and formation) of the citizen and, second, because it stimulates the responsible behavior of its representatives during their mandate. Another hypothesis is that the impact of the parliament TV is different in the different levels of the Legislative Power, state, capital and countryside. To answer the questions and sustain the built hypothesis, the research counted on three approaches. The first one was the mapping of the Brazilian parliament TVs and the second one was the radiography of the parliament TVs from the Legislative Assembly, City Council TV of São Paulo and Town Hall TVs from the State of São Paulo. The third approach counted on interviews made with parliament representatives from the Legislative Houses and with responsible professionals by the Legislative Assembly TV of São Paulo, from the City Council of São Paulo and thirteen Town Halls.
Doutorado
Ciencias Sociais
Doutor em Ciências Sociais

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Freitas, Elisa Signates Cintra de. « Religião e política em Goiás : uma análise das representações evangélicas na política goiana na Assembleia Legislativa do estado de Goiás entre 2011-2014 ». Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2016. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/6501.

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This paper discusses the relation between politics and religion in the state of Goiás. Due to the high participation perceived in recent years of evangelicals in institutional politics, mainly at the national level, this research intended to confer the presence of this religious group in Goiás, in Goiás State Legislative Assembly in the period of 2011-2014.The state legislators Fabio Sousa (PSDB), Lincoln Tejota (PSD) and Luiz Carlos do Carmo (PMDB) – from the mentioned period - were selected as research subjects. The general objective was to investigate the political activity of the mentioned subjects through five categories: political motivation, church support, religious moral, political activity and laicism. To make this discussion possible, authors such as Max Weber, Jose Casanova, Paul Freston and Joanildo Burity were present throughout this work. Through content analysis of the bills written by the three surveyed evangelical politicians and qualitative interviews with the study subjects, we could perceive in the results the prevalence of secular actions in their political activity in which religious morality was presented as ethics to be daily followed.
O presente trabalho discute a relação entre política e religião no estado de Goiás. Devido à alta participação percebida nos últimos anos dos evangélicos na política institucional, principalmente em âmbito nacional, esse trabalho pretendeu conferir a presença desse grupo religioso em Goiás, na Assembleia Legislativa do estado de Goiás no período de 2011 a 2014. Foram selecionados como sujeitos de pesquisa os então deputados estaduais Fábio Sousa (PSDB), Lincoln Tejota (PSD) e Luiz Carlos do Carmo (PMDB). O objetivo geral foi investigar a atuação política dos mesmos em cinco categorias: motivação política, apoio da igreja, moral religiosa, atividade política e laicidade. Para que essa discussão fosse possível, autores como Max Weber, Jose Casanova, Paul Freston e Joanildo Burity se fizeram presentes em todo o trabalho. Através da análise de conteúdo de projetos de leis de autoria dos três políticos evangélicos pesquisados e de entrevistas qualitativas com os sujeitos de pesquisa foi possível perceber nos resultados a predominância de ações seculares na atividade política dos atores políticos pesquisados, em que a moral religiosa apresentou-se como ética a ser seguida no dia-adia.

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Roux, Stéphane. « Le concept de "convention nationale" sous la Révolution. Contribution à l'étude de la représentation constituante ». Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020076.

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Dans un système constitutionnel fondé sur la souveraineté de la nation, le pouvoir constituant fait figure de phénomène ambivalent, difficilement analysable en termes juridiques. Par définition réfractaire à tout encadrement impératif, le pouvoir suprême au sein de l’Etat n’en doit pas moins revêtir une forme organisée pour exprimer une volonté normative. Les acteurs de la Révolution française agissent aux confins du droit, tirant profit des ressources de la philosophie politique et de l’histoire pour établir une constitution, principe fondamental du système juridique qu’ils cherchent à établir. Ils se dotent d’outils pour parvenir à leurs fins : le concept de « convention nationale » en est un, auréolé du succès des réalisations américaines. Plutôt qu’à une transposition institutionnelle, les révolutionnaires français procèdent à une adaptation. En devenant « extraordinaire », la représentation constituante qu’ils conceptualisent perd son caractère révolutionnaire pour devenir pleinement juridique. Elle offre une alternative à l’insurrection. Un tel processus présente cependant un revers. Ce pouvoir, en accédant à l’existence investi de l’exercice de la souveraineté, est dégagé de toutes contraintes juridiques autres que celles qui découlent de son organisation. Ces contraintes pèsent sur ses membres, exacerbant les tensions qui déchirent un corps collectif doté des pouvoirs les plus étendus. Les dérives sanglantes qui frappent la Convention nationale ne sont pas inéluctables ; elles découlent de l’exploitation politique des failles inhérentes au fonctionnement d’une représentation souveraine dont les membres ne doivent jouir d’aucun privilège
In a constitutional system founded on the sovereignty of the nation, constituent power is an ambivalent phenomenon, difficult to analyse in juridical terms. By definition resistant to mandatory regulation, the supreme power in the state must necessarily take a form which enables it to express a normative will. The actors of the French Revolution push the confines of the law, taking advantage of the resources of political philosophy and history to establish a constitution, fundamental principle of the juridical system they seek to institute. They create tools to achieve their ends: the concept of “national convention” being one, taking inspiration from the success of American achievements. Rather than an institutionnal transposition, the French revolutionaries proceed with an adaptation. By becoming “extraordinary”, the constituent representation which they conceptualize losses its revolutionary character to become fully juridical. It offers an alternative to the insurrection. By coming into existence invested with the capacity to exercise sovereignty, this power is released from all legal constraints other than those arising as a result of its organization. The process, however, is two-sided, and internally produced constraints weigh on its members, exacerbating tensions thar tear a collective body endowed with the broadest powers. The bloody excesses that strike the National Convention are not inevitable. They arise from political exploitation of flaws inherent to the organization of a sovereign representation whose members must not have any privilege

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Carvalho, Bernardo Rocha. « Partidos políticos, representação parlamentar e o golpe de 1964 na Assembleia de Minas ». Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2018. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/7571.

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Estudo que objetiva investigar a atuação de parlamentares da Assembleia de Minas nas ocasiões do golpe de Estado de 1964 e da extinção dos partidos políticos que teve efeito com o segundo Ato Institucional em 1965. Parte-se da constatação da escassez de estudos que abordem as consequências do golpe sobre os parlamentos estaduais e os partidos políticos em nível regional. A pesquisa situa-se no campo da histórica política e trata, especificamente, da 5ª Legislatura (1963-1967) da Assembleia de Minas, cuja cronologia compreende os acontecimentos mais críticos para a consolidação do regime no que tange ao seu domínio sobre a vida política nacional, ou seja, além do golpe, a promulgação do primeiro Ato Institucional, a eleição, pelo Congresso, do então general Castelo Branco para a presidência, a cassação do mandato de senador e dos direitos políticos do ex-presidente Juscelino Kubitscheck e a promulgação do Ato Institucional n° 2, que extinguiu os partidos existentes e encerrou o sistema político-partidário que vigorou durante a 4ª República (1945-1964). Pretendeu-se realizar um estudo em profundidade particularmente das atuações das bancadas dos três maiores partidos (PTB, UDN e PSD) em resposta a eventos chave daquela crise política, enfatizando-se o momento do golpe (abril de 1964 – Capítulos 1 e 2) e o da extinção dos partidos (outubro de 1965 – Capítulo 3).
The study aims to investigate the proceedings of parliamentarian representatives of the Minas Gerais State Assembly in the occasions of the 1964 coup d’Etat and of the dissolution of the political parties that took effect with the second Institutional Act of 1965. It is based on the acknowledgment of the scarcity of studies about the consequences of the coup over the state parliaments and the political parties at a regional level. The research is situated in the field of the political history and addresses specifically the 5th Legislature (1963-1967), whose chronology includes the most critical events to the consolidation of the military regime regarding its dominance over the nation’s political life, that is, besides the coup itself, the promulgation of the first Institutional Act, the election by the Congress of the general Castelo Branco to the presidency, the cassation of the former president Juscelino Kubitscheck’s political rights and mandate in the Senate and the promulgation of the second Institutional Act, that dissolved all the existing political parties and ended the political system that existed during the 4th Republic (1945-1964). It was intended to focus specifically at the proceedings of the three major party benches of the Minas Gerais Assembly (PTB, UDN and PSD) regarding the key events of that political crisis, emphasizing the moment of the coup itself (April 1964 – Chapter 1 and 2) and the dissolution of the parties (October 1965 – Chapter 3).

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Santos, José Carlos Sales dos. « A informação em instituições políticas : subsídios teóricos e empíricos à proposição do modelo de comportamento informacional em assessorias parlamentares ». Instituto de Ciência da Informação da Universidade Federal da Bahia, 2016. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/20697.

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O comportamento informacional de usuários constitui uma temática recorrente ao domínio da Ciência da Informação. Analisar o comportamento humano implica em recuperar as estruturas da interdisciplinaridade para justificar a confluênciadetemas,como „comportamento‟, „necessidades‟, „informação‟ e „usuários‟. Para engendrar as discussões da presente investigação, estruturaram-se argumentações pautadas em estudos aplicados no campo da psicologia comportamentalista tradicionais, com o propósito de fundamentar as análises das necessidades e busca de conteúdos em sistemas de informação. A considerar as citadas prerrogativas, a tese objetivou a analisar como o comportamento informacional dos assessores dosgabinetes interfere na construção de plataformas políticas dos deputados da Assembleia Legislativa da Bahia (ALBA), a partir das demandas sociais. Os objetivos específicos corresponderam a: (a) perfilar as assessorias parlamentares para identificar aspectos do comportamento informacional; (b) mapear os critérios de seleção de informações e proposições advindas dos usuários/cidadãos, a partir das atividades dos assessores dos gabinetes dos parlamentares e; (c) identificar possíveis normativas jurídico-legais competentes à Assembleia que orientem as atividades dos assessores políticos. Os contornos metodológicos permitiram situar o método de procedimento (monográfico/estudo de caso), o nível da pesquisa (descritivo) e as técnicas e instrumentos de investigação (formulário, observação e questionário. Apropriada aos estudos de comportamento, a técnica orientadora constituiu o incidente crítico compreendida como um conjunto de procedimentos para a coleta de dados pautados em observações. Os resultados indicaram que as assessorias dos gabinetes parlamentares apresentaram perfis aproximados, não interferindo nas oportunidades de participação usuários/cidadãos e obtenção de informações, não revelando enquadramentos específicos pertinentes aos grupos observados. As análises do comportamento informacional das assessorias apontaram equivalências direcionadas ao traçado evidenciado no questionário de pesquisa, sem correlações ou interferências nas oportunidades de interlocução. As discussões confirmaram a proposição da tese relativa ao modelo de comportamento informacional, orientado e propício às instituições políticas, apresentaram adequações/orientações às assessorias parlamentares no processo de busca, recuperação e seleção de demandas advindas de usuários/cidadãos, assim como o cumprimento de normativas legais orquestradas em gabinetes políticos. As considerações finais evidenciam os modelos de comportamento de usuários desenvolvidos por estudiosos da CI como prerrogativa essencial à elaboração e proposição do modelo de comportamento informacional de assessores parlamentares inscritos em ambientes políticos. E para contornar as lacunas teórico-conceituais, patentes às pesquisas científicas, anunciaram-se uma agenda prospectiva de estudos de comportamento informacional em instituições políticas.
ABSTRACT The informational behavior of users is a recurring theme in the field of information science. Analyze human behavior involves retrieving the structures of interdisciplinarity to justify the confluence of themes, such as ' behavior ', ' needs ', ' information ' and ' users '. To engender the discussions of this research, structured-if arguments grounded in applied studies in the field of Psychology traditional behaviour source to substantiate the analyses the needs and search of content in information systems. To consider the said prerogatives, the thesis aimed to analyze how the informational behavior of advisors of the offices in the building of political platforms interferes for members of the Legislative Assembly of Bahia, from the social demands. The specific objectives were to: (a) profiling the aides of representatives to identify aspects of the informational behavior; (b) map information selection criteria and propositions coming from users/citizens, from the activities of parliamentarians ' offices and advisors; (c) identify possible competent legal norms to guide the activities of political advisors. The methodological contours allowed position method of procedure (monographic/case study), the level of research (descriptive) and the techniques and research instruments (form, observation and questionnaire. Suitable to studies of behavior, the coach was the critical incident technique, understood as a set of procedures for the collection of data based on observations. The results indicated that the offices of parliamentary offices presented profiles approximate, not interfering in users/citizens participation opportunities and obtaining information, not revealing specific frameworks relevant to the groups observed. Informational behavior analyses of assessors pointed to targeted equivalences evidenced in questionnaire research, without interference or correlations in the interaction opportunities. The discussions confirmed the proposition of the thesis on the informational behavior model, oriented and conducive political institutions, presented adaptations/guidelines to parliamentary offices in search, recovery process and selection of demands coming from users/citizens, as well as compliance with legal norms in political offices orchestrated. The final considerations suggest the models of user behavior developed by scholars of the CI as essential prerogative to elaboration and proposal of informational behavior model of parliamentary advisors enrolled in political environments. And to circumvent the theoretical-conceptual gaps, patents to scientific research, announced a prospective schedule of informational behavior studies in political institutions.

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Segal, Myrai Araújo. « Espaços de autonomia e negociação : a atuação dos deputados provinciais paraibanos no cenário político imperial (1855-1875) ». Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2017. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/9616.

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Based on the analysis of a diversified documentary corpus, which includes the Annals, Minutes and the Internal Regiment of the Provincial Legislative Assembly of Paraíba´s province, Reports of the Presidents of Provinces and newspapers from the 19th century, so, in this study we aimed to understand the performance of the provincial deputies from Paraíba in the Second Reign, specifically between 1855 and 1875, a period in which there was a reconfiguration of national politics. Departing from the presupposition that the Provincial Legislative Assemblies, created by the Additional Act (1834), were constituted as important spaces of power where its members could discuss and legislate about the most varied issues, thus, enjoying considerable autonomy and contributing for the Brazilian national state construction. Based on the concept of Political Cultures and Sociability Networks, we have analyzed the functioning of Provincial Legislative Assembly of Paraíba, ruled by a series of "rituals", and elaborate a prosopographic study of the provincial deputies who acted in the adopted temporal cut, especially those who graduated in Law by the Faculty of Olinda/Recife, where a considerable part obtained the diploma of superior course. Corroborating with the historiography, we identified that this type of formation was configured as one of the national political elite distinctions, since the majority of the provincial deputies that managed to reach the Chamber of Deputies were composed of bachelors in Law, as exemplified by the trajectories of paraiban politicians as Felizardo Toscano de Brito and Father Lindolfo Correia das Neves. In view of the relationship of provincial deputies and other agents of the political elite, such as provincial councilors and presidents, we also discussed municipalities and public instruction in Paraíba, issues which were often at the heart of the debates and that, being constituted as one of the fields of action of the provincial deputies, can be considered relevant spaces of autonomy.
A partir da análise de um corpus documental diversificado, que inclui os Anais, Atas e o Regimento Interno da Assembleia Legislativa Provincial da Paraíba, os Relatórios dos Presidentes de Província e jornais do século XIX, buscamos no presente estudo compreender a atuação dos deputados provinciais paraibanos no Segundo Reinado, mais especificamente entre 1855 e 1875, período em que houve uma reconfiguração da política nacional. Partimos do pressuposto de que as Assembleias Legislativas Provinciais, criadas pelo Ato Adicional (1834), constituíram-se como importantes espaços de poder nos quais seus membros puderem discutir e legislar sobre as mais variadas questões, usufruindo, desta forma, de uma considerável autonomia e contribuindo para a construção do Estado nacional brasileiro. Com base no conceito de Culturas Políticas e de Redes de Sociabilidade, analisamos o funcionamento da Assembleia Legislativa Provincial da Paraíba, que era regida por uma série de “rituais”, e elaboramos um estudo prosopográfico dos deputados provinciais que atuaram no recorte temporal adotado, sobretudo dos indivíduos formados em Direito pela Faculdade de Olinda/Recife, onde parte considerável obteve o diploma de curso superior. Corroborando com a historiografia, identificamos que este tipo de formação se configurou como um dos distintivos da elite política nacional, uma vez que a maior parte dos deputados provinciais paraibanos que conseguiu chegar à Câmara dos Deputados era composta por bacharéis em Direito, conforme exemplificam as trajetórias dos políticos paraibanos Felizardo Toscano de Brito e padre Lindolfo Correia das Neves. Tendo em vista a relação dos deputados provinciais e outros agentes da elite política, como os vereadores e os presidentes de província, discutimos também acerca das municipalidades e da instrução pública na Paraíba, assuntos que frequentemente se encontravam no cerne dos debates e que, ao se constituírem como um dos campos de atuação dos deputados provinciais, podem ser considerados relevantes espaços de autonomia.

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Pazin, Marcia Cristina de Carvalho. « Produção documental do legislativo no império - gênese e tipologia : o caso da assembléia legislativa provincial de São Paulo (1835 - 1889) ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-22082006-084715/.

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Este trabalho apresenta o desenvolvimento de uma pesquisa de Tipologia Documental em acervo histórico, utilizando como modelo o caso da Assembléia Legislativa Provincial de São Paulo, organismo legislativo da Província de São Paulo durante o período imperial do Brasil. A partir do estudo das condições de criação e de funcionamento da Assembléia Provincial, são apresentados os tipos documentais substantivos de sua atuação - representativos do cumprimento de suas funções - e os documentos acessórios - documentos anexos e complementos encaminhados pela população e instituições locais visando ampliar a argumentação de suas solicitações. Apresenta o Glossário de Formatos, Espécies e Tipos Documentais da Assembléia Legislativa Provincial de São Paulo, instrumento que contém em cada verbete as definições dos tipos documentais representativos do acervo e histórico de utilização dos termos.
This assignment presents the development of a research of Types of Documents in historical collection, using as model the case of the Provincial State Legislature of São Paulo, legislative organism of the Province of São Paulo during the imperial period of Brazil. Starting from the study of the creation conditions and of operation of the Provincial Assembly, the substantive documental types of its performance are presented - representative of the execution of their functions - and the accessory documents - enclosed documents and complements directed by the population and local institutions in order to enlarge the argument of their requests. It presents the Glossary of Formats, Species and Documental Types of the Provincial Legislative Assembly of São Paulo, instrument that contains, in each entry, the definitions of the representative documental types of the collection and historical use of the terms.

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Beier, José Rogerio. « Artefatos de poder : Daniel Pedro Müller, a Assembleia Legislativa e a construção territorial da província de São Paulo (1835-1849) ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-19112015-124817/.

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Os principais objetos de estudo dessa dissertação são uma estatística e um mapa da Província de São Paulo, ambos encomendados pela recém-instituída Assembleia Legislativa Provincial, em 1835, ao engenheiro-militar Daniel Pedro Müller (1785-1841). Planejados para serem utilizados como instrumentos de poder a serviço de grupos da elite paulista, no controle da administração provincial, a reconstituição dos contextos de sua produção, impressão e circulação permitem estabelecer nexos entre esses artefatos e a sociedade que os produziu e utilizou pela primeira vez, ampliando a compreensão da dinâmica política, econômica e social da Província paulista da primeira metade do Oitocentos. Para estudá-los buscou-se, inicialmente, reconstituir a trajetória de Daniel Pedro Müller, bem como caracterizar os grupos da elite paulista que passaram a ocupar os espaços de poder provincial a partir da transição do regime absolutista para a monarquia constitucional, no princípio da década de 1820, até o final da primeira metade daquele século. Em seguida, passou-se à análise dos artefatos propriamente ditos, buscando estabelecer relações entre esses objetos e os contextos político, econômico e social em que estavam inseridos. Por fim, a partir de dois exemplos concretos da economia política provincial a apropriação das terras indígenas para o avanço das culturas de exportação e subsistência em direção ao Oeste e a orientação da política econômica ao desenvolvimento da infraestrutura viária paulista buscou-se demonstrar como a construção territorial engendrada por estes artefatos serviu como instrumento de poder para a realização dos interesses e desígnios de autoridades administrativas em aliança com a elite mercantil-exportadora paulista.
The main study objects of this masters thesis are a statistic and a map of the Province of São Paulo, both commissioned in 1835 by the recently established Provincial Legislative Assembly to the military engineer Daniel Pedro Müller (1785-1841). Planned to be used as instruments of power to serve groups of the local elite in control of the provincial administration, the reconstitution of the contexts of its production, printing and circulation allows us to establish links between these artifacts and the society who produced and used them for the first time, expanding the comprehension of the political, economic and social dynamics of the Paulista province during the first half of the 19th century. In order to study these artifacts we sought, in the first place, to rebuild the trajectory of Daniel Pedro Müller as well as to characterize the Paulista elite groups that came to occupy the spaces of provincial power from the transition from the absolutist regime to the constitutional monarchy in the beginning of the 1820s, up to the end of the first half of that century. Afterwards we went to the analysis of the actual artifacts, aiming to establish relationships between these objects and the political, economic and social context in which they were entered. Finally, from two concrete examples of the provincial economic politics the appropriation of indigenous lands for the advancements of the exports and subsistence cultures towards the West part of the province and the guidance of the political economy for the development of the Paulista road infrastructure we aimed to demonstrate how the territorial construction engendered by these artifacts was used as an instrument of power to attend the interests and intends of administrative authorities in alliance with the São Paulo exporting-mercantile elite.

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Brandão, Lucas Coelho. « Os movimentos sociais e a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-1988 : entre a política institucional e a participação popular ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-16082012-125217/.

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A dissertação analisa a interação entre a dinâmica da participação popular e a dinâmica político-legislativa a partir do exame da mobilização social ocorrida ao longa da elaboração da Constituição de 1988. Defendo a hipótese de que, no período da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (ANC), essa interação foi intensificada e requalificada em função: primeiro, do contexto de crise do estado desenvolvimentista e de crise político-institucional que possibilitou o processo de transição democrática e favoreceu a mobilização social; segundo, do uso, até então inédito no mundo, de instrumentos de democracia direta (como a emendas populares) já no processo de elaboração da nova Constituição, o que criou novas oportunidades para a mobilização social na ANC. Utilizando um arcabouço conceitual e analítico das teorias sobre movimentos sociais (especialmente a Teoria do Processo Político), construo e analiso um banco de dados das ações coletivas realizadas ao longo da Constituinte. Demonstro, por meio desta análise, que esses instrumentos populares geraram uma institucionalização da interação entre os parlamentares e os atores extraparlamentares. E isto produziu impactos significativos tanto na dinâmica político-legislativa quanto na dinâmica da participação popular, influenciando a mobilização social, o jogo político e os resultados da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte.
The dissertation analyzes the interaction between the popular participation dynamics and the political-legislative dynamics by investigating the social mobilization that occurred during the preparation of the 1988s Constitution. I support the hypothesis that, during the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), this interaction was increased and requalified according to: first, the context of the of the developmental state crisis and the political-institutional crisis, which allowed the process of democratic transition and favored social mobilization; and second, the use of direct democracy instruments (like the popular amendments) already in the process of drafting the new Constitution, which created new opportunities for social mobilization in the ANC. Using a conceptual and analytical framework of the theories of social movements (especially the Political Process Theory), I construct and analyze a database of collective actions carried out during the Constituent Assembly. This analysis shows that these popular instruments created an institutionalization of the interaction between the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary actors. And that this produced significant impacts both on political-legislative dynamics and on the dynamics of popular participation, influencing social mobilization, the political game and the results of the National Constituent Assembly.

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Freitas, Lígia Barros de. « A consolidação institucional do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho (TST) na longa Constituinte (1987-2004) ». Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2012. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/952.

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Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais
The objective of this thesis is to analyze the political performance of the Superior Labor Court (TST) and the Legislative Power in the context of changes to the Labor Law between 1987 and 2004. To reach this objective, we analyze the internal procedure of TST, classify the institutional changes factors responsible for altering the political performance of the TST in the course of the constituent process in the Constituent Assembly (ANC) during the 1987/1988 period, as well as in the constituent reform process in the Judiciary Power Reform (which gave rise to the Constitutional Amendment 24/1999 and Constitutional Amendment 45/2004). Likewise, these aspects of institutional change generated changes in the direction of jurisprudence and the policy of judiciary organization of the TST. In the ANC of 1987/1988, the political performance of the TST, which did not represent the Labor Court, returned to the constitutional articles of its structure and expertise, and attained little public visibility. In the Judiciary Power Reform, the TST started to participate in public hearings, increasing its public visibility and legitimizing itself as an outlet to represent the Labor Court when facing other powers, as well as about human rights issues related to employment. Therefore, this research reflects the support of the legislative model of labor relations in Brazil in the institutional consolidation process of the TST.
O principal objetivo da tese foi analisar a atuação política do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho (TST), junto ao Poder Legislativo, na alteração do Direito do Trabalho, entre 1987 a 2004. Para tanto, analisamos o funcionamento interno do TST, classificando os fatores de mudanças institucionais, responsáveis pela alteração de atuação política do TST, durante o processo constituinte da Assembléia Nacional Constituinte (ANC) de 1987/88 e no processo de reforma constitucional da Reforma do Poder Judiciário (que originou a Emenda Constitucional 24/1999 e Emenda Constitucional de 45/2004). Igualmente, esses fatores de mudanças institucionais provocaram alterações no direcionamento da jurisprudência e da política de organização judiciária do TST. Na ANC de 1987/88 a atuação política do TST, que não representava a Justiça do Trabalho, voltou-se para os artigos constitucionais sobre sua estrutura e competência e ganhou pouca visibilidade pública. Na Reforma do Poder Judiciário, o TST passou a participar de audiências públicas, ganhou maior visibilidade pública e legitimou-se como um dos porta-vozes para falar em nome da Justiça do Trabalho perante outros poderes, bem como sobre temas de direitos humanos relacionados com o trabalho. Com isso, o estudo apresenta o processo de consolidação institucional do TST e como o mesmo reforça o modelo legislado de relação do trabalho no Brasil.

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Gavoille, Nicolas. « Individuals matter : three essays on French politicians ». Thesis, Rennes 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015REN1G011/document.

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L’objectif de cette thèse est d’introduire de manière explicite les caractéristiques personnelles des décideurs publics dans l’analyse de processus politiques français. Trois cas sont successivement analysés, soulevant chacun une problématique distincte. Le premier chapitre s’intéresse à l’échelon municipal, et se base sur un jeu de données original comportant des informations sur l’ensemble des maires des municipalités de plus de 10000 habitants entre 2000 et 2012. L’objectif est de décrire comment l’influence idiosyncratique d’un maire sur la politique d’investissement municipal impacte sa probabilité de réélection. Les résultats indiquent que plus la taille de la municipalité augmente, moins les électeurs se basent sur ce type d’information. Le second chapitre a pour objet la production législative française, et s’appuie également sur une base de données originale. Un double cycle de production législative émerge, généré par les élections présidentielles et législatives. Il apparaît également que les caractéristiques personnelles des ministres influencent la stratégie du gouvernement, notamment l’âge et l’expérience. Enfin, le troisième chapitre se focalise sur l’impact de la compétition électorale sur le processus de recrutement politique. Un important travail de collecte de données concernant la production parlementaire de chaque député de la Ve République permet d’étudier cette relation ainsi que son évolution au cours de la période 1959-2012. Il en ressort que les députés élus dans des circonscriptions compétitives ont une activité parlementaire plus importante, toutes choses égales par ailleurs. Cependant, ce lien entre activité et compétition est en constante diminution depuis les années 1980
The aim of this thesis is to explicitly introduce the decision-maker into the empirical analysis of different political processes in the French context. Three cases are successively analyzed,each raising a specific problematic. The first chapter focuses on French municipalities. A new original dataset, covering mayors of municipalities of more than 10,000 inhabitants over the period 2000-2012, underpins the study. The objective is to investigate to what extentthe mayor’s personal influence on the investment policy affects his/her reelection probability. Results show that this information plays a significant role only in small municipalities. Chapter twostudies the French legislative production, exploiting another original dataset. A dual cycle of the production of laws emerges, connected to both the presidential and the legislative elections. A link between government members’ personal characteristics and legislative output is established. Finally, chapter three investigates the relationship between electoral competition and political selection. A third important dataset providing data about the individual parliamentary work of the deputies over the period 1958-2012 allows such an analysis. Resultsindicate that deputies elected in contested districts have a higher overall productivity. The intensity of the relationship reached its peak in the 1980’s, but is continuously decreasing since then

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Squarcioni, Laure. « La dépendance au parti des députés : conquérir, exercer et conserver son mandat au PS et à l'UMP ». Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0455.

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Quelle relation lie un élu à son parti ? Cette thèse se propose d’analyser le phénomène de dépendance au parti des députés en comparant le PS et l’UMP durant la XIIIe et la XIVe législature. La relation de dépendance au parti influence, avec une intensité variable, le comportement du député, dans de nombreuses sphères d’action du mandat et tout au long de sa carrière politique. La thèse d’un cycle de la dépendance est ainsi confrontée empiriquement, en croisant méthodes qualitatives et quantitatives. Plusieurs profils de dépendance au parti chez les députés ont été dégagés : l’utilitariste, le fataliste, le fidèle, et l’éléphant du parti. Ceux-ci sont déterminés par l’appartenance à un des deux partis, ainsi que par un effet fort de la carrière. Une analyse séquentielle de la carrière du député permet ensuite de souligner la multidimensionnalité du phénomène qui varie à la fois selon les temps de la carrière (conquérir, exercer et conserver son mandat) et les caractéristiques du député
What kind of relationship binds an elected official to his party ? This study aims to analyse French Deputies' Party dependency by comparing the Socialist Party and the Union for a Popular Movement during the XIIIth and the XIVth legislature. The party dependency affects MPs behaviour with a varying intensity over time and space. The thesis of a party dependency cycle is tested empirically, by using both qualitative and quantitative methods. Different types of party dependency among MPs has been found : the utilitarian, the fatalistic, the believer and the grandee. These profiles are determined by party membership and political longevity. A sequential study of MPs’ careers underlines the multidimensionality of party dependency in relation to career-stage (whether it be conquering, exercising, or keeping one’s mandate) as well as MP’s individual characteristics

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Paiva, Luiz Guilherme Mendes de. « Populismo Penal no Brasil : do modernismo ao antimodernismo penal, de 1984 a 1990 ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2136/tde-31012017-162325/.

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A tese discute a transformação dos discursos político-criminais sobre a pena de prisão no Brasil, no período que compreende os debates para a elaboração da Parte Geral do Código Penal e da Lei de Execução Penal, que reformaram o sistema penal em 1984, e os dispositivos penais e processuais penais discutidos na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte e contemplados na Constituição de 1988. Utilizando conceitos da literatura político-criminal anglo-saxã, as teorias tradicionais da pena e analisando os debates legislativos dos principais marcos legais do período escolhido, pretendeu-se verificar se o processo de superencarceramento brasileiro está inserido no contexto ocidental de valorização da prisão no final do século XX, ou se as peculiaridades do caso nacional indicam tratar-se de um fenômeno com causas endógenas. O trabalho parte da hipótese de que a virada punitiva brasileira está ligada ao processo de redemocratização, que atribuiu ao sistema de justiça criminal o papel de instrumento de resolução de problemas sociais complexos. Em um curto período, partiu-se de uma concepção de pena criminal como ultima ratio, instrumento de um sistema mais amplo de ressocialização e inclusão social, para um direito penal essencialmente punitivo. Nesse processo, a pena criminal foi revalorizada tanto por setores conservadores que se aproveitaram da utilidade eleitoral da política criminal para construir a narrativa da pena como instrumento de exclusão dos indesejáveis, em detrimento dos direitos humanos dos condenados quanto por setores progressistas que viram no potencial simbólico da prisão uma forma de assegurar pautas e de buscar direitos sociais. Assim, de maneira paradoxal, a pena de prisão assumiu o papel de síntese das demandas contraditórias que se apresentaram durante as disputas políticas nos anos 1980. Ao final, conclui-se que a prática contemporânea do sistema penal brasileiro está ligada à função atribuída à pena de prisão a partir da abertura política. O recurso a penas cada vez mais altas, o perene apelo a restrições processuais penais e a indiferença quanto à situação dos cárceres (agora concebidos como meros instrumentos de exclusão) refletem a lógica de colonização do sistema de justiça pelo aparato de segurança pública, característica constitutiva do antimodernismo penal no país.
The thesis presents a discussion about the transformation of criminal policy discourses on imprisonment in Brazil, from the 1984 criminal justice reform laws to the debates on the constitutional framework of the criminal justice system during the National Constituent Assembly, in 1988. Using concepts developed in the Anglo-Saxon criminology and the traditional justifications for criminal sanctions, the work analyses the legislative debates in order to verify if Brazilian overincarceration is part of the punitive turn wave which took place in the Western world in the late 20th century, or if its peculiarities should rather be explained by endogenous causes. It goes to illustrate how, in few years, Brazilian punitive turn departed from a welfare penal agenda to one essentially based on punitive sanctions. The hypothesis investigated along the work is that this phenomenon has direct links to the democratization process which attributed to the criminal justice system the role of solving complex social problems. Both conservatives, who discovered the electoral potential of penal populism, and new social movements, who relied on the symbolic nature of criminal law to support and organize civil rights demands, reinvigorated imprisonment. Paradoxically, prison became a synthesis of contradictory political forces and demands raised at the decline of military regime. The work concludes that contemporary practices of Brazilian criminal justice system are determined by the role assigned to imprisonment since democratization. Ever-higher prison sentences, limits on procedural rights for the accused and indifference towards inhumane prisons (now merely defined as a neutralization tool) reflects colonization of the criminal justice system by crime control apparatus, which is a constitutive feature of penal late modernism in Brazil.

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Luz, Estevão de Melo Marcondes. « Um legislador nas Gerais : vida e obra do Cônego Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik (1783-1861) / ». Franca : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93178.

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Orientador: Teresa Maria Malatian
Banca: Renato Pinto Venâncio
Banca: Lélio Luiz de Oliveira
Resumo: A idéia central desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação política do cônego Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik no contexto da construção do Estado Nacional brasileiro durante o século XIX. No entanto, para entender o significado de sua atuação política foi preciso voltar até as suas origens familiares assim como analisar a formação religiosa do cônego. A Igreja estava vinculada ao governo durante o Império e a atuação religiosa dos padres estava intimamente ligada à atuação política. O cônego estudou em São Paulo onde recebeu a ordenação em 1809 e em seguida foi administrar a freguesia do Desemboque, no Triângulo Mineiro, região que naquela época era quase desabitada. Ali ele desenvolveu uma sólida liderança religiosa e política, tornando-se vigário geral e vereador nas câmaras municipais de Araxá e Desemboque. Como vigário geral da freguesia teve atuação pioneira: fundou capelas e conseguiu verbas para a construção de estradas e pontes que conectaram a região ao comércio imperial e contribuíram para seu povoamento. Bom pregador, proprietário de terras e líder político local, o cônego conquistou reconhecimento na província, aliou-se ao Partido Conservador mineiro e ganhou espaço no cenário político imperial. A partir de 1850 ascendeu politicamente sendo eleito deputado provincial e deputado geral pela província de Minas Gerais, atuando na Câmara dos Deputados até 1860 quando se afastou por motivos de saúde. Morreu em 1861 após trabalhar nas três instâncias do legislativo brasileiro: municipal, provincial e imperial
Abstract: The central idea of this research is to analyze the political performance of the canon Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik in the context of the construction of the Brazilian National State during the century XIX. However, to understand the meaning of his political performance it was necessary to return until their family origins as well as the religious formation of the canon. The Church was linked to the government during the Empire and the priests' religious performance was intimately linked to the political performance. The canon studied in São Paulo where received the ordination in 1809 and soon afterwards he went to administer the clientele of Desemboque, in Triângulo Mineiro, area that was almost totally uninhabited in that time. There he developed a solid religious and political leadership, becoming general vicar and alderman in the city halls of Araxá and Desemboque. As general vicar of the clientele he had pioneering performance: founded chapels and it got budgets for the construction of highways and bridges that connected the area to the imperial trade and they contributed to its settlement. Good preacher, proprietor of lands and local political leader, the canon conquered recognition in the province, he formed an alliance with Conservative Party and it won space in the imperial political scenery. Starting from 1850 he ascended politically being chosen provincial deputy and general deputy by the province of Minas Gerais, acting in the Camera of the Deputies up to 1860 when he stood back because of health. He died in 1861 after working in the three instances of the brazilian legislative: municipal, provincial and imperial
Mestre

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Donazar, Francis. « Les groupes parlementaires à l’Assemblée nationale sous la Vème République ». Thesis, Paris 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA020066.

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Formations intérieures des assemblées parlementaires, inhérentes au Gouvernement représentatif moderne, quoique leur existence ait longtemps été contestée en France comme ailleurs, les groupes parlementaires ont su s’imposer dans le temps par la pratique institutionnelle pour devenir des acteurs incontournables et prépondérants de la vie politique. L’Histoire parlementaire - des Etats généraux de 1789 à nos jours - confirme d’ailleurs une dimension naturelle et spontanée de la formation des groupes. Ce sont aujourd’hui des institutions reconnues et encadrées par le droit (d’abord par la résolution du 1er juillet 1910 modifiant le règlement de la Chambre, puis par une apparition constitutionnelle écourtée sous la IVème, pour enfin une reconnaissance constitutionnelle formelle le 23 juillet 2008). Rouages essentiels de la vie parlementaire et des relations politiques des assemblées avec l'Exécutif, leur consécration juridique est entrée en tension avec les principes classiques du mandat représentatif (en particulier la prohibition du mandat impératif) et la nature du pouvoir délibératif qu’est le Parlement, primat de principe de la séance publique dans l'exercice des fonctions du Parlement. Renforcés par l'avènement de la démocratie de partis, prolongement naturel de la démocratie électorale dont ils assurent, en théorie, la cohérence au plan parlementaire (tant pour la majorité que pour la minorité), les groupes parlementaires ont su s’imposer sur l’échiquier politique puis institutionnel pour devenir une pierre angulaire de la démocratie représentative. L'objet de la recherche, qui nous projette au cœur de la vie politique, est d'analyser non seulement la place que leur reconnaît le droit constitutionnel et parlementaire positif français, mais également les limites inhérentes à celui-ci, face à un phénomène qui est intrinsèquement politique et indispensable à la pratique institutionnelle
Parliamentary groups - which are inherent to the contemporary representative government - constitute the internal formations of parliamentary assemblies. Institutional practices have progressively put the emphasis on parliamentary groups over time and, albeit lambasted for a long time in France and in other regions, the latter have become key players in political life. From the 1789 Estates General, the French parliamentary history has revealed a natural and spontaneous propensity to form groups. Nowadays parliamentary groups are recognised institutions which are enshrined in law. First acknowledged by the July 1, 1910 resolution which modified the rules of the Chamber of Deputies, then by the short-lived Constitution of the Fourth Republic, these cogs in the machine of parliamentary life and political relations between assemblies and executive branch were formally recognised in the Constitution of the Fifth Republic on July 23, 2008. This legal anchoring has exacerbated tensions with the classic principles of representative mandates - the ban of imperative mandates in particular - and with the core nature of Parliament, i.e. being a deliberative body, which are the central tenets of parliamentary open sessions. The establishment of multiparty democracy has reinforced parliamentary groups: as the natural continuation of the electoral democracy of which they ensure consistency on the parliamentary level, both for the majority and the opposition, parliamentary groups have proved to be essential in the political chessboard, then in the institutional spectrum. Nowadays they are the cornerstone of representative democracy. The objective of this research which tackles the very heart of political life is to analyse the role assigned to them under the French positive constitutional and parliamentary law, but also to highlight the limits of the latter to this inherently political and inevitable phenomenon

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Luz, Estevão de Melo Marcondes [UNESP]. « Um legislador nas Gerais : vida e obra do Cônego Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik (1783-1861) ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93178.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-06-18Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:54:40Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 luz_emm_me_fran.pdf: 3131126 bytes, checksum: eb3b6cfb198850160fca0e7611941c82 (MD5)
Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
A idéia central desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação política do cônego Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik no contexto da construção do Estado Nacional brasileiro durante o século XIX. No entanto, para entender o significado de sua atuação política foi preciso voltar até as suas origens familiares assim como analisar a formação religiosa do cônego. A Igreja estava vinculada ao governo durante o Império e a atuação religiosa dos padres estava intimamente ligada à atuação política. O cônego estudou em São Paulo onde recebeu a ordenação em 1809 e em seguida foi administrar a freguesia do Desemboque, no Triângulo Mineiro, região que naquela época era quase desabitada. Ali ele desenvolveu uma sólida liderança religiosa e política, tornando-se vigário geral e vereador nas câmaras municipais de Araxá e Desemboque. Como vigário geral da freguesia teve atuação pioneira: fundou capelas e conseguiu verbas para a construção de estradas e pontes que conectaram a região ao comércio imperial e contribuíram para seu povoamento. Bom pregador, proprietário de terras e líder político local, o cônego conquistou reconhecimento na província, aliou-se ao Partido Conservador mineiro e ganhou espaço no cenário político imperial. A partir de 1850 ascendeu politicamente sendo eleito deputado provincial e deputado geral pela província de Minas Gerais, atuando na Câmara dos Deputados até 1860 quando se afastou por motivos de saúde. Morreu em 1861 após trabalhar nas três instâncias do legislativo brasileiro: municipal, provincial e imperial
The central idea of this research is to analyze the political performance of the canon Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik in the context of the construction of the Brazilian National State during the century XIX. However, to understand the meaning of his political performance it was necessary to return until their family origins as well as the religious formation of the canon. The Church was linked to the government during the Empire and the priests’ religious performance was intimately linked to the political performance. The canon studied in São Paulo where received the ordination in 1809 and soon afterwards he went to administer the clientele of Desemboque, in Triângulo Mineiro, area that was almost totally uninhabited in that time. There he developed a solid religious and political leadership, becoming general vicar and alderman in the city halls of Araxá and Desemboque. As general vicar of the clientele he had pioneering performance: founded chapels and it got budgets for the construction of highways and bridges that connected the area to the imperial trade and they contributed to its settlement. Good preacher, proprietor of lands and local political leader, the canon conquered recognition in the province, he formed an alliance with Conservative Party and it won space in the imperial political scenery. Starting from 1850 he ascended politically being chosen provincial deputy and general deputy by the province of Minas Gerais, acting in the Camera of the Deputies up to 1860 when he stood back because of health. He died in 1861 after working in the three instances of the brazilian legislative: municipal, provincial and imperial

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Gbolahan, Olasina. « Predictors of legislators' ICT acceptance and use in the performance of legislative functions at the Nigerian National Assembly ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/10812.

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This study was conducted to determine the predictors of legislators’ acceptance and use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in the performance of legislative functions in the Nigerian National Assembly (NASS), Abuja, Nigeria. A dominantly positivist paradigm using quantitative and qualitative approaches was used. The survey methodology was used and the questionnaire was distributed to all the 469 federal legislators of NASS. An in-depth interview was conducted on five principal officers of the NASS, namely the Chairs of House Committees on ICT and Education; the Chair of Senate Committee on Communication; Director of ICT; and the Clerk of NASS. The data collected through a survey questionnaire was analyzed using the statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) to generate summary and descriptive statistics, Pearson Multiple Correlation, Analysis of Variance, Stepwise Multiple Regression and Path Regression Analysis; while qualitative data was analyzed using content analysis and thematic analyses. The theoretical framework used for the study was an extension of the Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT) by Venkatesh, Morris, Davis and Davis (2003). A test-retest reliability method of two weeks interval using Cronbach Alpha was conducted on 24 state legislators. The expected reliability stood at r=0.92, which was adequate for the study. Ethical considerations were taken into account with informed consent forms, approval seeking, permission and confidentiality. The findings showed that culture, academic qualification, attitude, behavioural intention, age and organizational impact were the most important predictors of ICT acceptance and use among legislators in NASS. The findings affirmed the ease of use of ICT of the legislators and suggested that legislators have a positive attitude towards ICT use. The findings showed that the legislators perceived ICT as useful and relevant to legislative work. The ICT usage level by legislators was generally low. The inhibitors of ICT acceptance and use that were found in the present study include: lack of exposure to e-parliament systems and fear of technology manipulation and political alienation. The findings on the relationships between independent and dependent variables (culture, ICT availability, facilitating conditions, effort expectancy, social influence, and performance expectancy) and the dependent variable (ICT acceptance and use) by legislators revealed that culture, facilitating conditions, effort expectancy, social influence and performance expectancy were positively correlated with ICT acceptance and use. ICT availability and performance of legislative functions, behavioural intention and gender were found to be negatively correlated with ICT acceptance and use. The findings of the tested hypothesis showed that independent variables (ICT skills, gender, age and level of education) were positively related. Findings revealed that independent variables (culture, ICT availability, facilitating conditions, effort expectancy, social influence and performance expectancy) jointly contributed 7.1% and 32% to the total variance in behavioural intention and user behaviour (moderator variables), respectively. The findings of the study contribute towards creating awareness of the potentials of ICT to support representative democracy in Nigeria. The study made recommendations that have the potentials to improve policy and practice of e-parliament by recommending the provision of ICT for legislators to fit cultural contexts in Nigeria and theoretical interventions to the model of technology adoption by using culture to extend the UTAUT to better explain the phenomenon in Nigeria. The overall conclusion in this regard was that variables such as trust, security, accessibility, power supply, motivation, ICT policy, often used to extend technology adoption models such as UTAUT in studies in Asia and South America, were not found relevant in the context of legislators in Nigeria. The study recommended the need for ICT change agents from among the legislators to support members to become truly mobile workers.
Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2014.

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Tim, Lo Iat, et 勞日添. « On the Electoral System of Legislative Assembly of Macau ». Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/85677927209084407714.

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碩士
國立暨南國際大學
公共行政與政策學系
95
Abstract Social science puts much emphasis on a longitudinal context; therefore, examining the development of academic disciplines from a historical review perspective has long been an important approach. The purpose of this thesis aims to explore the academic origin and development of elections in Macau, find out how Proportional Representation could use in pro-1999 and post-1999 Macau’s elections. What effect for Legislative Assembly and Sociality on Proportional Representation election system. Using data analysis, historical review, and access, the study examines the evolution of Electoral System of Macau’s Legislative Assembly based on four phases, including the evolution of interest group and electoral system of legislative assembly in Macau, pro-1999 legislative assembly elections, the 2001 legislative assembly elections, the 2005 legislative assembly elections. The findings show that Portuguese political situation shadow direct election of Macau in 1976. In addition, the Proportional Representation could fulfills the Principle of “Participating Balance and Developing Gradually” . Finally, the influence of electoral systems including attendance motive, make up of the List, promotion strategy, bribery, expense of elections.

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Molina, Luciana Natalia. « From Bolivar to Katari : indigenous representations in the legislative assembly of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, 2012 ». Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/26815.

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The purpose of this research is to discover the new symbols and new histories that are being constructed in the Plurinational State of Bolivia on 2012. The Legislature is the main stage where the research takes place and where the new actors interact on a yet unfamiliar zone. Equally important are the tensions that arise in the building of a new discourse that aims at breaking with homogenizing and exclusionary practices of the state. The unprecedented presence of indigenous people in the Legislature has ambivalent effects for the state and the indigenous communities. The thesis aims at uncovering these effects through the analysis of discourse, symbolic representations, and quotidian political practices.
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Lakshmi, Swarajya V. S. « Role perceptions and participation of representatives of legislative bodies in India with special focus on the members of Andhra Pradesh legislative assembly ». Thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/875.

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CHUAN, CHENG KU, et 程谷川. « Research on the service quality of Legislative Yuan-A case study of Da-an Assembly Hall ». Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/44069407921384708549.

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碩士
中國文化大學
政治學研究所碩士在職專班
96
Chinese abstract This research is for the purpose of discussing legislation committee member to oppose the court Da'an clubhouse anticipated service quality and the actual feeling quality carries on the investigation, divides into the visibility, the reliability, the reactivity, the guarantee and the concern and so on five constructions surface, uses for to understand committee member expects the standard and the feeling level. This article take legislation committee member and the service staff as the research object, the research technique including the literature analytic method, the questionnaire survey law, total completes 77 effectively to ask the volume, analyzes legislation committee member to oppose between the court Da'an clubhouse anticipated service quality and the actual feeling disparity. The chapter arranges the first chapter of introduction, contains the research motive and the goal, the research technique and the limit, the research scope and the flow. The second chapter correlation theory and the literature discussion, contains the service the essential characteristic, the quality significance and the connotation, the service quality definition and so on. The third chapter research design, contains the research overhead construction and the supposition, studies the tool, the material analysis method, asked in front of the volume measures the letter and an effect nalysis and so on four festivals. The fourth chapter result analysis, contains asked volume letter with an effect analysis, asks the volume analysis, analysis, legislation committee member the service quality gap the measuring basic document the basic document to influence analysis the service quality factor construction surface and so on four festivals. The fifth chapter conclusion, contains the research discovery and the suggestion. The research discovered that, First, under this research five constructions surface: The visibility, the reliability, the reactivity, the guarantee and the concern anticipated service of quality and the actual feeling quality difference extremely reveals, that is legislation committee member opposes the court Da'an clubhouse between the anticipated service quality and the actual feeling quality has reveals the difference existence. Second, legislation committee member opposes the court Da'an clubhouse between the anticipated service quality and the actual feeling quality, some 10 services quality presents the existence so-called disparity, indicated legislation committee member actually feels the service quality is lower than the anticipated service quality, represented the Legislative Yuan Da'an clubhouse still to have the improvement in the service quality the space. Moreover we also discovered quotes scholar Parasuraman, Zeithaml and Berry proposed weighs construction surface the service quality, says regarding service industry customer all is important also the influence construction surface, regarding will want the later generations in the future which will study this domain, has provided the cornerstone which as soon as will continue to try hard.

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Bourgeois, Eve. « La genèse et le développement des partis politiques au Bas-Canada (1791-1840) ». Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11614.

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Ce mémoire s’intéresse à la formation des partis politiques et l’origine de la loyauté partisane à la Chambre d’assemblée du Bas-Canada entre 1791 et 1840. Pour ce faire, le présent mémoire fait une analyse systématique de tous les votes tenus en Chambre grâce à l’indice de loyauté et à la méthode de la Classification optimale (Optimal Classification) développée par Poole (2005). Il soutient la thèse selon laquelle l’ethnicité est la principale source de division entre les députés lors des votes tenus à la Chambre d’assemblée du Bas-Canada lors des premières législatures et que c’est plutôt l’opposition entre les réformistes constitutionnels et les conservateurs favorables à l’ancien régime qui explique les divisions entre les députés lors des deux dernières législatures. Il soutient également que le statut social des députés, le type de comté dans lequel ils sont élus, l’occupation civile des députés ou leur expérience parlementaire n’expliquent pas l’opposition entre les députés lors des votes au Parlement. Ce mémoire émet également l’hypothèse selon laquelle les partis politiques ont peu d’impact sur le comportement législatif de leurs membres : les députés sont libres de voter selon leurs préférences individuelles sans véritable discipline partisane.
This thesis investigates the development of political parties and the origin of party loyalty in the legislative Assembly in Lower-Canada between 1791 and 1840. To do so, this thesis conducts a systemic analysis of the legislative behaviour of the Members of Parliament (MPs) with the loyalty index and the Optimal classification developed by Poole (2005). It demonstrates that language is the most salient issue of division among MPs in the first Parliaments, and that constitutional issues (reformists against conservatives) are the primary causes of conflict in the two last Parliaments. Moreover, we found that there is no clear divide between MPs according to their social status, the type of district in which they are elected, their occupation or their parliamentary experience. Finally, we also hypothesize that Members of Parliament do not tend to organize along party lines; instead they vote according to their individual preferences.

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Tsai, Chao-Hsun, et 蔡朝勳. « Local Factions, Research into the relations between political parties and elections - Analysis of The Sixteenth PingTung County Legislative Assembly ». Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/66354696354314775483.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
98
ABSTRACT Local Factions, Research into the relations between political parties and elections - Analysis of The Sixteenth PingTung County Legislative Assembly by Chao-Hsun Tsai July,2010 ADVISOR: Yung-Mau Chao , Ph.D. DEPARTMENT: Graduate Institute of National Development DEGREE: Master of Arts This thesis focuses on the relationships among local factions, political parties and elections which centre on the sixteenth PingTung County legislative assembly. Many theses already refer to this topic and some specifically deal with PingTung County. However, there are no theses following on from these with reference to more recent developments, nor particularly concentrating upon the County Legislative Assembly. Furthermore, the focus of these previous theses is limited to the connections between county magistrates and legislators. This dissertation aims to address these neglected areas. Through review of historical material, this paper will trace the engendering and evolution of local factions in PingTung, with an emphasis on their human, cultural, economic and political impact.. In addition, the theory of “Clientelism” will be exploited in exploring the correlations between “clientelism (original)”, “alliance (contract)”, and “competition-cooperation (restructure)”. Also, an attempt will be made to assay all the members of Pingtung County Legislative Assembly, from the initial formation of factions, to the present day. Building on the aforementioned analysis, the roles that the members of the Sixteenth PingTung County Legislative Assembly play, whilst in office and on the campaign trail, will be examined in depth. Finally, drawing on extensive interviews and research, an analysis of the candidates put forth by the KMT , the DPP and other parties made. The following summary details the main points that this paper will go to demonstrate: 1. The Single-member election is controlled by the political parties and the Multi-member election is controlled by the local factions. 2. Parties become factionalized and factions become associated with parties. 3. Candidates with no party affiliations can still win in the plural-seat election. 4. Due to the structured role of both parties in government, voters are able to vote across party lines, giving voters more independence. 5. Delimiting factions is not as simple a process as delimiting parties.

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Mangamma, B. « The question in Andhra Pradesh legislative assembly : A comparative study of congress (1978-83) & ; telugu desam party (1983-89) governments ». Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/3825.

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Arguello, Maria de Lourdes Gutierrez, et 古露德. « Parliamentarian Relations between the Legislative Yuan of the Republic of China (Taiwan) and the National Assembly of the Republic of Nicaragua 2010-2015 ». Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/04864666149001455898.

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碩士
淡江大學
亞洲研究所數位學習碩士在職專班
104
This historical documentary thesis presents a summary of parliamentary relations between the Legislative Yuan of the Republic of China (Taiwan) and the National Assembly of the Republic of Nicaragua during 2010-2015. The information was in different Taiwanese and Nicaraguan media. Information on historical diplomatic relations between the Republic of China and the Republic of Nicaragua is also provided; the definition of parliamentary diplomacy is explained. Also there is a summary of both legislative powers as well as their respective parliamentary diplomacy; a chronology of diplomatic relations between the two countries, speeches and congressional resolutions on parliamentarian diplomacy are presented in Annex. It is intended that all information provided in this research will be useful for strengthening parliamentary relations between the two countries.

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Roux, Stéphane. « Le concept de "convention nationale" sous la Révolution. Contribution à l'étude de la représentation constiuante ». Thesis, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020076.

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Dans un système constitutionnel fondé sur la souveraineté de la nation, le pouvoir constituant fait figure de phénomène ambivalent, difficilement analysable en termes juridiques. Par définition réfractaire à tout encadrement impératif, le pouvoir suprême au sein de l’Etat n’en doit pas moins revêtir une forme organisée pour exprimer une volonté normative. Les acteurs de la Révolution française agissent aux confins du droit, tirant profit des ressources de la philosophie politique et de l’histoire pour établir une constitution, principe fondamental du système juridique qu’ils cherchent à établir. Ils se dotent d’outils pour parvenir à leurs fins : le concept de « convention nationale » en est un, auréolé du succès des réalisations américaines. Plutôt qu’à une transposition institutionnelle, les révolutionnaires français procèdent à une adaptation. En devenant « extraordinaire », la représentation constituante qu’ils conceptualisent perd son caractère révolutionnaire pour devenir pleinement juridique. Elle offre une alternative à l’insurrection. Un tel processus présente cependant un revers. Ce pouvoir, en accédant à l’existence investi de l’exercice de la souveraineté, est dégagé de toutes contraintes juridiques autres que celles qui découlent de son organisation. Ces contraintes pèsent sur ses membres, exacerbant les tensions qui déchirent un corps collectif doté des pouvoirs les plus étendus. Les dérives sanglantes qui frappent la Convention nationale ne sont pas inéluctables ; elles découlent de l’exploitation politique des failles inhérentes au fonctionnement d’une représentation souveraine dont les membres ne doivent jouir d’aucun privilège
In a constitutional system founded on the sovereignty of the nation, constituent power is an ambivalent phenomenon, difficult to analyse in juridical terms. By definition resistant to mandatory regulation, the supreme power in the state must necessarily take a form which enables it to express a normative will. The actors of the French Revolution push the confines of the law, taking advantage of the resources of political philosophy and history to establish a constitution, fundamental principle of the juridical system they seek to institute. They create tools to achieve their ends: the concept of “national convention” being one, taking inspiration from the success of American achievements. Rather than an institutionnal transposition, the French revolutionaries proceed with an adaptation. By becoming “extraordinary”, the constituent representation which they conceptualize losses its revolutionary character to become fully juridical. It offers an alternative to the insurrection. By coming into existence invested with the capacity to exercise sovereignty, this power is released from all legal constraints other than those arising as a result of its organization. The process, however, is two-sided, and internally produced constraints weigh on its members, exacerbating tensions thar tear a collective body endowed with the broadest powers. The bloody excesses that strike the National Convention are not inevitable. They arise from political exploitation of flaws inherent to the organization of a sovereign representation whose members must not have any privilege

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Bang, Sungsoo. « Beyond the Red and the Blue : political Twitter networks of U.S. House of Representatives and Korean National Assembly ». 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/23251.

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This research investigates the Twitter network sphere of the 112th U.S. House of Representatives and the 18th Korean National Assembly members. Drawing from social network analysis, this study explores and compares structural characteristics of each legislative political network at diverse network levels – legislative, party and personal network. Mapping these networks highlights the major features of these two elite political networks grounded in a new social medium. Findings indicate that U.S. and Korean lawmakers have created and are enjoying affluent and multi-layered digital networks. Dynamic legislative-body networks, strong party networks, and a variety of personal networks with diverse partisan and bipartisan relationships demonstrate how politicians are agile at using new mediums. This research confirmed that these newly created legislative networks go beyond partisanship. Complicated structures demonstrate active and mutual interactions among lawmakers, and the political networks with large numbers of bipartisan tie relationships indicate that the political elite communicate, interact, and build relationships with each other rather than remaining disconnected or isolated. This research revealed new types of leaders – digital opinion leaders – emerging from newly created digital legislative networks: the most connected lawmakers; lawmakers who have great potential to coordinate party politics; the most sought after leaders; and most sociable lawmakers. By examining lawmakers’ patterns of relationship building in the network, this research tests whether these relationships are dependent on party position, ruling or opposition, in the network. In turn, this provides evidence for different uses of this new medium by party position in both legislative bodies. Detailed examination of Twitter use by political elites in Korea and the U.S. illuminate how this new media platform is being adopted by and changing politics in two distinct social and cultural settings. This new political arena, a fully digitalized and networked sphere where dynamic competition and cooperation occurs between political elites, has emerged as one of the political battlefields in politics today.
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