Articles de revues sur le sujet « League of Nations. Secretary-General »
Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : League of Nations. Secretary-General.
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleurs articles de revues pour votre recherche sur le sujet « League of Nations. Secretary-General ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les articles de revues sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Jogarajan, Sunita. « Tax In History : The 100th Anniversary of International Institutions and International Taxation ». Intertax 48, Issue 10 (1 septembre 2020) : 929–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2020091.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The year 2020 got off to an encouraging start. On 29-30 January 2020 … the 137 countries and jurisdictions of the G20/OECD Inclusive Framework on BEPS reaffirmed their commitment to reach a consensus-based solution and endorsed the ‘Outline of the Architecture of a Unified Approach on Pillar One.’(OECD, OECD Secretary-General Tax Report to G20 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors (Riyadh, Saudi Arabia) (OECD Publishing, Feb. 2020), available at http://www.oecd.org/ctp/oecd-secretary-general-tax-report-g20-finance-ministers-riyadhsaudi- arabia-february-2020.pdf (accessed 11 June 2020).) League of Nations, international tax, tax treaty, Great War, international institutions, International Financial Conference, tax evasion, double taxation, model treaties.
2
Kennedy, Michael. « Prologue to peacekeeping : Ireland and the Saar, 1934–5 ». Irish Historical Studies 30, no 119 (mai 1997) : 420–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013237.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A list from September 1939 of files destroyed by the Department of External Affairs in the invasion scares of 1939–40 contains an intriguing reference to the possibility of dispatching Irish military forces to the Saarland on the Franco-German border in the winter of 1934–5. There they would serve as part of an international peacekeeping force while a plebiscite on the status of the territory was carried out under League of Nations auspices in January 1935. The context of this article is the events surrounding the creation of the peacekeeping force in December 1934.That the Irish Free State should be mentioned as a possible contributor to the international force for the Saar is an illustration of the emerging mediatory role the state was to adopt after its three-year term on the League Council concluded in September 1933. With an Irish diplomat, Sean Lester, seconded to League service as High Commissioner in Danzig from 1934, and with Irish-born Edward Phelan, Assistant Director of the International Labour Organisation, being mentioned as a possible contender for the League post of Deputy Secretary-General in 1933, and with Eamon de Valera rising in importance as an international statesman and League supporter, Ireland’s involvement in the Saar was both an illustration and a result of the state’s prominent position in the League in the early to mid-1930s.
3
Yearwood, Peter. « ‘On the Safe and Right Lines’ : The Lloyd George Government and the Origins of the League of Nations, 1916–1918 ». Historical Journal 32, no 1 (mars 1989) : 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015338.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The success of wartime governments in the twentieth century is determined not just by their effectiveness in waging war, but also by their ability to plan for peace. Mobilizing the population for total war and winning the benevolent neutrality or active support of major uncommitted powers require the projection of a vision of a better, peaceful world which will be the necessary consequence of victory. The reordering of international society is therefore proclaimed as a war aim of each belligerent. By December 1916, when Lloyd George displaced Asquith, the desirability of establishing a league of nations was already a matter of serious popular and diplomatic discussion. The new administration almost immediately had to state its attitude on questions of post-war international organization. In launching his peace initiative President Wilson called for the establishment after the war of a ‘league of nations to insure peace and justice’. The joint reply of the Entente powers endorsed the setting up of such a body. In a separate commentary, which was given wide publicity in America, the foreign secretary, A. J. Balfour, explained that, as a condition of durable peace, ‘behind international law, and behind all treaty arrangements for preventing or limiting hostilities, some form of international sanction should be devised which would give pause to the hardiest aggressor’.
4
LEGG, STEPHEN. « ‘The Life of Individuals as well as of Nations’ : International Law and the League of Nations’ Anti-Trafficking Governmentalities ». Leiden Journal of International Law 25, no 3 (30 juillet 2012) : 647–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156512000325.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis paper will address an often-neglected agenda of the much-derided League of Nations: its ‘social’ and ‘technical’ works. These targeted human security through regulating different forms of international mobility, including the fight against trafficking in women and children. The League used conventions and conferences to commit nation-states, in a legal model, to standardized anti-trafficking measures. It also, however, worked to educate and inform states, voluntary organizations, and the general public about the nature of trafficking and the ways of combating it. The latter techniques are here interpreted using Foucault's governmentality writings, which encourage us to look beyond the juridical epistemologies of international relations and international law, but not beyond the interlacing of laws and norms, here explored through interwar League governmentalities.
5
JADER, Ilham Mahmoud, et Rawaa Sabahh GANNAW. « THE POSITION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ON IRAQ'S ENTRY INTO THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS IN 1932 ». RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 04, no 01 (1 janvier 2022) : 616–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.15.43.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Iraqi government signed with Britain a treaty in 1930 AD, which approved a bilateral alliance between them that includes all political, economic and military issues, which will be recognized after Iraq’s entry into the League of Nations. Iraq by entering the League and declaring his independence After the discussions, statements, and opinions that were presented at the meeting, the League's Mandates Committee announced on October 3, 1932, that Iraq had been accepted as a member of the League of Nations The independence of Iraq and its entry into the League of Nations is an important and pivotal issue, as Iraq became the first Arab country to get rid of the occupation, even though the independence was not complete because Britain sought to achieve this goal in exchange for a treaty that chained Iraq with many restrictions, including military and economic issues The United States of America has striven to develop its diplomatic relations with Iraq, given that Iraq was of strategic importance in the eyes of American policy planners. US to the level of an embassy in Baghdad The cultural relations between Iraq and the United States during the royal era developed significantly if compared to other fields, because it is considered the gateway to Iraq’s entry to the League of Nations, and for this reason the Iraqi government set up in 1930 a committee of experts to improve education and recommended the necessity of adopting the American approach to education, and this The Americans wanted to exploit it after they had a share in Iraq's oil, and thus exploiting all means in order to secure their interests, especially the means of education, because it is an effective means in creating a trend of educated elites tending to the United States of America. Key words:
6
Ambrosius, Lloyd E. « Woodrow Wilson, Alliances, and the League of Nations ». Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 5, no 2 (avril 2006) : 139–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778140000298x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
People in the United States and other countries, if they know anything about Woodrow Wilson, identify this American president with the League of Nations. They regard his role in its creation as his major contribution to world history. Beyond this general consensus, however, there is considerable disagreement.
7
Zhukovskaya, Natalia. « Canada's 1927 Election to the Council of the League of Nations : Imperial Unity and National Interests ». Russia and America in the 21st Century, S2 (2023) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760027904-1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The activities of universal international organizations (the League of Nations and the UN) have always influenced the dynamics of world processes. In the article, the author examines the election of Canada to the Council of the League of Nations in 1927. This event influenced the principle of the formation of the system of electoral groups, reflected on the transformation of relations between the Empire and the Dominions, determined the vector of development of Canadian foreign policy in the framework of the concept of "middle power".
8
Vasetsky, V. Yu. « Retrospective analogies and current events in Ukraine as the origins of law-making ». TRANSFORMATION LEGISLATION OF UKRAINE IN MODERN CONDITIONS DOCTRINAL APPROACHES AND MEASUREMENTS, no 14 (1 septembre 2023) : 209–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2023-14-209-214.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In connection with the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, an urgent problem is the search for the necessary changes in the legal sphere to ensure international peace and security both in international institutions and in the national legislation of individual states. This primarily concerns Ukraine as a state suffering from aggression. Therefore, it is appropriate to refer to historical analogies regarding the creation of organizations that were intended to oppose the outbreak of full-scale wars. The purpose of the work is to research on the example of historical analogies the factors of the activities of international organizations of collective security, first of all the League of Nations and the United Nations, which did not allow to prevent large-scale military conflicts – the Second World War and the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, as well as ascertaining and proving the need for appropriate reform in the legal sphere in the direction of collective security, which requires persistent multifaceted law-making activity, including in Ukraine, which suffers from aggression. The following historical analogies are considered, related to the events that were the origins of significant changes in the legal sphere: the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which ended the Thirty Years’ War in Europe; the League of Nations is the first international organization created with the aim of achieving peace and security among nations, the impetus for its establishment was the consequences of the First World War; the UN is the legal successor of the League of Nations, formed in 1945 after the Second World War, which took into account the gains and miscalculations of the League of Nations. The founders of the UN are 51 states, including Ukraine. The example of historical analogies showed that international organizations of collective security, primarily the League of Nations and the UN, were unable to fulfill their main task – to prevent large-scale military conflicts – the Second World War and the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. The weakness of the League of Nations as a peacekeeping tool was determined to some extent by its Organization’s Charter, the need for the consent of all members of the organization to take measures against the aggressor. It is noted that the UN, although it took into account the achievements and miscalculations of its predecessor – the League of Nations, was unable to ensure international peace to the required extent. This was manifested, in particular, in the activities of the UN Security Council as a body that bears the main responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. The weakness of the Security Council is that each of its permanent members has the right of veto. This was especially shamefully manifested during Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. Issues of aggression, acts of genocide, and war crimes are constantly brought up for discussion by the Security Council, but this body cannot make a single decision due to the imposition of a veto by the aggressor country – Russia. It was concluded that after the victory of Ukraine, we can expect a significant improvement in the legal sphere in the direction of changes in the activity, representation and decision-making rules of the reformed collective security organizations. It was emphasized that, despite the state of war, Ukraine should pay attention to the law-making work to create conditions to prevent existing terrible events in the future. Key words: Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, League of Nations, United Nations, reforming the collective security system, law-making activity.
9
Jonas, Michael. « Drawing Borders and Protecting Minorities in a Post-Imperial World : Legal Conflicts and the League of Nations’ Minority Protection Regime ». German Yearbook of International Law 63, no 1 (1 janvier 2022) : 189–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/gyil.63.1.189.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article explores the twin issues of autonomy and minorities in a world of residual empire, nationalism, and emerging nation-States that shaped the period after the First World War. From a primarily historical perspective, it delineates the general context of the newly established international political and legal order under the auspices of the League of Nations, and outlines the system’s premises and potential, its pitfalls and shortcomings, especially with regard to the late- and post-imperial make-up of continental Europe. Three case studies of politico-legal conflicts and challenges typical for the period form the article’s empirical backbone: the case of the Bohemian and Moravian Germans in the context of the Versailles peace process, the Finnish-Swedish dispute over the Åland Islands, and the abortive application for recognition and membership in the League of Nations by the Iroquois in 1923 and 1924. Taken together, these examples of international political and legal dispute illustrate both the promise and potential, and the inconsistencies and paradoxes, of an emerging internationalist system of conflict resolution and minority protection. In line with recent historiography, the article stresses the necessity of revisiting the League and its institutions beyond the previously dominant paradigm of failure. Through the prism of its minority protection system, the League’s influence on the political and institutional establishment of procedures and practices becomes particularly tangible. Most of what the League institutions created as a toolbox of internationalist governance has thereby remained with us until today, whilst the minorities for whom it was devised are, sadly, mostly gone: legal and administrative procedure, international supervision and mediation, enforceable minority rights and protections in terms of autonomy regulations, plebiscites, federative solutions or partitions as vehicles, and resources of legitimacy.
10
MALLETT, ROBERT. « FASCIST FOREIGN POLICY AND OFFICAL ITALIAN VIEWS OF ANTHONY EDEN IN THE 1930s ». Historical Journal 43, no 1 (mars 2000) : 157–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008808.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines the relationship between Anthony Eden, British minister for League of Nations' affairs (1935) and foreign secretary (1935–8), and Benito Mussolini's Fascist regime within the context of Italian foreign policy in the later 1930s. It outlines the precise aims and objectives of Mussolini's expansionist policies over the period 1935–8, assesses the accuracy of Eden's interpretation of them and, in turn, discusses official Italian diplomatic perceptions of Eden. It specifically challenges Renzo De Felice's view that for Mussolini, the Italian conquest of Ethiopia (1935–6) marked the limit of Fascist expansionism. Furthermore, it contests his theory that the dictator did not pursue an Italo–German alliance that would drive an Italian imperialist war against Britain and France in the Mediterranean and Red Sea. Anthony Eden had been fully aware of such an intention, and had been targeted by the regime as Italy's ‘public enemy number one’, precisely because he fully comprehended what lay at the heart of Mussolini's brand of Fascism.
11
Kasanusi, Kasanusi, Mar'atus Solikhah, Nensy Triristina, Yunita Rizki Pujiyanti et Khoiruddin Khoiruddin. « The Role of United Nation in Addressing Human Rights Violations on Syria’s Internal Conflicts ». Interdisciplinary Social Studies 2, no 3 (29 décembre 2022) : 1757–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.55324/iss.v2i3.365.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Background: Syria is one of many Arab countries in the Middle East that are undergoing revolution and civil war. It was motivated by the authoritarian attitude of the government and the economic downturn that occurred until there was popular resistance to Bashar al-Assad's regime. This conflict in Syria has attracted worldwide attention, because one of these cases in Syria has entered into the most glaring case today, namely regarding human rights violations. Aim: This paper is intended to discuss the role of the United Nations (UN) in human rights violations in the Syrian conflict, the conflict in Syria the ruling government that uses the tools of the state (military) to deal with protests by its people, thus, triggers a domestic battle between the government (the ruling regime of Bashar al-Assad) and the civilians. Method: This paper uses qualitative research techniques with role theory analysis, with a realist theory approach, namely by describing the roles of international organizations (United Nations) where through secondary data, produce descriptive data according to analysis and existing facts of the subject or object observed. Findings: Efforts by the UN and the international community to uphold human rights in Syria are to send former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan to trade in Syria, as well as the Arab League, which calls for opposition groups to unite and proposes the establishment of a transitional government on the proposal of the UN.
12
Siekmann, R. C. R. « LEAGUE OF NATIONS : SOME PEACEKEEPING AVANT LA LETTRE ». Military Law and the Law of War Review 29, no 1-2 (décembre 1990) : 206–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/mllwr.1990.1-2.20.
Texte intégral
13
Wintzer, Joachim. « Deutschlands Weg in den Völkerbund ». Vereinte Nationen 67, no 6 (2019) : 250–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35998/vn-2019-0075.
Texte intégral
14
Hirschi, Jonas. « The Missing Recognition : How Ireland and Switzerland Established Diplomatic Relations ». Irish Studies in International Affairs 34, no 1 (2023) : 175–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2023.a918362.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACT: Ireland carried out a clandestine diplomacy from 1917 onwards, pursuing international recognition, which made Switzerland, with its central location in Europe and later as the seat of the League of Nations, one of the main targets. But it was not until the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 that a de facto recognition by Switzerland followed, although the Swiss government never officially recognised Ireland. Until the establishment of diplomatic missions in 1939/40, diplomatic relations were handled by the Irish representation to the League of Nations and the Swiss consulate general in Dublin as quasi-diplomatic missions.
15
Schaaf, Robert W. « The United Nations International Law Commission ». International Journal of Legal Information 18, no 2 (1990) : 122–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500026573.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Those seeking information on the United Nations’ work in systematizing the rules of public international law may find it useful to examine the latest edition of The Work of the International Law Commission (4th ed., United Nations, 1988). According to this publication, (the primary source for this column), interest in the development and codification of the rules on international law may be traced back to the late 18th century and the English philosopher Jeremy Bentham, author of Principles of International Law. From this time forward there were numerous attempts at the codification of international law, but intergovernmental regulation of general legal questions originated with the Congress of Vienna (1814–1815). Thereafter, international legal rules on various subjects were developed by different diplomatic conferences. These included such subjects as the laws of war on land and sea, pacific settlement of international disputes and the regulation of postal services and telecommunications. The Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907 stimulated the movement for codification. Efforts to promote the codification and development of international law were further advanced with the 1924 (September 22) resolution of the fifth session of the League of Nations Assembly which envisaged the establishment of a standing Committee of Experts for the Progressive Codification of International Law. After having consulted member governments and the Council, the League Assembly decided in 1927 to convene a Codification Conference which took place at The Hague in the Spring of 1930. Unfortunately, the international instruments resulting from the work of the conference were only in the one field of nationality. One further step, however, was the adoption by the League Assembly on September 25, 1931 of a major resolution on codification of international law emphasizing the need to strengthen the influence of governments at each stage in the codification process.
16
Volodko, Anna. « Revisiting the mandate system of the League of Nations : a 21st century perspective ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, no 12-3 (1 décembre 2023) : 146–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202312statyi59.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The mandate system of the League of Nations was created as a compromise between the colonial interests of the victorious powers and the new ‘internationalist’ principles in international relations. It therefore had the same “inherent flaws” as the new organization as a whole. Despite a number of undoubtedly progressive provisions enshrined in Article 22 of the League's constitution, its implementation faced problems due to a lack of clear powers and mechanisms to curb abuses. As a result, its relevant bodies had to rely primarily on the “internationalization” of controversial issues, publicity and moral pressure from the international community to curb the arbitrariness of the mandatorial powers.
17
Nesterova, T. P. « France, Italy and Diplomatic End of Italo-Ethiopian War in League of Nations (May—July 1936) ». Nauchnyi dialog, no 8 (24 août 2021) : 400–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-8-400-413.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the final stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936 and the question of the elimination of anti-Italian sanctions in the League of Nations. It was revealed that the great powers were mainly interested in restoring normal relations with Italy, while the defense of Ethiopia’s independence was only a “moral duty” for them, and in the clash of moral factors and real politics, the real interests of states won undoubtedly. It is argued that, taking ad-vantage of France’s interest in restoring stable Franco-Italian relations, Italy actually destroyed the political agreements of early 1935 and moved on to political rapprochement with Germany, which significantly changed the entire international situation in Europe and actually opened the way for the outbreak of World War II. In addition, for France, a significant political loss was the drop in the authority of the League of Nations, due to the helplessness of this organization in the face of aggression against one of the members of the League. The study is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and German diplomatic documents, documents of the League of Nations, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as un-published documents from the Archives of the German Information Bureau (Germany).
18
Cussó, Roser. « The League of Nations and Minorities : The Non-receivability of ‘Non-treaty’ Petitions ». International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 26, no 1 (9 décembre 2019) : 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02504002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Minority protection under the League of Nations (LoN) generated an unprecedented level of activity and debate on the topic, which in turn contributed to the general advancement of human rights. Nevertheless, it is also important to note that the League’s Secretariat developed rather conservative practices regarding the receivability of minorities’ petitions as well as on some important related decisions. Our perspective here contrasts with what is commonly found in the associated historiography, i.e. that the part played by the Minorities Section was rather neutral. Without downplaying the importance of some states’ resistance to the protection of minorities and its supervision, the Section’s narrow interpretation of the LoN jurisdiction is noteworthy, as is the absence of serious attempts to take advantage of the decisions in favour of minorities made by the LoN Assembly. The way the Section constructed the non-receivability of petitions, especially those which were ‘outside treaties’, illustrates our argument.
19
Shields, Sarah. « Mosul, the Ottoman legacy and the League of Nations ». International Journal of Contemporary Iraqi Studies 3, no 2 (novembre 2009) : 217–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijcis.3.2.217/1.
Texte intégral
20
Young, Stephen. « Re-historicising dissolved identities : Deskaheh, the League of Nations, and international legal discourse on Indigenous peoples ». London Review of International Law 7, no 3 (1 novembre 2019) : 377–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lril/lraa004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract In 1923, Levi General Deskaheh sought recognition from the League of Nations of the Six Nations’ sovereignty and right to self-determination. Although scholars have good reasons for retroactively identifing Deskaheh as a representative of Indigenous peoples, doing so dissolves the identities of historical and present-day subjects, which has a number of invidious consequences.
21
Grishaeva, L. E. « Institutions of War and Peace ». Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no 5 (27 septembre 2022) : 324–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2205-01.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The author conducts a comparative analysis of international institutions that emerged as a result of two world wars in the twentieth century — the League of Nations and the United Nations, and shows their fundamental diff erence. The author rightly believes that the League of Nations was unable to prevent the Second World War due to the imperfection of its Charter and the lack of universal principles embodied in it. These shortcomings, according to the author, were due to the instability of the Versailles-Washington system, which failed to overcome the contradictions that later led to a new world war. Unlike the League of Nations, the United Nations, established after the Second World War, was able to take into account the systemic shortcomings that were originally embedded in the statutory principles of the former organization. The author focuses on the "veto" rule, which is the fundamental principle of the UN Charter, and shows its fundamental diff erence from the principle of "liberum veto" of the Statute of the League of Nations, which allowed any dissenting state to block a decision regarding the defi nition of a threat to peace and condone aggressor countries to freely exercise their expansionist plans. The author takes into account that the UN is an organization of the “nuclear age”, since the Yalta system determined the status of permanent members of the Security Council as victors in World War II and leading nuclear powers in the UN Charter. The author argues that complex international confl ict situations can only be resolved through the joint eff orts of the world community. With the help of various international mechanisms, regional confl icts must be resolved by political and diplomatic methods, and they must not be allowed to develop into a global confl ict, since a new world confl ict in the context of globalization can only be at the nuclear level. The UN Charter lays down the principles for resolving international regional problems and their settlement by political means. The author comes to the conclusion, that the United Nations is a stable international institution to prevent a new world war and maintain international security. Unlike the League of Nations, which failed to prevent the Second World War, the UN is an institution for actually preventing world crises and building a new post-war world order, which has been ensuring the sustainable development of mankind without global wars for more than 75 years.
22
FINOHENOV, Oleh. « «UKRAINIAN ISSUE» IN THE ACTIVITIES OF THE WESTERN UKRAINIAN ASSOCIATION OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS ». Contemporary era 7 (2019) : 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-12-22.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the 1920-1930s, the «Ukrainian issue» remained unsolved. None of the European states defended the right of the Ukrainian people to create their own independent and united country. Declaring the ideals of independence and unity of Ukraine, established in 1922, the Western Ukrainian Society of the League of Nations (ZUTLN) had two important tasks. Firstly, to update the "Ukrainian issue" in the international arena, and secondly, to revise the decision of the Council of Ambassadors of March 14, 1923, and with strong condemnation of the Polish national and cultural policy in the first half of the 1920s. The study notes that in the early 1920s, the ZUTLN was almost the only emigration structure created by famous Ukrainian public and political persons to expand the international influence of the exile government of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (ZUNR) to address the state status of Eastern Galicia. In 1922–1924, the ZUTLN defended the national and state interests of Ukrainians in Galicia in the international arena and promoted the idea of restoring Ukrainian statehood after World War I. The foreign policy activities of the society on dealing with the «Ukrainian issue» is analyzed. The efficiency of ZUTLN governing bodies, the activities of its representatives in the Union of Societies of the League of Nations (STLN), is characterized. Cooperation with political parties of Western Ukraine and a similar Dnieper society is emphasized. It was concluded that thanks to the ZUTLN leaders' efforts, the "Ukrainian" or, more accurately, the «Eastern Galician issue» was repeatedly discussed at meetings of the Grand Council and the Political Committee of the General Assembly of the League of Nations international obligations. That's how world politicians could obtain reliable information about national minorities rights violations by the Polish authorities
23
MASTERS, GILES. « Performing Internationalism : The ISCM as a ‘Musical League of Nations’ ». Journal of the Royal Musical Association 147, no 2 (novembre 2022) : 560–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rma.2022.25.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the First World War, some musicians embraced ‘international’ identities in novel ways, requiring novel strategies.6 During the 1920s, internationalist initiatives were launched in musicology, music education, folk music and more, joining a more general proliferation of institutions devoted to cultural internationalism.7 In the domain of Western art music, the most high-profile internationalist organization of the era was the ISCM, founded in Salzburg in 1922.8 The ISCM’s principal activity during the interwar period was to organize an annual contemporary music festival. This peripatetic event, hosted in a different European city each year, served two intertwined ambitions: to promote contemporary music and to further international cooperation. The latter aspiration gave rise to an unofficial nickname – the ‘musical League of Nations’ – encapsulating the ISCM’s perceived affinities with other, heftier internationalist endeavours.9 A ‘musical League of Nations’ was, however, an ambivalent and precarious project: the moniker recognized, through analogy, a necessary proximity to the era’s chief prototype of an international structure; but it clung, by way of its adjective, to a degree of detachment from the treacherous waters of politics and diplomacy.
24
Shindo, R. « Japan, the League of Nations and the Permanent Court of International Justice on the Question of Upper Silesia, Vilnius and Memel ». Problems of World History, no 8 (14 mars 2019) : 80–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-8-4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The First World War marked a turning point for civilization development in the 20th century. With the collapse of the Central Powers, a new international order arose. In the wake of the Paris PeaceConference, the founding of the League of Nations was above all due to the initiative of the victorious powers. Member states were expected to contribute to maintaining world peace. Japan was one of themajor Allied powers and a permanent member of the League Council. In this position, Japan was significantly involved in the post-war politics of Europe.
To elucidate the nature and consequences of this involvement, the activities of Japanese diplomats in the League of Nations and in the Permanent Court of International Justice in the Hague during theperiod between the First and Second World Wars are examined. Particular attention is paid to Japan’s participation in the regulation of the demarcation and minority issues in Upper Silesia and in theVilnius and Memel districts.
25
Johnson, Alan. « Introduction Hal Draper : A Biographical Sketch ». Historical Materialism 4, no 1 (1999) : 181–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920699100414364.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractHal Draper was born in Brooklyn in 1914, to East European Jewish immigrant parents. In 1932 he became active in the Student League for Industrial Democracy and the Socialist Party youth section, the Young People's Socialist League (YPSL). A leader of the Student Strikes Against War, he became an associate editor of Socialist Appeal in 1934. In 1937, the socialist youth, led by Draper and Ernest Erber, voted to support the Fourth International after Trotsky's followers entered the Socialist Party (SP). Draper opposed the subsequent split in the SP, which Trotsky and James P. Cannon deliberately provoked, but left with the Trotskyists and became the national secretary of the Socialist Workers’ Party's youth group, a member of its first National Executive, and the secretary of the party's National Education Department. Irving Howe, a YPSL comrade, later recalled his admiration. Draper was, ‘genuinely learned in Marxism, with a mind that marched from one theorem to another as if God were clearing his way’, a youth leader who ‘would speak for us with a razored lucidity’ in debate with the Stalinists. Draper was part of the minority when the SWP split in 1940 over two issues, the ‘Russian question’ and the ‘bureaucratic conservatism’ of James P. Cannon's internal party regime. Draper became a founder member of the Workers’ Party (WP) , led by Max Shachtman, which developed an analysis of the Soviet Union as neither a ‘workers’ state’ nor state capitalist but a new form of exploiting class society, bureaucratic collectivism. The WP refused to ‘defend the Soviet Union’ and developed a distinctive democratic revolutionary Marxism, summed up by the slogan, ‘Neither Washington nor Moscow but the Third Camp of Independent Socialism!’. And, in reaction to Cannon's monolithic conception of the party, the WP developed a highly democratic internal political culture marked by ‘an atmosphere of genuine tolerance’ unceasing internal debate carried in the public press, and untrammelled rights for minorities.
26
Menger, Richard P., Christopher M. Storey, Bharat Guthikonda, Symeon Missios, Anil Nanda et John M. Cooper. « Woodrow Wilson’s hidden stroke of 1919 : the impact of patient-physician confidentiality on United States foreign policy ». Neurosurgical Focus 39, no 1 (juillet 2015) : E6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2015.4.focus1587.
Texte intégralRésumé :
World War I catapulted the United States from traditional isolationism to international involvement in a major European conflict. Woodrow Wilson envisaged a permanent American imprint on democracy in world affairs through participation in the League of Nations. Amid these defining events, Wilson suffered a major ischemic stroke on October 2, 1919, which left him incapacitated. What was probably his fourth and most devastating stroke was diagnosed and treated by his friend and personal physician, Admiral Cary Grayson. Grayson, who had tremendous personal and professional loyalty to Wilson, kept the severity of the stroke hidden from Congress, the American people, and even the president himself. During a cabinet briefing, Grayson formally refused to sign a document of disability and was reluctant to address the subject of presidential succession. Wilson was essentially incapacitated and hemiplegic, yet he remained an active president and all messages were relayed directly through his wife, Edith. Patient-physician confidentiality superseded national security amid the backdrop of friendship and political power on the eve of a pivotal juncture in the history of American foreign policy. It was in part because of the absence of Woodrow Wilson’s vocal and unwavering support that the United States did not join the League of Nations and distanced itself from the international stage. The League of Nations would later prove powerless without American support and was unable to thwart the rise and advance of Adolf Hitler. Only after World War II did the United States assume its global leadership role and realize Wilson’s visionary, yet contentious, groundwork for a Pax Americana. The authors describe Woodrow Wilson’s stroke, the historical implications of his health decline, and its impact on United States foreign policy.
27
Yadav, Asha. « International Politics and Abhyudaya Patra ». RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no 7 (15 juillet 2022) : 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i07.017.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Hindi papers, especially 'Abhyudaya', by bringing international events to the public, not only clarified the foreign policy of the Congress, but also made Indians aware of the bloodshed of various nations for political selfishness, diplomacy and economic benefits. .
The letter believed that only India had the right to decide on the internal condition of India, its relations with foreign countries and national defense etc. In 1920 AD, the most discussed in the world was about communism and the League of Nations. The capitalist countries were opposing the communist policy of Russia. On the other hand, in the name of world peace, the League of Nations was establishing its dominance over the world by forming an institution.
Hindi letters and Abhyudaya neither supported nor opposed communism because they believed that if they did not live up to their principles, it would probably end. In view of the decision of the League of Nations and its functioning, the letter described it as an organized hypocrisy and sent a message to the suffering nations to strengthen their position.
Abstract in Hindi Language:
हिन्दी पत्रों, विशेष रूप से ’अभ्युदय’ ने अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय घटनाओं को जनमानस तक पहुँचाकर न केवल कांग्रेस की विदेश नीति को स्पष्ट किया अपितु भारतीयों को राजनीतिक स्वार्थ, कूटनीति और आर्थिक लाभों के लिए विभिन्न राष्ट्र, जो रक्तपात कर रहे थे, उसका भी ज्ञान कराया।
पत्र का मानना था भारत की आन्तरिक अवस्था, उसके विदेशों से सम्बंध और राष्ट्रीय रक्षा आदि प्रश्नों पर निर्णय लेने का अधिकार केवल भारत का था। 1920 ई0 में संसार में सबसे अधिक चर्चा साम्यवाद और राष्ट्रसंघ की ही थी। पूँजीवादी देश रूस की साम्यवादी नीति का विरोध कर रहे थे। दूसरी ओर, विश्व में शांति के नाम पर राष्ट्रसंघ संस्था बनाकर विश्व पर अपना प्रभुत्त्व कायम कर रहे थे।
हिन्दी पत्रों और अभ्युदय ने साम्यवाद का न तो समर्थन ही किया और न विरोध क्योंकि उनका मानना था कि अपने सिद्धांतों पर खरा न उतरनें पर इसका अन्त सम्भवतः ही हो जायेगा। राष्ट्रसंघ के निर्णय और उसकी कार्यप्रणाली को देखते हुए पत्र ने उसे एक संगठित पाखंड बताया और पीड़ित राष्ट्रों को अपनी स्थिति सुदृढ़ करने का संदेश दिया।
Keywords: साम्राज्यवाद का विस्तार, साम्यवादी विचारधारा, राष्ट्रसंघ, ब्रिटिश सरकार की अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय राजनीति
28
HOSSAIN, MUHAMMAD BELAL. « Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman : His Life and Contributions to the Independence Movement ». Dhaka University Arabic Journal 23, no 26 (14 juin 2024) : 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.62295/mazallah.v23i26.67.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the main architect of the state of Bangladesh. He was born in a respectable Muslim family on 17 March 1920. He dedicated his valuable time of his life for independence of Bangladesh. He started his political life when he was a student of Gopalganj Missionary School in 1939. In 1940 Sheikh Mujib joined All India Muslim Students Federation and elected as a counselor for one year. Bangabandhu was involved actively in struggle for Pakistan state in 1942 when he was studying at Kolkata Islamic Collage. He played significant role in protecting Muslim community during the violence between Hindu and Muslim after separation of India and the birth of Pakistan in 1947. Bangabandhu established "East Pakistan Muslim Student League" on 4th January 1948 when he was studying at the University of Dhaka and he proposed All party State Language movement Council. He played a key role in 1952 from the central jail when he was a prisoner and he demanded recognition of Bangla as the state language of East Pakistan. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was elected General Secretary of East Pakistan Awami Muslim League at its council on 9th July 1953. Bangabandhu won in the first General Election of East Bengal Legislative Assembly held on 10 March from Gopalganj. Bangabandhu took charge of the ministry of Agriculture and Forests on 15th March. He proposed historical six-point Charter of demand at a national convention of the opposition parties at Lahore on 5th February 1966. On 1st March 1966 Bangabandhu was elected the president of Awami League. On 23 February 1969 the central Student Action Council arranged a meeting at the Racecourse and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was publicly honored as "Bangabandhu" at this meeting of one million people. On 5th December, Bangabandhu declared East Pakistan would be called Bangladesh. His historical speech on 07 March 1971 was a clear declaration of independence.
29
Grigorescu, Alexandru. « Mapping the UN–League of Nations Analogy : Are There Still Lessons to Be Learned from the League ? » Global Governance : A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 11, no 1 (3 août 2005) : 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-01101004.
Texte intégral
30
Al-Muallem, Muhammad. « The League of Arab States and the United Nations : A reading in the relation between both sides from 2000-2020 ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no 10-3 (1 octobre 2020) : 253–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi55.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines aspects and features of cooperation between the United Nations and the regional organization of the League of Arab States. The study analyzes the development of bilateral relations between organizations in the 21th century.
31
Nahorna, V. O. « FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL MINORITY RIGHTS PROTECTION IN INTERNATIONAL LAW ». Legal horizons 33, no 20 (2020) : 159–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2020.i20.p159.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article focuses on the evolutionary development of international legal regulation in the field of protection of the national minority rights from the Westphalian system of international relations to the present. The aspiration of non-dominant groups to preserve their cultural, religious, or ethnic background was manifested simultaneously with the emergence of nation-states in the seventeenth century. However, since then, the international community has not reached a consensus on the content of the concept of minority: a unified approach to the issue has not been elaborated in either international legal acts, law doctrine, or judicial practice. At the universal level, the protection of minority rights in international law was institutionalized only during the functioning of the League of Nations. The established procedures for the implementation and control over the observance of minority rights within the League of Nations were elaborated in sufficient detail and provided for effective collective security measures to resolve international disputes and problems arising in connection with the protection of minority rights. Indeed, this system also had a number of significant shortcomings that were subsequently taken into account when establishing mechanisms for the protection of minority rights within the United Nations. In reviewing international legal acts after 1945, the following general tendency should be emphasized. It concerns the adoption of a large array of documents in this field, most of which are advisory and general in nature. This is explained by the fact that minority issues are a sensitive area of public relations, and states are reluctant to make this sphere regulated by international law. The Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (1995) became the first legally binding legislative act on the protection of minorities in general, and this fact makes it fundamentally important. The absence of the norms directly aimed at the protection of national minorities in the catalog of rights guaranteed by the European Convention on Human Rights (1950) cannot but affects the efficient application of the mechanism of the European Court by national minorities. However, the link between human rights violations and minority rights allows the latter to fight for the restoration of individual human rights protected by the European Convention, which undoubtedly plays a positive role in the context of the protection of collective minority rights. Keywords: national minorities, periodization, universal system for the protection of human rights, Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, ECHR.
32
Begichev, Alexander, Alexander Galushkin, Andrey Zvonaryev et Victor Shestak. « History of the creation and activities of the League of Nations ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2019, no 09 (1 septembre 2019) : 108–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii201909statyi04.
Texte intégral
33
Yaworsky, William, Dawid Wladyka et Katarzyna Sepielak. « Field Research in the Era of the Islamic State and Trump ». Human Organization 81, no 1 (15 février 2022) : 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/1938-3525-81.1.35.
Texte intégralRésumé :
We survey anthropologists who work in Arab League countries to ascertain their perceptions of fieldwork security conditions. Based on the responses of forty-seven specialists reporting on conditions in 127 field sites, we find the security environment in the Arab League to be diverse. Scholars working in nations such as Morocco, Oman, and Qatar report overwhelmingly favorable research conditions, while their colleagues working in Lebanon and Syria report a largely dismal situation. The paper also queries respondents on their perceptions of the impact that Trump administration policies and rhetoric have on their ongoing field research. Here, we find Arab League specialists nearly universal in their assessment: they regard Trump’s policies as having a negative impact on their ability to conduct academic research.
34
Dr Md Nasir Uddin. « Bangabandhu and Islamic Values : Manifestations and Effects ». Dhaka University Arabic Journal 23, no 26 (14 juin 2024) : 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.62295/mazallah.v23i26.69.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Bangabandhu (1920-1795) Seikh Mujibur Rahman, the architect of Bangladesh and the Father of the nation, was born on 17 March 1920, in the village of Tungipara of patagati union under the Gopalganj district. His parents used to affectionately call him ‘Khoka’. He spent his childhood in Tungipara. Seikh Mujib married Seikh Fazilatunnesa at the age of 18. In 1940, he joined “All India Muslim Students Federation”. Before that in 1938, he was introduced with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy while he came to visit the Gopalganj Missionary school. After the partition of India, he founded “East Pakistan Muslim Chhatra League” on 04 January 1948. He was elected joined secretary of “Awami Muslim League” on June 23, 1949, at the age of 29. He had great contribution in language movement in 1952, to establish Bangla as the state language of Pakistan. He was elected Secretary General of “East Pakistan Awami Muslim League” on July 9, 1953. Seikh Mujib achieved a great victory in Gopalganj constituency on 10 March, 1954, while “United Front” secured 223 seats out of 237 (Awami League143). Seikh Mujib took the charge of Agriculture and Forest Ministry. But the Central government dissolved that cabinet. Seikh Mujib presents the historic 6 point in Lahore on 5 January, 1966, demanding autonomous government in East Pakistan. Seikh Mujib was publicly declared as “Bangabandhu” on 23 February, 1969. Bangabandhu Seikh Mujib achieved a landslide victory in the general election of 1970. In the great war of Independence during the nine month the Pakistan Army surrendered to the allied forces made of Mukti Bahini and Indian Army on 16 December, 1971. As a result, Bangladesh became independent in the history of the world. Bangabandhu Seikh Mujibur Rahman was elected as the prime minister of the country. He along with his family members and personal staffs were assassinated by a group of Bangladesh rebellious Army on 15 August, 1975. He would practice Islamic values in his personal life. He used to pray his prayers with Maulana Bhasani and Mr. Fazlul Huq. when they had finished their evening prayers the Maulana would discuss about religion from the holy Qur’an. This became a regular routine in the prison life. He also recites verses from the holy Qur’an every day. He had Bengali translation of the holy Qur’an in several volumes. While he was in Dhaka jail he had taken Muhammed Ali’s English translation of the holy Qur’an and had read it regularly. But his philosophy in the state life is as follows: He was always wishing to make Bangladesh a country of peace for all religions. He was interested to give importance to all citizens equally. He has contributed to establishing religious tolerance in Bangladesh. His outstanding contribution was to spread Islamic values through Islamic Foundation and other religious institutions. However, the Article tries to highlight that Bangabandhu respects Islamic values in his personal life, and his attitude was to reduce the extremism, and build a peaceful Bangladesh in-between various cultures and religions.
35
FINOGENOV, OLEH. « "LION'S PLOT" (1924) IN THE ACTIVITIES OF THE WESTERN UKRAINIAN ASSOCIATION OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS ». Ukraine : Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018) : 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-16-25.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article deals with activities of the Western Ukrainian Association of the League of Nations (ZUTLN) at the Lyon Congress of the Union of Societies of the League of Nations (STLN) within the context of international relations of the first half of the 1920s. In 1922 ZUTLN became a full member of STLN, but the decision of the Council of Ambassadors of the Entente states (1923) to include the territory of Eastern Galicia in the Second Commonwealth prevented further membership in the union. It is noted that before the ZUTLN delegation departed to France, it had had a general meeting, which summarized the activities of the association during the previous years and approved the strategy and tactics of actions at the next STLN congress in Lyon. For the first time in Ukrainian and foreign historiography, this paper highlights in detail the achievements and blunders of Ukrainians at the Lyon Conference, the circle of ZUTLN supporters among other societies, the course of discussions with the participation of Ukrainian delegates, the requirements of the members, the reaction of the Galician politicians on the final outcomes of the conference and the activities of Ukrainian representatives at the international forum. The author has shown that in the current socio-political discourse, the activities of the Galician delegation, headed by R. Perfetskyi, were evaluated mostly negatively because of the so-called "Galician separatism" and the lack of constructive dialogue with a similar Dnieper society. Afterward, the ZUTLN representatives made unsuccessful attempts to resume their activities at the STLN: their advocacy work was limited to sending complaints, letters to STLN governing bodies and publishing anti-Polish materials by ZUTLN members in leading Ukrainian and foreign periodicals. Keywords: Lyon Conference, ZUTLN, League of Nations, Eastern Galicia, Poland.
36
Ikonomou, Haakon A. « The Administrative Anatomy of Failure : The League of Nations Disarmament Section, 1919–1925 ». Contemporary European History 30, no 3 (22 janvier 2021) : 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000624.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article investigates the creation and workings of the Disarmament Section of the League of Nations Secretariat. It shows that the Disarmament Section was an outlier of the Secretariat: supressed by the Great Powers, it had less autonomy than other parts of the administration, which from an early stage limited its bureaucratic practice to the production of information. This bureaucratic production created unreliable factual foundations for negotiations and unrealistic public expectations. Thus, the article argues that the troubled birth and administrative strangling of the Disarmament Section of the Secretariat should play a significant role in our understanding of the broader collapse of general disarmament. By making this argument, the article breaks new ground by introducing failure as an analytical category to understand the role and practices of international public administrations.
37
Park, Jung Ae. « Inquiry of the League of Nations into Traffic in Asian Women and Colonial Joseon : The Response by the Japanese Government and Colony Invisibilization ». Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 87 (31 août 2023) : 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2023.87.35.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The first objective of this paper is to examine the roles played by the Government-General of Joseon, one of the colonial powers, in the process of the Japanese government’s response to the League of Nations’ Commission of Inquiry into Traffic in Women and Children in the East.
On the one hand, the modern state-regulated prostitution system in Japan shows different aspects depending on the time, region, and political characteristics of the region within the sphere of influence called ‘the Empire,’ but existing studies have a tendency to neglect this fact. This negligence intersects with the methods of history denialists who deny the damages caused by ‘state-regulated prostitution’ and ‘comfort women.’ Substantial truths can be concealed amid the ‘authorized ignorance and strategic disregard’ of historical facts.
The second objective of this paper is to reveal that such an attitude, which causes difficulty in discussing the historical character of the state-regulated prostitution system and the ‘comfort women’ system of the Japanese army, is shown by the inquiry of Japan by the League of Nations’ Commission and the response of the Japanese government. In other words, it is a contemplation on how the Commission of Inquiry, the Japanese government, and the Government-General of Joseon invisibilized the colonial state-regulated prostitution system, which was strongly associated with human trafficking even compared with Japan. This paper aims to disclose the fact that while Japan struggled to gain recognition in the international society as a late-starting imperialist nation, it steered away from the human trafficking problem of Japanese colonies from an imperialist point of view.
38
Sekot, Aleš, et Tomáš Pětivlas. « Univerzitní basketbal v kontextu globalizace sportu ». Studia sportiva 8, no 1 (14 juillet 2014) : 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817//sts2014-1-1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The most important feature of contemporary top performance sport, as well as sport in general, is globalization. Its natural reflection, the system of global-sport labor migration exists; consequences are not only for the sport workers themselves but also for the host a donor nations, sport leagues and teams, and for the sport itself. For each there are positive effects and benefits, but there are also disappointments and drawbacks as well. A core question in ascertaining the reach and response of globalization in sport from the perspective of basketball is that of sport migration: The best basketball players in the world go to play in the United States NBA. Teams bring in immigrant athletes to gain a competitive edge over their competition who are almost exclusively relying on national, or home grown talent. One of the exclusive chance for European players to be part of such attractive system of sport carrer is to study at some US university and play in basketball team organized by National Collegiate Athletic Association. Such excellent oportunity are just taken advantage also for two young basketball players from Brno, passing strictly demanding selection for the chance to be part amateur top basketball league NCAA and study at American universities, too.
39
Schwebel, Judge Stephen. « Remarks by Judge Stephen Schwebel ». Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 111 (2017) : 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2017.48.
Texte intégralRésumé :
It should be recalled that the Committee of Jurists that drew up the draft Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice provided for general compulsory jurisdiction. But when that draft Statute was laid before the Council of the League, the Great Powers of the day were unwilling to accept compulsory jurisdiction, and the optional clause came forth as an inadequate substitute. There were high hopes for its expansion, and it did expand over the years. By the outbreak of World War II, there were more states adhering to the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court than there are now. In the 1930s, President Roosevelt made a strong effort to have the United States ratify the Statute of the Court, which was a separate instrument from the League of Nations Covenant. He got a majority in the Senate, but not a two-thirds majority.
40
Dedurin, G. G. « International legal determination of the national minorities’ status in the Central and Eastern European countries within the Versailles system ». Bulletin of Kharkiv National University of Internal Affairs 97, no 2 (30 juin 2022) : 269–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/v.2022.2.24.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Peculiarities of the international legal status determination of the national minorities within the Versailles system have been studied using the example of a number of Central and Eastern European countries. The governments of Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Hungary were asked, based on the norms of international law, to develop appropriate provisions for the protection of the rights of national minorities in order to prevent new conflicts and threats to peace.
The system of treaties, declarations and agreements, which were supposed to ensure the observance of the rights of national minorities and whose guarantor was the League of Nations, has been analyzed. In practice, this was embodied in giving minorities the right to submit petitions to the Council or Assembly of the League of Nations, as well as in the activities of the Permanent Chamber of International Justice. The right to submit petitions was used at different times by representatives of the Ruthenian minority in Czechoslovakia, the Russian minority in Eastern Galicia, the Jewish minority in Hungary, the German minority in Poland, etc.
The weaknesses of this system have been identified, which prevented the creation of effective international mechanisms for the protection of the rights of national minorities in the specified regions of Europe. In particular, it has been emphasized that the majority of treaties, conventions, treatises, etc. were openly sabotaged by the countries that were supposed to fulfill them. The governments of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe considered the proposed system unequal, because its conditions did not apply to a number of other multinational states that had similar problems. Conflict situations surrounding the problem of national minorities continued to arise. They were caused by various factors: from divided loyalties and irredentist movements to manifestations of governmental and social discrimination.
41
S. Areni, Charles. « Home advantage, rivalry, and referee bias in representative rugby ». Sport, Business and Management : An International Journal 4, no 2 (6 mai 2014) : 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sbm-06-2012-0022.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine whether home advantage (HA), wherein a team is more likely to win, and by a larger margin, when they are playing at home vs away, exists in representative rugby competitions involving teams comprised of “all-star” players from several clubs. It also assesses whether referees are biased in favour of the home team, and whether this is the cause of HA. Design/methodology/approach – A complete consensus of matches from the State of Origin Rugby League and Tri Nations Rugby Union competitions were analysed via hierarchical regression models estimating parameters for favourite/underdog status of teams, general home/away status, team-specific home/away status, and rivalry-specific home/away status. Findings – Significant HA exists in both competitions, and within Tri Nations, the size of the effect varies by team and specific opponent (i.e. rivalry effects). Although there is evidence of referee bias in favour of the home team, the penalty differential between the home and away teams does not mediate HA. Originality/value – This is the first study examining HA in representative rugby league, and shows a statistically significant effect. Further, the results reported here refute an earlier investigation of the Tri Nations competition, which found little or no evidence of HA. By including a complete census of all matches rather than a small sample, this research finds a statistically significant HA effect, which varies by team and by specific rivalry.
42
Rossi, Benedetta. « Periodizing the End of Slavery : Colonial Law, the League of Nations, and Slave Resistance in the Nigerien Sahel, 1920s–1930s ». Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 72, no 4 (décembre 2017) : 605–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ahsse.2021.5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
When, how, and why—if at all—did slavery end in the Nigerien Sahel? What processes facilitated the emancipation of enslaved persons? What were the strategies of colonial administrators, slave-owners, slave-traders, slaves, and slave descendants? In the first two decades following France’s occupation of the Central Sahel, legal abolition did not lead to the suppression of slavery, because laws were not at first enforced. But in the 1920s the internationalization of abolitionism that followed the creation of the League of Nations resulted in the activation of anti-slavery laws. This article argues that emancipation was initially propelled by the establishment of international surveillance mechanisms with the power to (de-)legitimize colonial rule at a time when no one was actively seeking to end slavery in this region. The first section highlights the ambiguities of European abolitionism and reveals the web of connections between the League of Nations, the French state, and French administrators on the ground. The second section develops a microanalysis of slave resistance, showing how some enslaved and trafficked persons, especially young women, profited from global institutional transformations to incriminate their owners and traffickers. The final section considers the contemporary recollections of an elderly woman, who in her youth experienced circumstances analogous to those described earlier in the article. Her perceptions, and those of others like her, exist today in a context marked by tension between circumscribed proslavery discourses and national grassroots abolitionism.
43
BOROWY, IRIS. « Counting death and disease : classification of death and disease in the interwar years, 1919–1939 ». Continuity and Change 18, no 3 (décembre 2003) : 457–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416003004715.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The International Lists of Causes of Death and Diseases underwent their Fourth and Fifth Revisions during the years before the First and Second World Wars, the only time that two institutions of different disciplines, the International Statistical Institute and the League of Nations Health Organization, participated in the revision process. This resulted in a mixture of institutional rivalry and cooperation, involving national, ideological and professional interests.The revisions entailed extensive international discussions. The studies on which they were based revealed a lack of international uniformity in disease classification and thus basic problems regarding the reliability and comparability of vital statistical data.
44
Fauque, Danielle, et Brigitte Van Tiggelen. « Rebuilding IUPAC after WWII ». Chemistry International 41, no 3 (1 juillet 2019) : 22–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ci-2019-0308.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The League of Nations’ failure to ensure global peace by solving conflicts through diplomatic and peaceful means prompted Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill to discuss the creation of a more efficient international organization as soon as the Second World War erupted. These preliminary efforts led to the signing of the Charter of the United Nations (UN) in San Francisco in 1945. In January 1946, the first general UN assembly took place, along with the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council. The latter created several international bodies, among them UNESCO. At first, UNESCO seemed to be the continuation of the International Institute for the Intellectual Cooperation (IIIC) coupled with the International Commission for the Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC), but was actually based on new rules [1].
45
Tambe, Ashwini. « Climate, Race Science and the Age of Consent in the League of Nations ». Theory, Culture & ; Society 28, no 2 (mars 2011) : 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276410380942.
Texte intégral
46
Nesterova, T. P. « Ethiopia and Great Powers in Final Stage of Italo-Ethiopian War (March — May 1936) ». Nauchnyi dialog 12, no 8 (30 octobre 2023) : 438–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-8-438-454.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines the political situation that emerged in international relations after Germany’s remilitarization of the Rhineland on March 7, 1936, and the impact this event had on the development of the Italo-Ethiopian War in both political and military spheres. Published diplomatic documents from Italy, France, the Soviet Union, and the League of Nations are studied. It is argued that the introduction of German troops into the Rhineland significantly diminished the interest of major powers in the Italo-Ethiopian War and brought to the forefront their desire for “Italy’s return to Europe,” as both France and Britain were interested in involving Italy in countering Germany and protecting Austria’s independence. Based on the examined documents, it is concluded that France and Britain sought to resolve the conflict through concessions from Ethiopia, as a realistic approach to international relations led to the belief that Ethiopia could not achieve a military victory, especially after its attempt to strike at Italy’s armed forces resulted in defeat at the Battle of Maychew. The capture of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa and the exile of Emperor Haile Selassie I effectively destroyed any prospects for a peaceful resolution of the conflict, despite Ethiopia’s attempts to act through the structures of the League of Nations.
47
L. Barona, Josep. « The Rockefeller Foundation and the League of Nations : Public Health in Europe (1920-1945) ». Revista História : Debates e Tendências 21, no 3 (20 août 2021) : 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5335/hdtv.21n.3.12845.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Rockefeller Foundation (RF) and the League of Nations (LON) played a fundamental role in stabilization policies during the interwar period. Public health became essential in this context due to the immediate consequences of the war, the post-war economic crisis and the Great Depression. RF and LON became the cornerstone of international action in several fields: epidemics, famine, malnutrition, infectious diseases, infant mortality, drug abuse, biological and dietary standard-setting, epidemiological records, public health policies and professionalization. In the shaping international health expertise, LON and RF collaboration was extremely important, in terms of determining goals and programmes, and in terms of financial support. This article analyses the areas and the extent of their collaboration in Europe.
48
CHERESHNEVA, Larisa Aleksandrovna. « CONSTITUTIONS OF JAWAHARLAL NEHRU AND LIAQUAT ALI KHAN : CORRELATION OF POLITICAL STRATEGY AND STATE AND LEGAL REALIA OF INDEPENDENT INDIA AND PAKISTAN (1947–1956) ». Tambov University Review. Series : Humanities, no 174 (2018) : 210–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-210-216.
Texte intégralRésumé :
India and Pakistan, which emerged on the political map of the world 70 years ago, with the end of two hundred years of colonial rule of Britain, appeared to be the first states in the South Asia that demonstrated the uniqueness of the algorithms of the sovereignty of the liberated countries of the East. To what extent was it possible to combine tradition and modernization in their state-building? Return to the Eastern despotism, monarchical princely forms of governing or the creation of republics? What was the role in the States of free Hindustan to be supposed for their religion, religious institutions? Could the system of separation of powers correspond to the traditional ideas of many Indian and Pakistani peoples about power? We describe the characteristics of the program models of the state system, developed by the leading political forces of Colonial India – the All-Indian National Congress and the Muslim League for the future independent Hindustan, and their correlation with the real state and legal foundations of the Indian Union and Pakistan, formed in 1947–1956. It is noted that the League had only a general idea of the state formation and nation-building of Pakistan, which could not but affect the specifics of the Muslim project “Two Nations-two Indias” and subsequently led Pakistan to slide to the military dictatorships. The interrelation of the development of democratic legislation with the ideas of social justice, equality of national and ethno-religious minorities and the title majority is shown, the emphasis is placed on the risks of violation of the historical multiculturalism of the Indian civilization. We have involved the Indian, Pakistani and British documentaries on state-legal, historical and political issues, archival materials of the National Archives of India.
49
Knepper, Paul. « August Vollmer, Traffic in Women, and the Theory of Organized Crime ». Social Sciences 11, no 7 (29 juin 2022) : 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11070283.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the 1920s, the League of Nations carried out the first intercontinental investigation into the traffic in women. Although this work is virtually unknown in criminology, the investigators, William Snow and Bascom Johnson, formulated the conceptual language of “trafficking” used today. It was also during the 1920s that Frederick Thrasher and John Landesco published their pioneering works on “organized crime” drawing on research in Chicago. The advantages of the League’s model can be seen in the response to a 1924 report of a white slave traffic ring in Los Angeles by August Vollmer, the celebrated founder of professionalism in American policing. Vollmer’s language of a white slave traffic ring in Los Angeles recalls a nineteenth-century understanding of traffic in women but previews the illegal enterprise model that emerges from the industrial city. Drawing on their understanding of crime in port cities, Snow and Johnson situate the traffic in women within a social networks model. Vollmer looked for the spider, Snow and Johnson looked at the web.
50
Tosone, Lorella, et Angela Villani. « Debating food and population in the interwar years : A view from the League of Nations ». VENTUNESIMO SECOLO, no 52 (décembre 2023) : 169–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/xxi2023-052008.
Texte intégral