Thèses sur le sujet « League of Nations. Secretary-General »

A tese estuda a evolução histórica do atitude multilateral do Brasil. Parte da noção que o multilateralismo é um aspecto significativo da política externa brasileira, desde as primeiras conferências internacionais dos países americanos, que começam ainda no fim do século XIX. Em tempos recentes, na Liga das Nações, mas sobretudo nas Nações Unidas, a importância das instituições multilaterais só fez crescer. O estudo parte, no ângulo teórico, da perspectiva de que o multilateralismo tem uma lógica própria e que, ao aceitá-la, o comportamento diplomático dos Estados deve naturalmente estar em sintonia com o que aquela lógica impõe. A concepção de John Ruggie apóia a parte teórica da tese e sustenta o seu objetivo central, que é o de procura definir o que seriam constantes do comportamento multilateral do Brasil. Procura-se mostrar que suas origens estariam nas reações que a diplomacia brasileira teve ao Pan Americanismo, se fixaram com nossa participação na II Conferência da Haia, quando, com Ruy Barbosa, defendemos que as instituições multilaterais deveriam estar fundadas na igualdade entre os Estados e com a aspiração a uma participação influente nos processos decisórios internacionais, expresso recentemente com a aspiração a um lugar permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações.
The thesis studies the evolution of Brazil´s multilateral attitude. It accepts the notion that multilateralism has been a meaningful aspect of Brazilian foreign policy since the first conferences of American States, a series of international gatherings that began at the end of nineteenth century. From them on, after the creation of the League of Nations and, specially, the United Nations, the importance of multilateral institutions for Brazil has grown consistently. From the theoretical perspective, the thesis accepts the idea that multilateralism is defined by a singular logic and States, when working in multilateral institutions, are bound by that logic. John Ruggie´s conception of nultilateralism supoorts that idea and frames the main goal of the thesis, that is, a investigation of the constant patterns of Brazil´s multilateral behavior. The origins of those patterns could be identified in the diplomatic reactions to the challenges of the Pan American conferences. But, the patterns became more evident during our participation in the II Peace Conference (Hague, 1907) when our delegation, headed by Ruy Barbosa, advocated the understanding that necessary foundation of the multilateral institutions is the equality among States. Another constant is the Brazilian wish to have a more influential participation in the decision making process of the international institutions, as today shown in our aspiration to occupy a permanent seat at the Security Council of the United Nations.

The thesis analyses Dag Hammarskjöld’s political role as UN Secretary-General and the efforts he made to justify such a role. It is the first attempt to give a comprehensive account of the political role Hammarskjöld played from “both sides”, based on the now available sources from both national and UN archives. The thesis also deals with the problems of a political role for the UN Secretary-General. The conventional picture of Hammarskjöld as a “neutral and impartial” international civil servant is challenged and the figure that emerges is the one of an astute politician – a ”Machiavelli of Peace”. As a civil servant in Sweden, Hammarskjöld played a political role although he viewed himself as an expert and civil servant and not a politician. He argued that he could play a political role based on ”neutrality and impartiality” and he transferred this concept to the international arena as Secretary-General. Hammarskjöld managed to play an important political role because he offered a solution to the American dilemma of how to deal with the Cold War in the ThirdWorld without choosing between their Western European allies and the newly independent countries. This at the precise time when the Americans were losing control of the General Assembly due to the influx of newly independent countries that put decolonisation on the agenda. In the Congo Crisis the political role of the Secretary-General reached its zenith during the initial period where Hammarskjöld played an interventionist role. Hammarskjöld’s policies were based on clearly defined Cold War objectives – shared by the Western permanent members of the Security Council – and on a wish to enlarge the political role of the Secretary-General. The weak base for Hammarskjöld’s political role forced him to radically change his policies in the Congo to shore up his position when he was criticised for his interventionist policies.

Economics
Ph.D.
This paper examines salary determination in the National Football League (NFL). The heterogeneity of teams and players in the league leads to thin labor markets. Under such circumstances, the neoclassical model in which labor supply and labor demand uniquely determine wages is too simple. Instead, a competing model of salary determination is tested - McLaughlin's (1994) rent-sharing model. This is the only study of its kind to investigate salary determination at a disaggregated level for all of the non-kicking positions in the NFL. A comprehensive model of salary determination, using many unique variables, is constructed and tested for each position. Quantile regression techniques are employed to examine the bargaining aspects of the model. Although, little support is found for the rent-sharing model, this study lays the groundwork and presents the argument for further investigation.
Temple University--Theses

This thesis examines the evolution of the role of the UN Secretary-General in the maintenance of international peace and security. The objective is to examine the role played by the Secretary-General in the rejuvenation of the UN as the cold war came to a close. During this transitional phase in international relations it is argued that the Secretary- General's role in the maintenance of international peace and security developed within a conceptual 'partnership for peace' with the Security Council. The role of the Secretary- General in this 'partnership' was built on the opportunities which presented themselves as a result of Security Council paresis during the cold war. In section one, two periods in the evolution of the Secretary-General's role during the cold war are identified. The first period is one of, 'aggrandisement, ' which encompasses the tenures of Trygve Lie (1946-1952) and Dag HarnmarskJ61d (1952-1961). The second is a period of, 'consolidation, ' which encompasses the tenures of U Tbant (1961-1972) and Kurt Waldheirn (1972-1982). During these two periods it is argued that the conceptual and practical limits to the Secretary-General's role in the maintenance of international peace and security were extended beyond the role envisaged by those who framed the Charter. It is argued that the Secretary-General's role as a diplomatic intermediary and peacekeeper developed on the basis of attributes specific to the cold war context, (impartiality, consent, and the non use of force). During the transitional period examined in section two, these attributes provided a compliment, foil, or alternative to the Security Council's political, economic, and military capacity to enforce decisions. The evolution of the Secretary-General's role since 1946, and the emergence of a 'partnership for peace' are explained at three levels of analysis: in terms of the prevailing systemic conditions and environmental trends; the functioning of the UN organisation; and the personality and approach of the incumbents. In the light of the findings reported in sections one and two, it is argued that the Secretary-General's role in the maintenance of international peace within a 'partnership for peace' provides a conceptual guide for the role of the Secretary-General 'in a transformed world.

Varför får enskilda ledare så mycket uppmärksamhet inom organisationer och i media? Hur ska en bra ledare vara? Finns det internationella ledarskapsideal? Hur tar sig ideal uttryck i praktiken? Hur kan en organisation ledas ”bara” genom visioner och värderingar? Det här är några av de frågor som ställs i Ledarskapande Retorik. För att söka svar kommer tre vetenskapliga områden att föras samman; ledarskapsteori, aristotelisk dygdeetik och retorik. De ledarskapsteorier som används och utvecklas är karisma, romantisering, autentiskt, värdebaserat, symboliskt och konstituerande ledarskap. I en första fallstudie kartläggs och analyseras FN:s generalsekreterare. Vilka normer följer de och vilka dygder tillskrivs dem? I en andra fallstudie analyseras berättelserna om en av de främsta generalsekreterarna; Dag Hammarskjöld. Vad kan skapa en ledare? Hur kan ideal ta sig uttryck? Boken bidrar till att belysa föreställningar om och förväntningar på ledarskap. Här visas hur ledarskap uppstår genom identifikation genom bland annat allmänmänskliga, klassiska ideal, autenticitet, distans och mystik. Ledarskapande retorik handlar om att ledare ska ha färg, framstå som autentiska, ska leva sina ideal och agera sina visioner Lena Lid Andersson är forskare och lärare vid Handelshögskolan i Stockholm. Hon föreläser också vid IFL Executive Education och SSE Russia. Lena undervisar i teoretisk och praktisk retorik, samt organisations- och ledarskapsteori. Hon har egna erfarenheter av ledarskap och hon föreläser i företag och organisationer. Lena har tidigare publicerat texter bland annat i antologierna Osynlig Företagsledning, Talandets lust och vånda och Invisible Management.

Le droit international encadre l’exercice de la diplomatie des États dans une finalité de prévenir l’insécurité et, par extension, les conflits armés. Le droit de la diplomatie préventive reflète ainsi l’idée que la prévention de risques imminents de dommages matériels graves délimite l’objet d’un principe général de droit international. L’affirmation d’un principe est fondée sur l’analyse inductive des conventions majeures conclues en matière de maintien de la sécurité collective de 1899 à 1945. Elle est vérifiée à la lumière de la pratique de leur application par les Membres de la SdN et, depuis 1945, de l’ONU. Le caractère général de ce principe est déduit d’une étude combinée de la jurisprudence d’un nombre de juridictions internationales dans une variété de domaines du droit international. Les efforts individuels et collectifs de prévention des conflits obéissent donc à un régime juridique général qui organise le système contemporain de maintien de la paix internationale
International law regulates States’ diplomacy for the purpose of preventing insecurity, and, by extension, armed conflicts. Accordingly, the law of preventive diplomacy reflects, in a sense, the idea that prevention of imminent risks of serious material damages defines a general principle of international law. The assertion of such a principle is based on an inductive analysis of the major treaties on collective security concluded between 1899 and 1945. It is verified in light of their application by Member States of the League of Nations and, since 1945, of the United Nations. The general nature of this principle is deduced from a combined study of the jurisprudence of a number of international courts and tribunals in various fields of international law. Those findings support the idea that individual and collective efforts of conflict prevention are subject to the respect of a general legal regime governing the current international system of peace-maintenance and collective security

Syftet med uppsatsen är att analysera Dag Hammarskjölds medlande och diplomatiska agerande under Kongokrisen 1960-1961. Uppsatsen är grundad i Thomas Princens teori om intermediärt medlande med taktiker och tekniker som metodologiska verktyg. Studiens resultat visar att Hammarskjöld aktivt medlade med en tydlig preferens för Léopoldville faktionen samt att han undvek att tydligt tillgodose FN:s rådgivande kommitté med information om en diplomatisk policy som han själv skapade. Denna bild skiljer sig från den tidigare forskningen som främst har idealiserat Hammarskjöld. Hammarskjölds diplomati var även karakteriserat av en ambivalent relation till medlarrollen där han vid tillfällen snarare var en disputant än en medlare. Genom analysen av Hammarskjölds medlande under Kongokrisen har forskningen om generalsekreterarens diplomatiska agerande utökats.

Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work
Robert K. Schaeffer
This exploratory research project has utilized a mixed-method (Seiber 1973; Creswell 1994, 2005; Jick 1979; Dexter 1970) approach to examine why some NFL players participate in deviant, and sometimes law breaking, behavior and others do not. Using Dexter’s (1970) qualitative technique of elite and specialized interviewing along with Schatzman’s and Strauss’s (1973) naturalistic field method, access was gained into an exclusive group of current and former NFL players. The qualitative findings in conjunction with Durkheimian theory provided the conceptualization of a quantitative instrument. Through a nonprobability snowball sample (Babbie 1986; Berg 2001), 104 NFL players were interviewed. A series of quantitative analyses were run to describe and assess relationships within this study group. In essence, this study has entailed a series of steps that could be represented as a cumulative progression. From the qualitative data, the three core themes that emerged were (1) deviance, (2) anomie, and (3) social ties. Within the study group, a substantial number of players had prior experience with deviant and illegal behaviors. Many reported problems coping upon entering the NFL and sought to find personal fulfillment and happiness despite wealth and fame. It appeared that some level of anomie was present in a number of these players’ lives. However, players that had strong ties to various social groups appeared less likely to succumb to anomie and deviance. Supporting the qualitative data, the quantitative findings revealed that anomie was one of the significant predictors of law breaking players. It would therefore appear reasonable to suggest that some of the players were involved in behaviors that could be labeled anomic deviance. Furthermore, the findings supported the primacy of social ties/support in combating anomie and deviance in the lives of NFL players in the study group.

The thesis examines the international law pertaining to the use of force by states, in general, and to the use of force in self-defence, in particular. The main question addressed is whether the use of force, which was purported to be in self-defence, by the United States, the United Kingdom and their allies against al Qaeda, the Taliban and Afghanistan, beginning on 7 October 2001, was lawful. The thesis focuses not only on this specific use of force, but also on the changing nature of conflict, the definition of terrorism and on the historical evolution of limitations on the use of force, from antiquity until 2006. In the six chapters which trace the epochs of international law, the progression of five inter-related concepts is followed: limitations on the resort to force generally, the use of force in self-defence, pre-emptive self-defence, the use of forcible measures short of war, and the use of force in response to non-state actors. This historical analysis includes a particular emphasis on understanding the meaning of the 'inherent right of self-defence', which was preserved by Article 51 of the United Nations' Charter. This analysis is then applied to the use of force against Afghanistan which occurred in 2001. Following the terrorist attacks of 11 September, the US and the UK notified the United Nations Security Council of their resort to force in self-defence under Article 51. Each element of Article 51 is analysed and the thesis concludes that there are significant doubts as to the lawfulness of that decision to employ force. In addition to the self-defence justification, other possible grounds for intervention are also examined, such as humanitarian intervention, Security Council authorisation and intervention by invitation. This thesis challenges the common assumption that the use of force against Afghanistan was an example of states exercising their inherent right to self-defence. It argues that if this particular use of force is not challenged, it will lead to an expansion of the right of self-defence which will hinder rather than enhance international peace and security. Finally, this thesis draws on recent examples to illustrate the point that the use of force against Afghanistan could become a dangerous precedent for the use of force in self-defence.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
The perspectives of unique suffragists and clubwomen in Indiana, like Grace Julian Clarke, reflect the typically overlooked narrative of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Far from a bystander, Clarke engaged in political wars at the state level long before having the right to vote. She demonstrated this ability early on when she acted as a campaign manager during the 1915 Indiana Federation of Clubs presidential election. By its end, club women around the state knew who Clarke was, trusted her word, and looked to her for critical information. As World War I encroached and threatened the nationwide fight for suffrage, Clarke again remained loyal to suffrage by using war-related activities to promote and expand awareness of women’s work and abilities in Indiana. Clarke strategically used these activities as a tool to advocate for enfranchisement by pressing leaders on her belief that women had earned their rightful place as equal partners. Although she stayed active in the suffrage movement throughout the war, it became clear toward its end that her assets as a political leader were demanded at a higher level. As such, she turned her attention toward international affairs (particularly the League of Nations) and away from suffrage. Though the United States never joined the League of Nations, Clarke’s advocacy of the covenant was critical in her formation as a true political influencer. By the time the covenant was being disputed at the national level, Clarke was corresponding with national leaders to coordinate speaking events around the state. She became more exclusive in these speaking engagements, as there were very few women who actually understood the covenant well enough to speak on its behalf. Clarke was unique in her ability to speak out for her own values, in large part due to the influence of her father, former Congressman George W. Julian. Her story demonstrates that women’s political influence did not begin nor end with the 19th amendment. Rather, women’s political influence evolved over time, and is still evolving today.

This research is concerned with the complex and contested relationship between the sovereign prerogatives of states and the international imperative of defusing world conflicts. Due to its historical setting following World War Two, the national vs. international staking of claims was framed within the escalating imperial-nationalist confrontation and the impending “end of empire”, both of which were significantly influenced by the role Israel played in this saga. The research looks at the issue of “decolonization” and the anti-colonial struggle waged under the leadership of Egypt’s President Nasser. The Suez War is analyzed as the historical event that signaled the beginning of the final chapter in the domination of the European empires in the Middle East (sub-Saharan decolonization followed beginning in the early 1960s), and the emergence of the United States as the new major Western power in the Middle East. The Suez experience highlighted a stubborn contest between the defenders of the concept of “sovereign consent” and the advocates of “International intervention”. Both the deployment of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) and its termination were surrounded by controversy and legal-political wrangling. The role of UNEF and UN peacekeeping operations in general framed the development of a new concept for an emerging international human rights law and crisis management. The UNEF experience, moreover, brought into sharp relief the need for a conflict resolution component for any peace operation. International conflict management, and human rights protection are both subject to an increasing interventionist international legal regime. Consequently, the traditional concept of “sovereignty” is facing increasing challenge. By its very nature, the subject matter of this multi-dimensional research involves historical, political and international legal aspects shaping the research’s content and conclusions. The research utilizes the experience and contributions of several key participants in this pioneering peacekeeping experience. In the last chapter, recommendations are made –based on all the elements covered in the research- to suggest contributions to the evolving UN ground rules for international crisis intervention and management.
Graduate
hilmyh@uvic.ca

Notre étude s’intéresse au travail des fonctionnaires internationaux du Bureau du Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général de l’ONU chargé de la question des violences sexuelles commises en période de conflit (RSSG-VSC) en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) sous le prisme de l’idéal type wébérien de la bureaucratie. À partir de six entretiens semi-directifs et de l’analyse de sources publiques onusiennes, cette étude vise à mettre en perspectives les points de vue des fonctionnaires du Bureau au regard de leurs missions et des moyens dont ils disposent pour les remplir. Ce travail s’intéresse aussi à la portée de l’action du Bureau du RSSG-VSC en RDC, du point de vue de ces fonctionnaires internationaux basé au siège. Aucune étude qualitative n’a été menée sur le travail des fonctionnaires du Bureau du RSSG-VSC par le passé. De plus, les rapports annuels du Secrétaire général disponibles au grand public ne permettent pas de comprendre l’intégralité de son action en RDC. Ainsi, ce projet de recherche cherche précisément à combler cette lacune. L’analyse des données recueillies montre que la création du mandat aurait été préméditée : en effet, malgré plusieurs résolutions du Conseil de sécurité et appels à la cessation de ces violences, la perpétration de ces crimes perdurait. Ainsi, le mandat du Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général pour les Enfants et les conflits armés aurait permis, grâce à un travail de plaidoyer combiné avec les appels de la communauté internationale, à la création du mandat du RSSG-VSC. Les objectifs du mandat, à savoir mettre fin aux violences sexuelles liées aux conflits à travers le monde en contribuant à libérer la parole des victimes, assurer leur réintégration dans les communautés, comblant les lacunes et renforçant les connaissances sur ces crimes sont partagés par tous les répondants, de manière identique. De plus, la vision de leur travail au sein du Bureau est unanimement partagée. Toutefois, les points de vue des répondants divergent davantage lorsqu'ils abordent le thème de la portée des actions du Bureau. Les défis à relever par le mandat sont encore nombreux afin d’éradiquer de la surface de la planète les violences sexuelles liées aux conflits.
Our study focuses on the work achieved by international civil servants at the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict (SRSG-SVC), regarding the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) through the prism of the Weberian bureaucracy. Based on six semi-directive interviews and the analysis of United Nations public sources, this study aims to providing perspectives on the views of the Office’s officials in relation to their missions and the means at their disposal to carry them out. This academic work also focuses on the scope of the work of the RSSG-VSC Office in the DRC, from the point of view of these international officials based in headquarters. So far, no qualitative studies had been conducted on the topic of the work of these civil servants. In addition to that, the Secretary-General’s annual reports drafted by this Office do not provide an understanding of the full scope of the work done in the DRC. Thus, this research project seeks to fill this gap. The analysis of the data collected shows that the creation of the mandate would have been premeditated: indeed, despite several Security Council resolutions and call for the end to conflict-related sexual violence, these crimes continue to be perpetrated. Thus, the mandate of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict would have enabled the creation of the mandate of the SRSG-SVC, through advocacy work combined with multiple calls from the international community. The mandate’s goals which are ending conflict-related sexual violence around the world by helping to free victims’ voices, ensuring their reintegration into communities, filling gaps and strengthening knowledge about these crimes are shared by all respondents. In addition, the vision of their work within the Office is unanimously shared. However, respondents’ views differ when addressing the scope of the Office’s actions. The mandate still faces many challenges to end rape in war.

La présente étude a pour objectif de vérifier si le Canada respecte les prescriptions internationales en matière de droits de l’homme et d’entreprises vis-à-vis de l’encadrement qu’il exerce sur les sociétés minières canadiennes évoluant à l’étranger. En 2011, le Conseil des droits de l’homme de l’ONU a adopté des «Principes directeurs» afin de mettre en oeuvre le cadre de référence « Protéger, Respecter, Réparer » du Représentant spécial chargé de la question des droits de l’homme et des sociétés transnationales et autres entreprises. Selon ce cadre de référence, les États ont des obligations de protection et de réparation alors que les entreprises ont seulement la responsabilité de respecter les droits humains. Après six années de travail, le Représentant spécial John Ruggie, a fait le choix de formuler dans ses «Principes directeurs» des directives non contraignantes à l’égard des États et des entreprises afin de les aider à remplir leurs obligations et responsabilités vis-à-vis des droits de l’homme. Selon, l’ONU, cet instrument de portée universelle est le plus élaboré en la matière, si bien qu’il est recommandé aux entreprises et plus particulièrement aux États de s’y conformer lors de l’élaboration de leurs politiques respectives en matière d'activité économique et de droits humains. Il convient donc de vérifier d’une part si l’encadrement exercé par l’appareil législatif et gouvernemental vis-à-vis des sociétés minières canadiennes évoluant à l’étranger est conforme au principe directeur «Protéger». D’autres part, il convient de vérifier si les recours judiciaires et extrajudiciaires disponibles au Canada remplissent les exigences du principe directeur «Réparer». Cette double analyse permettra de conclure que le Canada respecte dans les grandes lignes ces «Principes directeurs» mais qu’il pourrait faire bien plus notamment en terme d’accès à des réparations effectives pour les victimes étrangères de minières canadiennes.
This study propose to assess whether Canada meets the international requirements of business and human rights in relation to the supervision it has on Canadian mining companies operating abroad. In 2011, the Human rights Council adopted the Special Representative’s Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights in order to implement the United Nations “Protect, Respect and Remedy” Framework. According to this framework, States have obligations to protect and remedy while companies only have responsibilities to respect human rights. After six years of work, the Special Representative on Business and Human rights, John Ruggie, has chosen to give in its Guiding Principles non- binding recommendations in order to help States and businesses to encounter their obligations and responsibilities towards human rights. According to the UN, this universal instrument is the most developed in the field. Thus, it is strongly recommended that companies and especially States, comply those «guiding principles» when they elaborate their respective policies on economic activity and human rights. It is therefore necessary to check first if the supervision exercised by the legislature and the government on Canadian mining companies operating abroad succeeds to comply with the "Protect" principles. On the other hand, it must be checked whether the judicial and extrajudicial remedies available in Canada meet the requirements of the «Remedy" principles. This dual analysis will led to conclude that Canada meets broadly the "Guiding Principles" but could do much more, especially in terms of access to effective remedies for foreign victims of Canadian mining companies.