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1
Guseletov, Boris P. « THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP PROGRAM IN THE POST-COVID PERIOD. KEY FEATURES AND FUTURE PROSPECTS ». RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian Studies. History. Political Science. International Relations, no 2 (2021) : 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2021-2-28-37.
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The article is dedicated to the analysis of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program in the post-COVID period. It considers the main features of that program in modern conditions and further prospects for its de- velopment, taking into account the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for the European Union and the countries participating in this program. The author analyzes the EU leadership attitude to the individual participants of the program and identifies priorities in relation to the various countries represen- ted in it. To overcome the social and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, the European Commission decided to provide financial assistance to the participating countries, but the amount of the assistance for individual countries depended on the state of relations between the European Union and the leadership of those countries. It is proved in the article that the European Union currently has the most favorable relations with three countries parti- cipating in the program: Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, which have openly declared a policy of rapprochement with the European Union in the political and economic fields. The author outlines positions of all the countries and their expectations of participating in the program in the nearest future as well as in the longer term.
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Guterres, Iva. « Enforcing Environmental Policy – the role of the European Union ». UNIO – EU Law Journal 8, no 1 (31 décembre 2022) : 32–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.8.1.4522.
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The concerns regarding climate change are on the top of government agendas worldwide, and a global response is urgently required given the climate events that countries all over the world are facing. The European Union (EU) is at the forefront, assuming the leadership in environmental policy with several legal initiatives underway, which have culminated in the promulgation of the European Climate Law and the presentation of the proposed Directive of a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). Nonetheless, the EU struggles with difficulties regarding the effectiveness of legal measures, in particular carbon leakage problems. Carbon leakage problems prevail globally as production shifts to countries with less stringent climate regulations, avoiding costs in countries with high emission charges. A resolution regarding the implementation of the CBAM was passed by the European Parliament in March 2021. On the 14th of July 2021, the EU presented 13 policy measures aiming to reduce its GHG emissions by 55% by 2030. On the 22nd of June 2022 the European Parliament voted to adopt the regulation about CBAM. As the EU has played a unique and strong role in climate policy enforcement, the aim of this article is to present this policy option, in the light of the oncoming CBAM. Therefore, the ‘EU climate club’ is imposing coercive environmental tax policies on other countries.
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Gattermann, Katjana, et Claes H. de Vreese. « Understanding leader evaluations in European Parliament elections ». European Union Politics 23, no 1 (16 octobre 2021) : 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14651165211046108.
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Leader evaluations are a crucial aspect in representative democracy. We analyse the patterns, antecedents and consequences of European Union leader evaluations against the backdrop of the 2019 European Parliament elections in ten countries. The article shows, firstly, that leader evaluations are unidimensional, both among voters with low and high knowledge as well as partisans and non-partisans. Secondly, among the antecedents of leader evaluations, European Union trust and performance evaluations are positively associated with leader evaluations, while European identity hardly plays a role compared to other factors. Lastly, the positive effect of leader evaluations on vote choice is conditional upon the individual leader and their party affiliation. Our results have important implications for expectations towards and evaluations of European Union leadership in the long term.
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Shatokha, Volodymyr. « Historic Context of European Union Leadership in Climate Change Mitigation ». European Historical Studies, no 8 (2017) : 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.08.74-96.
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The role of European Union in defining of the international climate change mitigation policy was studied in the historic context of overcoming the differences in the approaches to reaching the sustainable development targets among the EU, the USA, China and some other influential countries. It has been shown that currently the processes of climate policy definition became more polycentric than in 1992, when the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change was signed. The ability to adjust to a new context, to build coalitions and to reach compromise with the wide range of international actors has been crucial for maintaining the EU’s influence on definition of the international climate change mitigation policy. Despite not always supportive internal and external factors, during a quarter of century the EU has managed to maintain its leadership and many times helped to enhance the ambition of global climatic targets by establishing the high level of own commitments and implementing relevant policy instruments. The EU and its members played a decisive role in ensuring of the non-interruptive international climate action during implementation of the Kyoto Protocol and in setting of the Paris Agreement which will define climate regime after 2020. Mitigation of climate change is a complicated task not only in terms of technology and socio-economic aspects but also with respect to policy implementation. Therefore the EU leadership in this sphere remains very important.
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Bouzas-Lorenzo, Ramón, Bran Barral Buceta et Angela Fernández da Silva. « Leadership training approaches in European civil service schools ». Geopolitical, Social Security and Freedom Journal 5, no 1 (1 juin 2022) : 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/gssfj-2022-0004.
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Abstract For the last decades interest in leadership skills training is a persistent feature of the design of contents in many educational curricula at different levels. This relevance has been highlighted in an abundant literature on leadership training and in the development of guidelines that some prominent transnational organizations have published as a convenient way to focus that training. This article summarizes the findings of the first part of a research devoted to the study of the approaches of the training in “leadership” and “digital leadership” by three stakeholders: training providers; scholars; and some major transnational organizations. The research aims to clarify the concept adopted, the priorities established and the competencies that have been considered suitable to be transmitted. Through a documentary review of leadership development training programs delivered by national schools of public administration in European Union member countries, this paper examines the perspective adopted to train civil servants in those competencies considered suitable to be transmitted when training for leadership and digital leadership.
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Kutlu, Erdi, Çağdaş Cengiz, Murat Necip Arman et Emir Ozeren. « Understanding the Role of Leadership Styles of Erdogan and Merkel in Sustainability of Turkey-European Union Relations : A Leadership Trait Analysis ». Sustainability 13, no 16 (18 août 2021) : 9258. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13169258.
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This study aims to understand the role of the leadership styles of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and German Chancellor Angela Merkel in European Union-Turkey relations by conducting a Leadership Trait Analysis (LTA), which takes into account the leaders’ personalities in foreign policy. The article makes use of the verbal records of the two leaders regarding the bilateral relations between their countries and the European Union. The results unveil that the two leaders’ personal characteristics bear similarities to a considerable extent; i.e., both leaders are sceptical in inter-personal relations, discernibly intuitive, self-confident and so forth. The study suggests that those personal traits of the leaders which have occasionally outweighed crude rationality have been some of the important factors enabling the sustainability of relations between Turkey and the EU against all odds.
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Žemgulienė, Jolanta. « Perceived Ethical Leadership and Job Involvement in the Economy-specific Context ». Organizations and Markets in Emerging Economies 4, no 1 (31 mai 2013) : 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/omee.2013.4.1.14258.
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The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between the supervisor’s perceived ethical behavior and work involvement in the context of different economic conditions – those of developed countries and the emerging market economies of the European Union. Economy-specific impact on the perceived ethical behavior of leaders and job involvement as its resultant attitude toward work was assessed by structural equation modeling of the data drawn from the populations of emerging market economies of Central and Eastern Europe and the developed economies of Western Europe. The data for the analysis were drawn from a large-scale European Values Study. Two samples used for the analysis consist of 899 supervisors from four developed economy European countries and 709 supervisors from four emerging economy countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The results provide empirical evidence that economy-specific context impacts the leaders’ perceived ethical behavior and its relationship with the attitude to job involvement.
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Hrubinko, A. « The Role of Great Britain in the Military-technical Cooperation of the Countries of European Union ». Problems of World History, no 7 (14 mars 2019) : 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-7.
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In the article the Great Britain’s contribution to the development of military-technical cooperation between the countries of the European Union is analyzed. It was found that the British leadership conducted ambiguous policies on military-technical cooperation (MTC) of the European integration. The desire to win the priority in the European MTC was combined with the provision of British companies the benefits of cooperation with American partners. British military-industrial complex became a rival of the military-industrial complex of the states of continental Europe. The position of Great Britain has become one of the obstacles to the formation of a single European arms market. The exit of the kingdom from the EU can stimulate the process of creating a single European militaryindustrial complex, in which France and Germany, supported by other influential industrial states (Italy, Spain, etc.) will dominate. The British military-industrial complex will continue to have a significant impact on the European MTC machinery, which relatively successfully operates outside the EU.
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Decock, Nico, Adriano Friganovic, Biljana Kurtovic, Ber Oomen, Patrick Crombez et Christine Willems. « Temper the Specialist Nurses Heterogeneity in the Interest of Quality Practice and Mobility—18 EU Countries Study ». Healthcare 10, no 3 (25 février 2022) : 435. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/healthcare10030435.
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Background: The position of the specialist nurse profession varies across the European Union. Action is required to address the challenges to promote mobility and the contribution of specialist nurses to quality of care. The purpose of the study is to identify the interfaces of the specialist nurse profession across the European Union. Methods: A mixed method study was conducted in October 2019 and total of 40 answers from 18 different European Union countries were selected using a purposive sampling method. Results: The participants had completed various Bologna degree cycles and 57.2% had followed a specific educational programme to become a specialist nurse. More professional autonomy was acquired by 81.9% participants. Conclusion: A striving for homogeneity in the interpretation of the specialist nurses role and competencies is needed to achieve better quality of care provision and facilitate their mobility around the European Union. The lack of recognition identified in this study should encourage nurse managers to consider specialist nurse roles with the aim of capitalizing on the advanced care and expertise that specialist nurses provide. These results are an opportunity to improve the specialist nurses profession with an ultimate impact on management practices of streamlined, cost-effective clinical services.
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Romppanen, Seita. « Regulating Better Biofuels for the European Union ». European Energy and Environmental Law Review 21, Issue 3 (1 juin 2012) : 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eelr2012010.
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Comprehensive European or global regulation on sustainable biofuels does not yet exist. In the near future, it is likely that 10 percent of the energy used for transportation in the EU will consist mostly of biofuels, the majority of which will be imported from third countries. As the EU only has legislative jurisdiction regarding its Member States, the asymmetry between the locations of feedstock, the production of biofuel and the end users creates particular legal challenges for the sustainability scheme. It is not enough that to just correct the evident deficiencies of the current scheme; the EU sustainability scheme must provide a comprehensive answer to the complex sustainability challenges. One option could be a global approach driven by the EU leadership position. This article evaluates the legal applicability of the EU sustainability scheme against the global scenario of biofuels. Indirect land-use change is explored as the culminating issue of biofuel sustainability. The article also analyses the current regulatory approach, from the view that is it adequate in terms of securing the sustainable production of biofuels, especially in relation to the notion on "global" biofuels. Combating climate change forces new environmental problems to stand out, which also creates new legal challenges. In the field of dynamic climate change law, biofuel sustainability is an apt example of this.
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Peshkin, Vitalii Mikhailovich. « Problems in the Relations of the Visegrad Group States with the European Union in 2014-2022. » Genesis : исторические исследования, no 2 (février 2023) : 10–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.2.39783.
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The subject of the study is the historical conditions in which the disloyal attitude of the Visegrad Group towards the solutions proposed by the EU began to grow during the specified period of time. The analysis of the migration crisis, which has aggravated political, economic, financial, social, and religious problems in the EU countries, is carried out. The EU's efforts to overcome it have become the basis for strengthening the role of right-wing parties in the Quartet. The role of Hungary, which represents itself as a defender of "Europe as a continent for Europeans", which has pursued the most active restrictive migration policy, is considered. The plans of the leadership of Germany and Austria for the management of migration flows, reflecting the ambitions of Berlin and Vienna for the transit and reception of refugees, are presented. The "central" line of Brussels on overcoming the migration crisis is being studied. The tools used by V4 to overcome the migration crisis caused by the vulnerability of the Quartet countries to refugee flows are considered. The article also examines criticism from the "quartet" of the process of overcoming the migration crisis, which saw in the measures proposed by Brussels a threat to the national identity of its small states and a sign of disrespect for the interests of small states in the EU. In general, the migration crisis has resulted in the strengthening of far-right parties in Hungary and Poland, the radicalization of public opinion, which contradicts the main goals of European integration. Thus, the internal political development in some countries of the "Visegrad Four" has actually become a new noticeable element of confrontation with the European Union. Hungary and Poland reacted extremely painfully to criticism of the EU, appealing for support to partners in the Visegrad Group, to other countries where right-wing and conservative parties are also popular (Italy, Austria). As a counteraction, the EU leadership raised the issue of a threat to EU values in Poland and Hungary and considered the possibility of using a mechanism to influence countries that do not respect the values of the European Union.
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Butorina, O. V. « EUROPEAN UNION AFTER THE CRISIS : DECLIN OR RENAISSANCE ? » MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 4(31) (28 août 2013) : 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-71-81.
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The second challenging period (after the «eurosclerosis» of the 70-th) in the history of European integration has been going on for eight years. Measures taken by the EU institutions prevented the disintegration of the euro area, but the crisis is not over. We distinguish its four main consequences for the integration: 1) growing federalization of the euro zone, 2) a switch from multi-speed to a two- or three-tier integration model, 3) economization of decision-making process in the euro area, and 4) clearer demarcation of borders within the EU and with its neighbours. The rotation in the ECB Governing Council that may start in 2015, is likely to consolidate the leadership of the "hard core" countries in the decisionmaking process. Further communitarization of the economic part of the EMU makes it more difficult for newcomers to join the euro area and practically closes this window of opportunity for the Great Britain. The crisis revealed the objective limits of EU enlargement, the accession of Turkey became hardly realistic, as well as the start of accession negotiations with Ukraine. The return to a sustainable development of the EU countries requires deep modernization of the European economy and society. However, the ways of this modernization has not been determined yet. It is clear that further accumulation of wealth and growing consumption cannot be a solution. The headline targets and indicators of the "Europe 2020" strategy will be implemented only partially. Modernization process will be hampered by the lack of funding for basic science, which occurred due to the end of the "cold war", as well as social factors whose role in the economic progress had been previously underestimated. Upgrading the EU integration strategy will be possible after the elections to the European Parliament and the appointment of the new Commission in 2014.
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Yeremchenko, О. А. « A trend of international collaborations between inventers ». Economics of Science 3, no 3 (10 novembre 2017) : 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2410-132x-2017-3-3-203-213.
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The article analyses data on the international collaborations between inventors from different countries, obtained from a special research completed by the European Commission focusing on the national patent portfolios of European Union countries, countries included in the European Association of Free Trade, countries of North America and Asia.It is noted that learning diffusions and matching of technological solutions are becoming an independent trend of the economics science as it allows to determine the patterns and conditions for achieving technological leadership of companies as well as the whole regions in the world. The current research focuses on the balance between an open exchange of industrially applicable expertise and limitations of the diffusion of technological competencies as a necessary condition for achieving leadership in the markets of highly technological products and services.The article concludes stating that the growth of «hybrid» and «external» patents in various regions of the world, determined by European Commission is, most likely, related to the growth of academic mobility of owners of the unique engineering and research teams, and not due to globalisation and internalisation of industrially applicable expertise, that is always used as a tool for competitive fight for markets of products with a high added value.
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Piškorjanac, Silvija. « Oncology nursing and EONS (European Oncology Nursing Society) influence in Eastern Europe ». Sestrinska vizija 5, no 8 (2021) : 34–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/sestrviz2108034p.
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European Union (EU) has defined the process and norms of nursing education. As a source of data, Directive 2005/36/EC and Directive 2013/55/EU was used together with Croatian laws and regulations which are related to nursing education. Nursing education in Croatia is carried out through high school education and also at the university level. The situation is similar or the same in many other Eastern European countries. Experience in nursing education in different European countries can be useful in improving nursing education in Croatia. Cancer nursing specialization in the Republic of Croatia, as in many Eastern European countries, exists only on paper, unlike in Western Europe, the USA or Australia. Eastern European cancer nurses can be trained with the assistance of EONS (European Oncology Nursing Society) which is an umbrella organisation providing leadership in all areas of cancer nursing, research, practice, continuing education, communications and advocacy for better recognition of cancer nursing across Europe.
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Kokeev, A. « Germany and EU Reforms ». World Economy and International Relations, no 11 (2014) : 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-27-34.
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Germany is playing a key role in the resolution of the EU crisis. Berlin has not only proposed changes in the economic and finance spheres, but also the initiation of the political reform of the EU. However, for several reasons, starting from the middle of 2013 there has been a serious shift in emphasis from the creation of a political union to the construction of an EU banking union. Angela Merkel’s victory in German elections increased the country’s European political activity, and Berlin announced new initiatives which involved amendments to fundamental EU agreements. At the same time, German European policy aims to strengthen the position of nation states in the future European integration, and slightly reduce the role of the European Commission. Here one can see a certain level of convergence between the German and British positions. However, as Angela Merkel’s visit to London in February 2014 demonstrated, the interests of the two countries in the EU are hardly compatible. To other EU countries, Germany’s leadership in the EU seems to favor German interests at the expense of other partners. The questions whether EU countries will still follow Germany’s European political direction and whether they are able to implement the necessary reforms in their own countries as well as in the EU remain open and foster Euroscepticism.
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Schweitzer, Vladimir. « Bruno Kreisky and the Soviet Union ». Contemporary Europe 101, no 1 (28 février 2021) : 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope12021169179.
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The article is dedicated to the 110th anniversary of B. Kreisky (1911 – 1990), a prominent statesman of post-war Austria, one of the leaders of international social democracy. From 1959 to 1966 he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Austria. In 1970 ‒ 1983 he was in charge of the Government of that State. In 1976 – 1989, he was Vice-President of the Socialist International. Soviet issues were not only an integral part of his political interests, but also a topic of constant dialogue within the European establishment, an important subject of meetings with the leaders of the USSR. Being a critic of many aspects of the USSR's foreign and domestic policy, not accepting the communist interpretation of Marxism, he did not consider ideological contradictions an obstacle to contacts with the Soviet leadership on a wide range of international issues. The dialogue with the USSR touched upon the topics of European and international detente, events in the Middle East and various situations in the countries of the "Third World".
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Valeeva, R. A. « Development of Сooperation Between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union at the Present Stage ». Post-Soviet Issues 6, no 3 (27 novembre 2019) : 288–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-3-288-296.
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After the collapse of the USSR, the West received favorable conditions for promoting its geopolitical interests. Accordingly, the European Union began to establish relations with the countries of Central Asia. The EU policy in Central Asia in the early 90s of the twentieth century is characterized by the fact that Brussels concentrated its efforts on the allocation of economic assistance, the promotion of democracy and market relations. The EU policy in the Central Asian republics was based on cooperation and partnership Agreements signed with the leadership of the countries of the region. These agreements were intended to formalize the political and economic relations of the countries of the region with the EU. The role of the Central Asian countries in EU foreign policy was more clearly defined after the adoption of the European Union Strategy for Central Asia in 2007. The European Union has taken a number of steps to strengthen its position in the region. Several formats of bilateral and regional cooperation have been created, and EU representative offices have been opened in the countries of the region.Over the past decade, the European Union has significantly intensified its foreign policy in Central Asia. It expanded diplomatic ties and successfully implemented mechanisms for developing cooperation with Central Asia. In particular, it has expanded its presence in the region, successfully launching several of its strategic programs in various areas of cooperation.In 2019, the European Union adopted a new Strategy for Central Asia. This is the first radical revision of the document adopted in 2007. This indicates a desire to update the base of interac tion and to build relations with the countries of the region in a new way. The European Union pays special attention to such areas of cooperation as energy issues, global security problems and joint struggle against the threats of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and radical extremism, transport and infrastructure. Particular attention is paid to the prospects and problems of the EU’s interaction with the Kyrgyz Republic, which cover various aspects: political, economic, social, trade, cultural. On 19 November 2017, the European Union and the Kyrgyz Republic began negotiations to update the existing bilateral agreement, which is intended to replace the partnership and cooperation Agreement. After the completion of the negotiations, a new agreement on expanded partnership and cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union was initialed on July 6, 2019. It includes new areas of cooperation and significantly improves the regulatory framework for trade and economic relations in accordance with WTO rules and regional economic agreements. The new agreement provides for cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the EU in areas such as: policy and reform, enhanced cooperation in foreign policy and security issues, in the areas of justice, security and freedoms, as well as in trade.
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Pomozova, N. B. « Discourse analysis of the concept of the Community of the Common Destiny and its reflexive component ». Communicology 9, no 2 (18 juillet 2021) : 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21453/2311-3065-2021-9-2-79-87.
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The author attempts to comprehend, from the standpoint of sociological discourse analysis, the main modern foreign policy concept of China – the Community of the Common Destiny. In the context of the multi-vector confrontation between the United States and China, the main struggle is for the loyalty of Europeans, namely, citizens of the most economically developed countries of the European Union. In this context, Beijing views discursive power as one of the main tools, without the development and application of which it is impossible to naturally take its rightful place in the international arena. After analyzing Western philosophical theories, including those that were used to create the European Union (Bauer, Renan), the Chinese leadership put forward a global concept that was the result of corresponding sociological reflection. According to Habermas, discourse involves the involvement of the Other in the discussion and is aimed at achieving mutual understanding and agreement. Discourse analysis of the Community of the Common Destiny (based on the material of some speeches of the PRC Chairman Xi Jinping) confirms the following hypothesis: despite its global character and corresponding ambitions, it is formulated in such a way as to be understandable and acceptable, primarily for Europeans.
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Smirnov, A. « Relations between Kyiv and Budapest in the Context of the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict ». Russia and New States of Eurasia, no 4 (2022) : 22–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-4-22-34.
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The new geopolitical reality that arose after the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine demanded all European states to express their attitude to what was happening as clearly as possible. Among the countries that have supported Kyiv Hungary traditionally having its own special position on key problems within the European Union stands out. The Budapest reaction to Ukrainian events can be considered in two adjacent planes. Firstly, from the point of view of the Hungarian leadership’s search for an acceptable line of conduct in the face a powerful campaign of support for Kyiv. Secondly, in the context of relations of this leadership with the Kyiv regime itself. The article is devoted to the main complexes of contradictions that set the tone of relations between the Hungarian and Ukrainian sides in the context of powerful military-political upheavals.
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Brînză, Andreea. « The “17 + 1” Mechanism ». China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 05, no 02 (janvier 2019) : 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s237774001950009x.
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The second decade of the 21st century has been marked by rising tensions between the United States and China, with the European Union caught between the two powers in an era of strategic competition. The “[Formula: see text]” mechanism, which focuses on economic cooperation between China and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, is not spared from the U.S.-China economic confrontation. The United States has launched a political and public campaign against China’s telecommunication giant Huawei in the CEE region, where most countries are U.S. allies. Since its establishment as “[Formula: see text]” in 2012, the mechanism has made slow progress in generating expected benefits to CEE countries, as many of China’s investments are under negotiation, delayed, or even canceled. The case of Romania indicates that CEE countries’ engagement in “[Formula: see text]” depends heavily on the changing priorities of their political leadership, which adds much uncertainty to the future development of the mechanism. Besides, there is lingering EU concern that the mechanism may divide the Union. To enhance its status as a strong and responsible partner with CEE countries and the EU, China needs to reform “[Formula: see text]” into a more transparent, effective and inclusive regional mechanism that engages all interested countries.
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Hrubinko, Andriy. « British Policy toward the eastern enlargement of the European Union : historical aspects ». European Historical Studies, no 5 (2016) : 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.20-32.
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The article describes historical features of shaping and implementation of British policy toward the Eastern enlargement of the European Union, its impact on the implementation of the Сommon Foreign and Security Policy in the Central and Eastern Europe region. The author denotes that the history of participation of the UK in implementing Eastern enlargement of the EU not been sufficiently investigated. According to the author’s vision, the policy of the enlargement of the EU is seen as an integral part of united foreign and security policy and as a factor of its implementation in countries of the nearest periphery. The 31 enlargement process is a part of the EU enlargement policy as a geopolitical phenomenon. The United Kingdom became one of the biggest supporters of further enlargement as a permanent phenomenon in its history among countries of the Community, forming their own specific conceptual approaches and strategy. The factors of shaping active and positive positions of the British governments in connection with the enlargement of the EU toward the East have been analyzed. The author came to the conclusion that the Eastern enlargement had questionable effect for the development of the effective CFSP. The UK as one of the leading powers in the EU came to a forefront in this process. The enlargement of the EU has become an integral part of the country’s leadership strategy in the political integration. However, the confrontational European policy of the David Cameron’s government in 2010–2016 has resulted in a loss of the previous governments’ achievements in developing the cooperation and support for the countries of Eastern and Central Europe and escalated the decrease of the country’s original positions in the region.
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Solarz, Marcin Wojciech, Małgorzata Wojtaszczyk, Maciej Zych et Anna M. Solarz. « What does the European Union Think about the USA, Russia, the PRC, Germany and Itself ? » European Review 28, no 2 (18 décembre 2019) : 294–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798719000413.
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Every year, Gallup Inc. surveys the societal relationships that EU countries have with the USA, Germany, Russia and the PRC as well as the EU itself. The respondents furnish information on Europeans’ views regarding designated international political entities as international community leaders. This article examines the attitude of the European Union’s citizens to the above indicated potential and real leaderships in 2014–2016.
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Gadjiev, Amur. « TURKEY–EU RELATIONS AFTER THE CHANGE OF THE LEADERSHIP OF THE EUROPEAN UNION 1 DECEMBER 2019 ». Eastern Analytics, no 4 (2020) : 24–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2020-04-024-046.
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This article attempts to identify and analyze the main factors that influenced the development of relations between Turkey and the European Union after the change in EU leadership, as well as highlight the main reasons that aggravated these relations until the outbreak of COVID-19. The threat of a sharp aggravation of the migration crisis in the EU countries against the background of the deteriorating situation in Syrian Idlib and the tightening of sanctions against Turkey in connection with its exploration work in the Mediterranean Sea created even greater foggy relations between Turkey and the EU.
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Tiwari, T., C. L. Randall, L. Cohen, J. Holtzmann, J. Webster-Cyriaque, S. Ajiboye, L. Schou et al. « Gender Inequalities in the Dental Workforce : Global Perspectives ». Advances in Dental Research 30, no 3 (20 novembre 2019) : 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022034519877398.
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The aim of this review is to investigate the growth of diversity and inclusion in global academic dental research with a focus on gender equality. A diverse range of research methodologies were used to conduct this review, including an extensive review of the literature, engagement of key informants in dental academic leadership positions around the world, and review of current data from a variety of national and international organizations. Results provide evidence of gender inequalities that currently persist in dental academics and research. Although the gender gap among graduating dental students in North America and the two most populous countries in Europe (the United Kingdom and France) has been narrowed, women make up 30% to 40% of registered dentists in countries throughout Europe, Oceania, Asia, and Africa. In academic dentistry around the globe, greater gender inequality was found to correlate with higher ranking academic and leadership positions in the United States, United Kingdom, several countries in European Union, Japan, and Saudi Arabia. Further disparities are noted in the dental research sector, where women make up 33% of dental researchers in the European Union, 35% in North America, 55% in Brazil, and 25% in Japan. Family and societal pressures, limited access to research funding, and lack of mentoring and leadership training opportunities are reported as also contributing to gender inequalities. To continue advancing gender equality in dental academia and research, efforts should be geared toward the collection and public dissemination of data on gender-specific distributions. Such evidence-driven information will guide the selection of future strategies and best practices for promoting gender equity in the dental workforce, which provides a major pipeline of researchers and scholars for the dental profession.
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Bruno, Valerio A., et Giacomo Finzi. « Leading through a Decade of Crisis—Not Bad, After All ». German Politics and Society 36, no 4 (1 décembre 2018) : 50–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360403.
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The decade following the great economic and financial crisis of 2008 saw the European Union demanding regional leadership. The EU has also suffered a number of other existential crises, such as the ongoing refugee crisis, the Ukraine-Russia military confrontation, the revival of nationalism and radical right-wing populism, alongside the “trade war” between the United States and the EU. The article develops a novel theoretical framework structuring leadership as a peculiar typology of power, characterized by the capacity of both including “followership” countries’ interests and providing crisis management. Our central argument is that Germany responded strategically to leadership demand in Europe through a positive power role, exhibiting the inclusion of followership and multilateral leadership rather than hegemonic, together with crisis management skills based on solid influence over regional outcomes. Conclusions are drawn from five key case studies drawn from different policy areas.
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Mahamatov, T. M., et A. Nakova. « Objective Ground of National and Ethnic Identity as self-consciousness of an Ethnic Group ». Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 10, no 1 (3 novembre 2020) : 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2020-10-1-57-62.
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The Globalisation process and its achievements have exacerbated migration problems, creating a demographic crisis in the European Union and the Russian Federation. The authors of the article from the position of social philosophy and sociology examine the impact of the increasing migration flow from the problem regions of Asia and Africa to the more prosperous countries of Europe on the concepts of national and ethnic identity and tolerance, as well as on social capital and public trust in political leadership. The article draws attention to the borderline nature of the movement of identarism formed in the countries of Scandinavia, Western and Eastern Europe, with right-wing and extreme nationalist movements.
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Gourdon, C. C. « Thirty Years from the End of the USSR ». Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 14, no 5 (7 novembre 2021) : 247–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-5-13.
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The article contains a brief retrospective assessment of the reasons given by various scholars and observers for the breakdown of the Soviet Union under Mikhail Gorbachev’s leadership and it situates that crisis in the larger context of history and the imperial legacy of the Russian state. It particularly looks at the issue of nationality as an ethnic, cultural and linguistic concept vis-a-vis the universalistic notion of empire as a community of destiny among diverse people. The author compares the Soviet Union’s structure as a ‘non classical’ empire to those of other European states and especially to Germany’s which has also evolved from being a loose Central and East European ‘Reich’ inspired by the Roman and Carolingian heritage – to becoming a federal nation surrounded by smaller countries that share with it ancient civilisational and political legacy. Whereas Germany is gradually asserting leadership among many of its former dependencies and in the post-Brexit European Union as a whole, Russia is led by geographical and strategic compulsions to rebuild a Eurasian confederal association with erstwhile Soviet Republics and possessions of the Tsarist Empire, in conformity with its location between the ‘West’, the Islamosphere and the Chinese world. Will Russia be able to create a synthesis between the Slav Orthodox Oikoumene envisioned by Nikolay Danilevsky and the Eurasian syncretistic model promoted by Lev Gumilyov?
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Loedel, Peter Henning. « Money and Power in Europe : The Political Economy of European Monetary Cooperation. By Matthias Kaelberer. Albany : State University of New York Press, 2001. 254p. $49.50. » American Political Science Review 96, no 4 (décembre 2002) : 885–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402290474.
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The puzzle of European monetary cooperation—namely, why sovereign nation-states would relinquish monetary autonomy in return for some measure of exchange rate stability—has produced a growing body of highly informed and theoretically strong works on European integration. Matthais Kaelberer's account fits nicely into this mold. The author argues convincingly that European monetary cooperation—especially Germany's leading contribution to the European Monetary Union (EMU)—is the result of a structural conflict of interest between weak and strong currency countries over the rules of monetary cooperation. In laying out his “structural” argument, Kaelberer's analysis, as he notes in his own words, “complements rather than substitutes for other explanations of European monetary cooperation” (p. 6). In making this claim, his work will not settle the extremely lively theoretical debate on European integration, and European monetary cooperation more specifically. However, it is an important contribution to the literature and fills in some of the theoretical void involving concepts of “leadership” and “asymmetry” of power that help explain European integration.
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Timofeev, P., et M. Khorolskaya. « COVID-19 Pandemic as a Challenge to Franco-German Leadership in the EU ». World Economy and International Relations 65, no 8 (2021) : 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-72-80.
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The study is focused on the COVID 19 pandemic as a challenge for Franco-German leadership in the European Union. The authors investigate whether joint actions by Berlin and Paris can strengthen the EU’s resilience to crises. As it is shown, the first isolationist reaction of the EU states to pandemic was followed by their attempts to find a common decision. The negotiations on an anti-crisis plan were complicated by the division of the European Union states into opposing camps. Two projects proposed by them – the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) and the “coronabonds” – reflected the narrow interests of rich, frugal “Northern” and economically modest “Southern” groups, and failed. In contrast, the Franco-German cooperation became a breakthrough. In March-April 2020, Germany and France opposed each other, supporting ESM and coronabonds, respectfully. In May-June 2020, A. Merkel and E. Macron agreed to a compromise and came up with a unified position. While Germany left “frugal” group by agreeing to allocate money to support the “South” without insisting on mandatory reforms, and endorsed the idea of joint debt obligations, France refused to support the “Southern” coronabond project and agreed to the mediation of the EU Commission. That gave new breath to negotiations where a new regrouping of countries took place: the “South” states failing to defend coronabonds supported the Franco-German plan based on subsidies, while the “frugals” put forward an alternative based on loans. The EU Commission’s project which included both proposals was discussed in July 2020: at that moment, the Franco-German tandem backed by the “South” states had to persuade both the “frugal” and the East- European states. Finally, the EU Commission’s plan promoted by Merkel and Macron was adopted, though with serious adjustments. The authors conclude that the Franco-German alliance has confirmed its capability to strengthen the European Union resilience, but its leadership is no longer unconditional, and in the future, they should take into account the interests of the EU regional groups. Acknowledgments. The article was prepared within the project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).
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Charalambous, Giorgos, Nicolò Conti et Andrea Pedrazzani. « The political contestation of European integration in Southern Europe ». Party Politics 24, no 1 (janvier 2018) : 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817740756.
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The ways in which political actors form positions on European integration in the face of exogenous shocks, such as the financial crisis that spilled over to the Eurozone countries, have become a key question in studies of politics in Europe. In the article, we show that party system polarization over European integration has increased during the crisis, but only with respect to the parties’ public stance. Instead, the crisis does not appear to pose a real threat to the consensus on the European Union among party elites serving in public office, which remains almost as strong as before. Hence, a so far unconsidered consequence of the crisis may concern a mounting tension inside political parties, between a leadership that is more sensitive to popular pressures and to Euroscepticism and public office holders that reiterate the traditional elite consensus on Europe.
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Granel-Giménez, Nina, Patrick Albert Palmieri, Carolina E. Watson-Badia, Rebeca Gómez-Ibáñez, Juan Manuel Leyva-Moral et María Dolors Bernabeu-Tamayo. « Patient Safety Culture in European Hospitals : A Comparative Mixed Methods Study ». International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no 2 (14 janvier 2022) : 939. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19020939.
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Background: Poorly organized health systems with inadequate leadership limit the development of the robust safety cultures capable of preventing consequential adverse events. Although safety culture has been studied in hospitals worldwide, the relationship between clinician perceptions about patient safety and their actual clinical practices has received little attention. Despite the need for mixed methods studies to achieve a deeper understanding of safety culture, there are few studies providing comparisons of hospitals in different countries. Purpose: This study compared the safety culture of hospitals from the perspective of nurses in four European countries, including Croatia, Hungary, Spain, and Sweden. Design: A comparative mixed methods study with a convergent parallel design. Methods: Data collection included a survey, participant interviews, and workplace observations. The sample was nurses working in the internal medicine, surgical, and emergency departments of two public hospitals from each country. Survey data (n = 538) was collected with the Hospital Survey on Patient Safety Culture (HSOPSC) and qualitative date was collected through 24 in-depth interviews and 147 h of non-participant observation. Survey data was analyzed descriptively and inferentially, and content analysis was used to analyze the qualitative data. Results: The overall perception of safety culture for most dimensions was ‘adequate’ in Sweden and ‘adequate’ to ‘poor’ in the other countries with inconsistencies identified between survey and qualitative data. Although teamwork within units was the most positive dimension across countries, the qualitative data did not consistently demonstrate support, respect, and teamwork as normative attributes in Croatia and Hungary. Staffing and workload were identified as major areas for improvement across countries, although the nurse-to-patient ratios were the highest in Sweden, followed by Spain, Hungary, and Croatia. Conclusions: Despite all countries being part of the European Union, most safety culture dimensions require improvement, with few measured as good, and most deemed to be adequate to poor. Dimension level perceptions were at times incongruent across countries, as observed patient safety practices or interview perspectives were inconsistent with a positive safety culture. Differences between countries may be related to national culture or variability in health system structures permitted by the prevailing European Union health policy.
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Lakishyk, Dmytro. « INTERNAL CRISES IN THE COUNTRIES OF THE SOVIET BLOC IN CONTEXTS OF EUROPEAN SECURITY ». European Historical Studies, no 20 (2021) : 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.3.
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The article analyzes the internal crises experienced by the Soviet bloc countries during the Cold War. It is noted that the crises of society in Eastern Europe, in which in the early 1950s the model of the state system of the totalitarian type of the Soviet model was finally established, they arose constantly and over time unfolded and deepened. The social order imposed on the states under the influence of the USSR proved to be foreign completely and the population of these countries was unprepared and refused to accept it, which was one of the main causes of permanent outbursts of social discontent. The crisis of governance in the Soviet Union that arose after Stalin’s death, uncertainty, and some hope for the liberalization of public life gave the socialist camp hope for democratic reforms that could begin with a new leadership in the USSR. An extraordinary surge in social activity in the Soviet bloc led to the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU, which decided on a variety of forms of transition to socialism and could create the conditions for a peaceful and radical political and economic transformation. However, subsequent events showed the inability of the Soviet leadership to manage effectively the socialist camp in times of crisis, the use of military force as the only possible method of resolving conflicts, unwillingness to reform the system in the face of the challenges of the time, indomitable authoritarianism. It is noted that the internal crises that erupted in the Soviet bloc, along with the casualties of the population and the threat to the stability of European security, nevertheless showed the readiness of these countries to change and internal resistance to the system, which were able at any time, if possible, lead the states on the path of reforms and democratization.
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IGNATOV, AUGUSTIN. « GOVERNANCE EFFICIENCY, ECONOMIC SECURITY AND FEDERALISATION. THE EUROPEAN UNION AT CROSSROADS — IS IT TIME FOR CONSOLIDATION ? » Global Economy Journal 19, no 01 (mars 2019) : 1950003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2194565919500039.
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The European Union (EU) has certainly reduced its influence in the global economic affairs. Despite the fact that it unites 28 nations, including the former great powers such as the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy, the political and economic power of the community has considerably decreased starting with the second half of 2000s. The present research is undertaken with the aim of increasing the readers’ awareness regarding the necessity of enforcing the EU economic security through consolidating the authority of the supranational bodies in relation with national representatives. The objectives to be reached in this regard include assessing how much the governance efficiency alternations among the EU member countries influence the efficiency of the single market in a globalised society. It was found that several processes determined the decline of Europe’s strength including raising globalisation and increasing competition, economic weaknesses of the EU which worsened during the crisis, stagnation of the integration process, feeble leadership and lack of resoluteness, especially in the most developed EU nations, declining adherence to “core” values, migration crisis, little political commitment to protecting EU’s citizens’ interests, and countries’ individualism in promoting key initiatives.
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Vorotnikov, V. V. « 25 Years of the Baltic States Independence : from the Soviet to the European Union ». Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 9, no 5 (24 juillet 2018) : 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2016-9-5-7-23.
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As soon as the Baltic states gained independence in 1991, they targeted, in terms of domestic and foreign relations’ development, reorientation to the West and integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. Whereas NATO (under leadership of the United States) is regarded as the “cornerstone” of their security, the European Union (EU) is viewed as a source of financial assistance and the guarantor of economic stability. The article presents an overview of the transformation processes in the Baltic countries in the past two and a half decades, and the practical component of their membership in the EU is offered in detail. Comparative analysis of the political and socio-economic Baltic transit shows the similarity of their development trajectories. However, the positive effect, which joining the EU brought about, is eclipsed by the social and economic costs that resulted from the tough neo-liberal reforms that were required. Despite the rejection of the role of geopolitical and geo-economic “bridge” between Russia and the West, the Russian factor continues to play a primary role in the political processes and foreign policies of these countries, while at the same time the Baltic states themselves prefer not to call themselves post-Soviet. Confrontational position that the Baltic states undertook in relation to Russia, is determined by political and ideological factors and has long-term destructive impact not only on the bilateral dialogue, but also on relations between Russia and the European Union.
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Majeed, Fareeha. « PROBLEMS AND LIMITATION FACED BY FRANCO-GERMAN TANDEM AS TWIN ENGINE IN EUROPEAN UNION AS THE FUTURE LEADING PARTNER ». Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 54, no 1 (30 juin 2015) : 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v54i1.162.
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Europe is a melting pot of diverse cultures, civilizations and amalgamation of various ethnicities. It is a land which faced many catastrophes, high intensity conflicts and wars. Two world wars have been fought on this land. Almost all the major nations participated directly or indirectly at massive scale. Franco-German axis is a term to explain the relations of both the countries in the context of their mutual cooperation and their significant role in contemporary political affairs of Europe. Post war era 1945, congenial atmosphere of synchronization between both the countries replaced three century old French- German hostility. This tandem performed active role not only in the politically integrated European nation but also they played a vital role in the formation of single currency euro as well. Comparatively their functioning is becoming slow but they are still necessary for future of Europe. It is a general impression that the FrancoGerman alliance is facing critical phase, or in other words they are no longer being capable to act as the twin motor of European integration but Euro pe do not have an appropriate replacement. As far as the future of Franco-German relationship or leadership is concerned it acted necessary of European Union’s twin motor in the past but in recent years national interest became more supreme than the interest of European Union as a whole.
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Roskvas, Ihor. « Modern Approaches to Training Competitive Locksmiths-Electricians in the EU Countries ». Comparative Professional Pedagogy 7, no 3 (26 septembre 2017) : 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rpp-2017-0043.
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Abstract The article deals with the issues of modern approaches to training competitive locksmiths-electricians and the influence of effective management on the process of vocational training. The modern labour market needs concerning vocational training of highly qualified workers have been analyzed. The concept of a competitive worker has been revealed and justified. The study has shown that nowadays the problems of training a modern, competitive and highly qualified locksmiths-electricians in the European Union countries are solved at the political level. The revealed arguments regarding vocational training of workers indicate that modern economics, in fact, transforms the subjects of study into the subjects of the European market. It has been indicated that vocational education institutions have become mediators between the student and the potential employer. In this regard, various approaches to vocational training of workers, namely, locksmiths-electricians, prove the topicality of vocational training itself as this sector ensures vast development of the workforce. It has been justified that competitiveness of the worker is correspondence of the level of their vocational training to the requirements of the European labour market. Competitiveness of locksmiths-electricians in European countries is a significant factor in competitiveness of the finished product, its qualitative and cost characteristics, which satisfy the maximum requirements of the consumer. It has been concluded that the above circumstances should encourage leadership of professional lyceums to seek such an essence and structure of vocational training of highly skilled workers, namely, locksmith-electricians who ensure the opportunity to provide appropriate “commodity condition” of the customer, a graduate of a professional lyceum. It has been added that perspectives for further researches are seen in studying didactic principles of vocational training of workers, namely, locksmiths-electricians, in leading European countries.
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Baklanoff, Eric N. « Spain's Economic Strategy toward the “Nations of Its Historical Community:” The “Reconquest” of Latin America ? » Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 38, no 1 (1996) : 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166397.
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From one of the poorest countries in Europe in the late 1950s, Spain emerged as a middle industrial power by the time of the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975. Subsequently, under the leadership of King Juan Carlos I, Franco's successor as chief of state, Spain negotiated a smooth transition from authoritarianism to a parliamentary-monarchy. On the first of January 1986, the Iberian nation acceded to full membership in the European Community (EC). However, prior to this date and independently of the EC (now the European Union), the Spanish state had already set in motion, in 1981, two great undertakings related to Latin America: (1) the commemoration of Columbus' fateful voyage to the New World in 1492 and (2) the formation of an “Iberoamerican Community of Nations.”
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Krayev, Vyacheslav M., Alexey I. Tikhonov et Irina Kuzmina-Merlino. « Perspectives for the Use of Hydrogen Energy in European Countries ». Nature Environment and Pollution Technology 21, no 3 (1 septembre 2022) : 1439–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46488/nept.2022.v21i03.053.
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The most actual environmental problems in the XXI century are the following: global warming due to greenhouse gas emissions, energy production at coal, oil and power plants, air pollution, water pollution and waste recycling. Other environmental problems can be added to this short list, but the authors solve a specific task of promoting the idea of a promising “green” energy that will help humanity in conservation and development. European Union (EU) countries are planning to solve the main environmental challenges for the transition to low-carbon electricity by 2050. In many countries in the world every year there are more and more supporters of reducing emissions of carbon dioxide CO2, nitrogen oxides NO and NO2 and other greenhouse gases into the atmosphere. In recent years, EU has been consistently pursuing its own policy in the field of environmental protection, carrying out large-scale environmental measures. In Germany, United Kingdom (UK) and other European countries, a number of environmental initiatives are already gaining the status of state policy, which is being formalized in laws and regulations. Russian Federation acts on the world market as a leading country that produces and supplies significant energy resources not only to Europe, but also to many countries in the Asia-Pacific region. It is clear that the competitive stability of Russian energy companies significantly depends on the situation on the world energy market, but with the right strategy, Russia can actively influence the state of the entire energy market. With a confident leadership position, provided with significant natural, technological and human resources, Russian Federation has undeniable advantages over other energy-producing countries. It is Russia that can become the main supplier of clean energy for all other countries of the world, where tougher environmental requirements for energy generation are being cultivated. The authors of the study are considering the possibility of producing environmentally friendly hydrogen in Russia based on renewable energy sources (RES). The performed analysis shows the undeniable advantages of Russia in the export of hydrogen to other European countries.
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Magone, José. « A Presidência rotativa do Conselho e a governança multinível europeia : a peça-chave no processo de decisão intergovernamental ». Relações Internacionais, no 68 (décembre 2020) : 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2020.68a03.
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In the post-Lisbon constitutional architecture, the rotating presidency of the Council of Ministers of the European Union remains a vital part of intergovernmental decision-making. Its leadership activity is mainly behind closed doors to avoid the politicization of legislative processes. This study aims to contextualize the presidency as a crucial part of European integration due to its position between formal and informal processes. Informality gives the presidency time to create consensus and be flexible in its negotiation. Despite large countries’ attempts to reduce the importance of the rotating presidency, small states have resisted this temptation. In this contribution, the rotating presidency is seen from the point of view of European integration theory which is discussed in depth. Some notes follow on what can be expected in terms of the behaviour of the German and Portuguese presidencies in the new 2020-21 team presidency cycle.
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Van der Berg, Peter. « Comparing the Cultures of Romania and The Netherlands : When East Meets West ». Psihologia Resurselor Umane 8, no 2 (26 janvier 2020) : 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24837/pru.v8i2.416.
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Romania, a former communist country and a recent member to the European Union, and TheNetherlands, one of the oldest EU members with a long history of democracy, were compared onnational and organizational culture variables. A total of 1,182 Dutch and Romanian participantscompleted questionnaires that measured (a) Hofstede’s four national culture dimensions ofpower distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism, and masculinity, (b) what they perceivedcurrently in their jobs (actual practices) and what they wished for in an ideal job (values) on fivedimensions of organizational culture: autonomy, interdepartmental coordination, externalorientation, human resource orientation, and improvement orientation, and (c) practices andvalues for transformational leadership. The results showed that the Netherlands scored higher onindividualism, and lower on power distance and masculinity, than did Romania. The Dutchperceived higher levels of how autonomy, interdepartmental coordination, human resourceorientation, and improvement orientation is actually practiced in organizations, and lowerpractices levels for external orientation and transformational leadership than did the Romaniansample. With respect to values, the Dutch scored higher on autonomy and lower oninterdepartmental coordination, external orientation, human resource orientation, improvementorientation, and transformational leadership than did the Romanians. The finding that Romaniansare lower on most practices and higher on most values suggests that Romanians desire changeand that East and West European countries within the EU will grow closer to one another otherover time.
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Lunkin, Roman. « Antiracists Protests in Europe ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 17, no 5 (1 octobre 2020) : 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran52020106112.
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The article analyzed the phenomenon of antiracist protests or the BLM movement in Europe, which emerged in the United States in May 2020. The movement has become one of the important political factors during the coronavirus pandemic. Leading European politicians, including the leadership of the European Union, had to react to BLM's demands in one way or another. The emergence of the phenomenon of the BLM movement in Europe (in contrast to the more specific pre-election situation in the United States) became possible due to a special system of ideological norms of political correctness which became an instrument for protecting the rights of certain groups of society. The catalyst for the protest was the introduction (in a number of countries of repeated) quarantine and self-isolation measures in European countries. At the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic citizens of most countries almost completely trusted their governments. Later doubts began to arise about the rationality and legality of the measures taken to restrict the rights and freedoms of people. The general mood of citizens not only in Europe but also in other parts of the world is the desire for change and the unwillingness to return to the «previous» pre-quarantine life.
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Rovinskaya, T. « New Shape of Environmental Policy amid COVID-19 Pandemic ». World Economy and International Relations 66, no 7 (2022) : 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-7-66-80.
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The article examines the connection between the environmental processes during the COVID‑19 pandemic (2019–2022) and the “greening” of the political sphere. A specific feature of environmental policy is its close linkage with the economy, since economic activity is the direct cause of anthropogenic pollution of natural environments. The environmental changes that have arisen in response to economic realities of the pandemic period have led to transformation of socio-political attitudes towards strengthening the “green” direction in the policies of the world’s leading states – the European Union member countries, the United States, Russia, China and other. The global “green agenda” was substantiated at the World Economic Forum in Davos in 2020 and 2021, as well as at the following 26th UN Climate Change Conference 2021 (COP26) in Glasgow, actually shaping a new world order based on the environmental goals and obligations. In West European countries, with prominent green parties’ political positions, the environmental policy is formed largely from grassroots. In the United States, it depends entirely on the political situation (mostly on the sitting president’s party affiliation). Whereas the European Union and the EU states (primarily Germany and France) have seized the initiative of directing the world environmental policy, striving to take the lead in this sphere (particularly, in climate protection), the new U.S. government is now seriously challenging the European leadership. Noteworthy is that the COVID‑19 crisis has updated the green political and economic agenda globally, regardless of differences between the states, which verifies the importance and necessity of agreeing a conceptually new common approach to interaction with the environment in the short and long term.
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Goniewicz, Krzysztof, Amir Khorram-Manesh, Attila J. Hertelendy, Mariusz Goniewicz, Katarzyna Naylor et Frederick M. Burkle. « Current Response and Management Decisions of the European Union to the COVID-19 Outbreak : A Review ». Sustainability 12, no 9 (8 mai 2020) : 3838. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12093838.
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COVID-19 has proven to be a formidable challenge for many countries in the European Union to manage effectively. The European Union has implemented numerous strategies to face emerging issues. Member States have adopted measures such as the closure of borders and significant limitations on the mobility of people to mitigate the spread of the virus. An unprecedented crisis coordination effort between Member States has facilitated the ability to purchase equipment, personal protective equipment, and other medical supplies. Attention has also been focused on providing substantive money for research to find a vaccine and promote effective treatment therapies. Financial support has been made available to protect worker salaries and businesses to help facilitate a return to a functional economy. Lessons learned to date from COVID-19 in the European Union are many; the current crisis highlights the need to think about future pandemics from a population-based management approach and apply outside the box critical thinking. Due to the complexity, intensity, and frequency of complex disasters, global leaders in healthcare, government, and business will need to pivot from siloed approaches to decision-making to embrace multidisciplinary and transdisciplinary levels of cooperation. This cooperation requires courage and leadership to recognize that changes are necessary to avoid making the same mistakes we have planned countless times on avoiding. This study focuses on the European Union’s initial response to the COVID-19 pandemic, starting with how the European Union first learned and processed the global information arising out of China, followed by the incremental population-based medicine/management decisions made that currently are defining the European Union’s capacity and capability. The capacity to organize, deliver, and monitor care to a specific clinical population under a population-based management target includes strict social distancing strategies, contact testing and tracing, testing for the virus antigen and its antibodies, isolation, and treatment modalities such as new mitigating medications, and finally, a vaccine.
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Kuzmin, S. B., et D. S. Uvarova. « Comparative Analysis of the Risk of Nature Management in Countries of European and African Unions ». Issues of Risk Analysis 19, no 5 (29 octobre 2022) : 58–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32686/1812-5220-2022-19-5-58-79.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The partnership between the EU and the AU in the fi eld of protection against natural disasters leads to the rapprochement of Africa and Europe, strengthening economic cooperation, sustainable development, when both continents coexist in peace, security, democracy, prosperity, solidarity and human dignity. A comparative analysis of the risk of nature management in the EU and AU countries has shown that countries with a high level of economic development do not have a clear advantage. Moreover, the AU countries oft en look more favorable. The overall picture for the EU and the AU, both in terms of absolute indicators and in terms of the percentage ratio of natural hazards, protection from natural disasters and risk of nature management, is also not in favor of the European Union. The leadership of the EU, the European Commission and its specialized disaster management units often overestimate their economic capabilities. Dangerous natural processes catch the highly developed states of Europe unawares and cause significant damage also because of the very high level of development of the EU territory. In the AU, firstly, a significant part of the territory is pristine natural landscapes, oft en completely unpopulated, secondly, in many countries the adaptation mechanisms of the local population to natural disasters are widely developed, and thirdly, the AU countries practically do not spend their own resources to combat natural disasters, and provide this process at the expense of external fi nancial and humanitarian aid from donors — the UN, World Bank, International Monetary Fund, various public organizations and, actually, from the EU. Nevertheless, the eff ective functioning of the entire disaster management system requires a strong economy in the EU and the AU as a whole, as well as in individual countries. Its basic subsystems should be: 1) market management — leadership at the level of company management, mentoring, creation of institutional conditions for development of innovative entrepreneurship, consulting and teaching entrepreneurs new methods of managing and running business; 2) financing — private investments, business projects, access to credit; 3) national-cultural and cross-cultural processes — entrepreneurial culture, formation of new progressive ideas on the principles of sustainable development, tolerance of entrepreneurial risk, self-employment, encouragement of success in innovation, establishment of business innovation summits; 4) regulation and promotion — regulatory framework, ease of starting and doing business, access to information and consulting infrastructure, new information and communication technologies, transport accessibility; 5) development and growth of human capital — universities and research centers as catalysts of innovation, promotion of employment and interaction with employers for employment of university graduates in innovative companies, talent management, availability of outsourcing; 6) new areas of activity — domestic market, large, medium, small companies as customers, including the state (state order, state procurement), logistics.
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Minakova, Irina V., Tatyana N. Bukreeva, Оlga I. Solodukhina et Оlga G. Timofeeva. « SPECIAL ASPECTS OF THE MODERN WORLD ECONOMY : TRANSITION FROM A UNIPOLAR TO A MULTIPOLAR WORLD SYSTEM ». CBU International Conference Proceedings 6 (25 septembre 2018) : 356–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v6.1182.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper reveals the consequences of the unipolar system of the world economy provided by the United States leadership in the military-technological, financial-economic, geopolitical and information-ideological spheres. It was established that after the collapse of the socialist camp, the concepts of ‘humanitarian intervention’ and ‘spreading democracy’ were brought to the forefront. In practice, Western European countries have demonstrated their readiness to judge the solutions of domestic political disputes in other countries of the world, especially when it comes to geopolitically important countries. A series of ‘colour revolutions’ have become a demonstration of this policy. Therefore, the globalization of the modern world does not mean the homogenization of development indicators of countries’, but instead leads to further delamination and inequality. The gap between the world leaders and the rest of the world in terms of indicators reflecting the dynamics of the standard of living, the quality of life, scientific and technological progress, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has significantly increased.It is illustrated that attempts of the US to consolidate its hegemony in the form of ‘leadership’ in the world had led to the erosion of international legal principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Therefore, the United States attempts to solve the problems in Iraq and Afghanistan unilaterally has failed.The objective and subjective signs of a global restructuring of the existing unipolar world system are revealed.
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Sutyrin, V. V. « The Official Development Assistance Policy of the European Union in the Post-Soviet Space : Geopolitical Factors ». Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S6 (septembre 2022) : S543—S550. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622120097.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The structure, priorities, conceptual framework, methods, and resources of EU policies in the Official Development Assistance (ODA) program are considered. Research shows that the EU funding of ODA programs for the post-Soviet space hiked fourfold between 2010 and 2020. The share of funding for Central Asian states decreased substantially compared to the Western part of the post-Soviet space against the background of confrontation with Russia, as well as due to presidential elections in Belarus. This paper argues that this redistribution is caused by geopolitical factors of EU policy. A conclusion is drawn that the recent declarations by the EU leadership about strengthening the “hard” power and the “geopolitical” agenda are not new and reflect long-term trends in EU foreign policy. Thus, a significant share of ODA funds is traditionally allocated to “social infrastructure,” strengthening Brussels’ control over the sociopolitical sphere in target countries of the periphery, aiming to bring them under EU influence in the economy, governance, goal setting, and ideology. This policy serves the interests of the EU, entrenching asymmetrical “metropole–periphery” relations between the EU and target counties.
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Gladkov, Igor. « FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE CONTEXT OF INCREASING GLOBAL UNCERTAINTY ». Contemporary Europe, no 100 (31 décembre 2020) : 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope720205969.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes the competitive positions in the system of modern international trade of the world's largest regional integration community – the European Union (EU), consisting of 28 member countries. The most important trends in the dynamics and geographical structure of the EU's foreign trade relations are considered against the background of increasing global turbulence, as well as in the run-up to the UK's withdrawal from this grouping. Based on actual and statistical data, the author substantiates the claim that the leading integration bloc managed to maintain its leadership in the world commodity exchange in the conditions of increasing global uncertainty due to its well-thought-out foreign trade policy, which includes a number of quite effective tools. According to the author, the experience gained by the EU is undoubtedly of interest for a more detailed study, since during the entire six-year period under review (2014-2019), there were very significant changes in the sphere of world trade, both at the global and regional levels. These include rising tensions caused by the spread of protectionist sentiments among leading actors, the formation of new types of trade alliances, and the use of sanctions against competitors under the guise of untenable rhetoric. However, the current year has brought more large-scale disasters associated with the emergence of a new virus infection of a planetary scale. Such trends have a negative impact on the dynamics of global trade, including foreign trade relations of the European Union.
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Fujisawa, Jun. « The End of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no 2 (2022) : 532–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.213.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper analyzes the negotiations within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance during the final years of its existence, focusing on the Soviet reform proposals and M. S. Gorbachev’s vision of the “Common European Home” as well as on Eastern European reaction to them. In the second half of the 1980s, Gorbachev tried to found a “unified market” for the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance by introducing a market-oriented reform of the organization. However, this attempt did not materialize because of the East German and Romanian objections. After the collapse of Eastern European socialist regimes in 1989, the Soviet leadership urged the member-states to accelerate the reform of this international organization, hoping to achieve the pan-European economic integration through close cooperation between the totally reformed Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the European Community. Although the Central European countries, namely Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, aspired to join the EC individually, they agreed to participate in a successor organization of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance because the EC was not ready to accept them. Accordingly, by the beginning of 1991, all the member-states agreed to establish a consultative organization, which would be named the Organization for International Economic Cooperation). However, as the Soviet Union failed to sustain trade with the Central European countries, the three countries lost interest in the project. As a result, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance was disbanded without any successor organization. In other words, it did not collapse automatically after 1989 but came to an end as a result of various factors, such as rapidly declining trade between the member-states, Western disinterest in the cooperation with it, and the Central European policy changes.
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Binder, Bettina, Terry Morehead Dworkin, Niculina Nae, Cindy Schipani et Irina Averianova. « The Plight of Women in Positions of Corporate Leadership in the United States, the European Union, and Japan : Differing Laws and Cultures, Similar Issues ». Michigan Journal of Gender & ; Law, no 26.2 (2020) : 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.36641/mjgl.26.2.plight.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Gender diversity in corporate governance is a highly debated issue worldwide. National campaigns such as “2020 Women on Boards” in the United States and “Women on the Board Pledge for Europe” are examples of just two initiatives aimed at increasing female representation in the corporate boardroom. Several European countries have adopted board quotas as a means toward achieving gender diversity. Japan has passed an Act on Promotion of Women’s Participation and Advancement in the Workplace to lay a foundation for establishing targets for promoting women. This Article examines the status of women in positions of leadership in the United States, several major countries in the European Union, and Japan. We focus on the legal backdrop in each jurisdiction regarding gender discrimination and studies tending to demonstrate the economic benefits of gender diversity. We conclude that although important steps have been taken in the direction of narrowing the gender gap in all jurisdictions examined, progress has been slow and difficult across the board. The issue of too few women at the top will not be resolved until there is a wider acceptance that female leaders can benefit their organizations and contribute to social and economic progress. Moreover, the presence of women on corporate boards is valuable in and of itself and the status quo ought to be further challenged in international business.
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Baranov, Andrey Vladimirovich. « Geopolitical Competition of World Political Actors for Influence on Contemporary Serbia ». Общество политика экономика право, no 10 (23 octobre 2020) : 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/pep.2020.10.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The author of the paper finds out the manifestations of the geopolitical competition of world political actors (the United States, NATO, the European Un-ion) for influence on Serbia in 2008–2020. The study focuses on the political interests of these actors and strategies for their implementation. Serbia is strate-gically important for Western countries as the miss-ing link for full control over the Balkans and isola-tion of Russia. Turkey, which is pursuing a neo-Ottoman course, is interested in restoring its control over the Balkans, which is being hindered by Serbia. Ethnopolitical and confessional conflicts in Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina are used by the United States, NATO, and the European Union to increase pressure on the Serbian leadership. Serbia’s geopo-litical orientations remain inconsistent, reflecting attempts to maneuver between competing world players. The possibilities for such a policy are steadily shrinking, leaving Serbia with a geopolitical choice to make.