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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Latin America – Economic conditions – 18th century"
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Valovaya, M. D. « CHANGES IN FOREIGN TRADE POLICY MAJOR INTEGRATION ASSOCIATIONS IN CONDITIONS OF TURBULENCE IN THE GLOBAL ECONOMY ». International Trade and Trade Policy, no 2 (6 juillet 2018) : 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2018-2-37-46.
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Turbulent states, structural changes and systemic crises of the world economy have been one of the decisive factors influencing the activity of large integration associations in all centuries. A particularly clear example is the integration processes in the Eurasian space. «The Great Silk Road» – a huge branched system of caravan routes. The Great Silk Road was a kind of connecting link between countries, civilization and socio-economic systems. The path «From the Varangians to the Greeks functioned along the Volga route. The end of the 17th and the first quarter of the 18th centuries was the period of Peter's reforms. Peter I regarded foreign trade as an important means of integrating Russia into Western European culture. Major bans related to the outside world were imposed on the Russian economy in the early 19th century. Anglo-German rivalry and antagonism played a decisive role in the complex system of imperialist contradictions that led to the First World War in 1914–1918. The Second World War almost six times exceeded the First in terms of the total number of victims: 50 million people. The consequence of the Second World War was the formation of the world socialist system, the disintegration of the colonial system and the beginning of the formation and development of major integration projects in Europe, Latin America, East Asia and Africa. Since January 2015, the Eurasian Economic Union functions. The possibilities of cooperation between the EAEU and other integration associations are widely discussed. The interface with the project of the Economic belt of the Silk Road Road is of particular interest.
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COATSWORTH, JOHN H. « Inequality, Institutions and Economic Growth in Latin America ». Journal of Latin American Studies 40, no 3 (17 juillet 2008) : 545–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08004689.
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AbstractThis essay examines three recent historical approaches to the political economy of Latin America's relative economic backwardness. All three locate the origins of contemporary underdevelopment in defective colonial institutions linked to inequality. The contrasting view offered here affirms the significance of institutional constraints, but argues that they did not arise from colonial inequalities, but from the adaptation of Iberian practices to the American colonies under conditions of imperial weakness. Colonial inequality varied across the Americas; while it was not correlated with colonial economic performance, it mattered because it determined the extent of elite resistance to institutional modernisation after independence. The onset of economic growth in the mid to late nineteenth century brought economic elites to political power, but excluding majorities as inequality increased restrained the region's twentieth-century growth rates and prevented convergence.
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Žiemelis, Darius. « The comparative analysis of Lithuanian manorial-serf economy and hacienda economic system of Latin America in the context of capitalist world system : from the second half of the 18th to the second half of the 19th centuries ». Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 10, no 2 (15 décembre 2018) : 27–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v10i2_3.
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The paper compares for the first time in historiography the Lithuanian manorial-serf economy and Latin American hacienda economic systems of the second half of the 18th century to the second half of the 19th century in the context of the capitalist world system (CWS). The main focus will be on the explication in macro level of similarities and differences of structures and development trends of these systems. The analyzed period corresponds to the stage of both the dominance and intensification of manorial-serf economy in Lithuania and predominance and intensification of hacienda economy in Latin American countries and it was determined by the same factor of the industrial revolution. The study confirms the thesis that these economic systems belonged to typologically closed economic kind (they were focused on the serfdom method of production) in the global division of labor. It shows that both Lithuanian manorial-serf economy and haciendas of Latin America were not typical feudal enterprises, but displayed only peripheral (agrarian) capitalism features.
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Falleti, Tulia G. « Theory Production : Made In or For Latin America ? » Latin American Politics and Society 56, no 01 (2014) : 23–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1531426x00003733.
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The essay by Murillo, Shrank, and Luna constitutes a much-needed and welcome wake-up call for those of us who study Latin America—and for political scientists more generally. The authors make a plea for “a rigorous, comparative, and empirically grounded” study of Latin American political economy. I fully agree with their diagnosis of this field and their recommendations. I also praise the authors for defining political economy broadly—rather than narrowly, through a focus on research methods. They understand political economy to encompass all the economic, social, and political factors that are either contextual conditions or consequences of major macroeconomic transformations. Thus the authors lay out an important research agenda for the study of Latin American political economy that includes not only issues of economic development and inequality, but also patterns of democratic politics, state capacities, the rule of law, identity politics, and international linkages, among others. For the authors, the major political and economic transformations that the region has undergone since the start of the twentyfirst century—in its postneoliberal era—cry out for a contextualized research agenda and, I would add, open a host of opportunities for theoretical and conceptual innovation.
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Buono, R. A. Dello. « Technology and Development in Latin America : Urgent Challenges for the 21st Century ». Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 11, no 3 (2012) : 341–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914912x651523.
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Abstract Capitalist globalization has accelerated technological development but the result has been to intensify global inequalities and reproduce the structures of underdevelopment in entire world regions. In Latin America, the era of Keynesian developmentalism sought to overcome foreign domination that prevailed in modernization-style development regimes. Advances made in that era were halted and later reversed through the imposition of neoliberalism throughout the region. Neoliberal development increased developing country dependency upon foreign technologies and reproduces the structures of underdevelopment. Anti-neoliberal alternatives are possible even under conditions of severe economic crisis as illustrated by the Cuban socialist model. Other countries will likewise need to pursue more endogenously oriented technology policies if they are to overcome the crippling impact of the neoliberal period.
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Kiss, Amarilla. « Maritime Piracy in the Modern Era in Latin America ». Acta Hispanica, no II (5 octobre 2020) : 121–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2020.0.121-128.
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Maritime piracy is an activity that was considered defunct long ago and that Latin American countries experience it again in the 21st century. Since 2016 the number of attacks has increased dramatically involving armed robbery, kidnapping and massacre. Modern day piracy has nothing to do with the romantic illusion of the pirates of the Caribbean, this phenomenon is associated with the governmental, social or economic crisis of a state. When it appears, we can make further conclusions regarding the general conditions of the society in these states. But do these attacks really constitute piracy under international law? Does Latin American piracy have unique features that are different from piracy in the rest of the world? The study attempts to answer the questions why piracy matters in Latin America and how it relates to drug trafficking and terrorism. Apart from that, the study presents a legal aspect comparing the regulation of international law to domestic law, especially to the national law of Latin American states.
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Birn, Anne-Emanuelle. « Child health in Latin America : historiographic perspectives and challenges ». História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 14, no 3 (septembre 2007) : 677–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702007000300002.
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Patterns of child health and well-being in Latin America's past - have been assumed to be delayed and derivative of European and North Americanexperiences. Through an examination of recent historiography, this essay traces a more complex reality: interest in infant and child health in Latin America arose from a range of domestic and regional prerogatives. This attention was rooted in preColumbian cultures, then relegated to the private sphere during the colonial period, except for young public wards. Starting in the 19th century, professionals, reformers, and policy-makers throughout the region regarded child health as a matter central to building modern societies. Burgeoning initiatives were also linked to international priorities and developments, not through one-way diffusion but via ongoing interaction of ideas and experts. Despite pioneering approaches to children's rights and health in Latin America, commitment to child well-being has remained uneven, constrained in many settings by problematic political and economic conditions uch.
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Yakovlev, P. P. « Russia and Latin America : Constants and Variables in Trade and Economic Relations ». Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 14, no 3 (3 juillet 2021) : 209–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-12.
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The article shows that during the two decades of the 21st century, a new reality of trade and economic relations between the Russian Federation and Latin America (Latin-Caribbean America – LCA) has been formed and filled with concrete content, which, it can be argued, has passed the test of complementarity, and in a number of cases reached the level of large-scale partnership. According to the author, these relations are not artificially done geoeconomic construction, but a consequence of both objective factors that bring Russia and the LCA closer together (including in approaches to achieving the sustainable development goals and restructuring of the existing system of world economic relations), and the efforts of state bodies, business circles, representatives of the expert community interested in the development of Russian-Latin American cooperation. Of course, over the past decades the dynamics of trade and economic relations between Russia and Latin America has not always been stable, at some point it was largely lost, there was some pullback and “surrender” of some significant positions. This happened in large part because in the conditions of increased turbulence in the international markets and rapid global changes, the parties sometimes lost a promising vision of the future of Russian-Latin American economic cooperation, did not find opportunely new areas of cooperation attractive to both sides. In fact, positive introductory approaches to strengthening relations on the principles of strategic partnership have been periodically tested, especially in times of renewed international instability that has eroded the established world order. But each time the parties mobilized existing internal reserves and offered extraordinary areas of interaction. An example of the most recent time is the Russian vaccine Sputnik V, which has crossed political boundaries on the map of Latin-Caribbean America, became the core of the so called “vaccine diplomacy” and opened a “second breath” in the relationship between Russia and the LСA in the key area of business cooperation.
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Teichman, Judith. « Inequality in Twentieth-Century Latin America : Path Dependence, Countermovements, and Reactive Sequences ». Social Science History 43, no 1 (14 décembre 2018) : 131–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.29.
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Most recent explanations of social welfare and development outcomes have focused on the role and impact of formal institutional arrangements, particularly the state. The institutional legacies of colonial rule and the role of democratic institutions have been common explanatory variables. This article focuses on the historical origins, persistence, and increases in inequality in Mexico and Chile during the twentieth century. It argues that despite important historical economic and political institutional differences, similar processes account for the unequal distributional outcomes that characterize the two cases. Critical conjunctures involved bitter struggle between social groups. While popularly based countermovements (along the lines predicted by Karl Polyani) arose periodically and struggled to improve social conditions, these movements were unable to alter the underlying sources of inequality. By mid-twentieth century, popular pressure had been able to exact only an unequal form of embeddedness (or social protection from the market) that contributed to inequality. Further, waves of popular mobilization linked to critical conjunctures produced reactive historical sequences involving fierce resistance from propertied elites and their middle-class allies. This resistance inevitably gave rise to new conjunctures ushering in new institutional arrangements that entrenched or increased inequality. The absence of a distributive settlement between propertied classes and popular groups was at the heart of the mobilization and countermobilization cycles in both cases; indeed, it was the depth of this disagreement, particularly the disagreement over private property, that fueled reactive sequences and their unequalizing outcomes.
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Enns, Peter K., et Jose T. Sanchez Gomez. « The Polls—Trends Economic Evaluations and Political Change in Chile, 1966 to 2018 ». Public Opinion Quarterly 83, no 3 (2019) : 627–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfz029.
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Abstract Over the past half century, Chile has fluctuated wildly in terms of economic prosperity and democratic health. Using 78 surveys archived at the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research, we document the evolution of Chileans’ perceptions of their personal, family, and national economic conditions during major political and economic changes. The data show that prior to the Pinochet dictatorship, despite a growing economic crisis, Chileans’ perceptions of their family’s economic situation—particularly among the lower socio-economic class—improved, suggesting that Allende’s social and economic policies may have had their intended effect. In contrast, through the democratic transition and the contemporary period, economic evaluations typically tracked objective economic conditions. We conclude by discussing how these patterns can inform public opinion research in Latin America and beyond.
Thèses sur le sujet "Latin America – Economic conditions – 18th century"
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Marktanner, Marcus. « A Comparison of Economic Development in Latin America, Middle Eastern Europe and Asia in the 1990s ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2181/.
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The 1990s were characterized by severe turbulence in the global economy. Economic and financial crises occurred in Latin America, Middle and Eastern Europe and Asia. This analysis distinguishes between the two socioeconomic criteria "transitional" and "emerging" region. Transitional countries are former centrally planned socialist economies and emerging countries former agricultural-oriented classical developing economies with mostly a history of military or some other kind of autocratic dictatorship. The resources for the analysis are data sets regarding investment, exchange rate behavior, government finance, international liabilities of monetary authorities and inflation. The study reveals macroeconomic patterns associated with economic development in each socioeconomic region. It is shown that similar patterns are responsible for successful and non-successful performance in each region. A comparison of different regions shows many parallels between emerging economies, but only little similarity between transitional economies.
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Francis, Joseph A. « The terms of trade and the rise of Argentina in the long nineteenth century ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/918/.
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Argentina’s early twentieth century is commonly portrayed as a ‘golden age’ in which it became ‘one of the richest countries in the world’. Here, however, this optimistic vision is challenged by placing Argentina within a new metanarrative of global divergence during the long nineteenth century. A massive terms-of-trade boom – the extent of which has not previously been appreciated – had profoundly uneven impacts across the periphery. Where land was abundant, frontiers could expand, leading to dramatic extensive (that is, aggregate) growth. An expanding frontier then had a safety-valve effect on labour markets, so capitalists responded to high wages by mechanising production, which raised labour productivity and, consequently, per capita incomes. In the land-scarce periphery, by contrast, deindustrialisation led to increasing quantities of labour receiving diminishing returns by being applied to limited land resources. Similarly, Argentina’s own century-long terms-of-trade boom allowed the Littoral to prosper but made the more densely populated interior stagnate. The presence of the poor interior then prevented the country from developing the kind of white-egalitarian democracy that had allowed the prosperous European offshoots to make the transition to rapid intensive (that is, per capita) growth. Most importantly, Argentina’s political backwardness ensured that landownership remained concentrated, which muted the safety-valve effect of the expanding frontier, so capitalists did not make the same investments in laboursaving technologies. The new metanarrative of global divergence thus leads to a far more pessimistic revision of Argentina at the beginning of the twentieth century – a revision that is verified through a comparative assessment of its living standards that shows them to have been considerably below the levels of Northern Europe and the European offshoots. Argentina’s ‘golden age’ is therefore a myth.
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Mosquera, Becerra Maria Janeth. « Socio-spatial Transformation and Contested Space at the Street Level in Latin America : The Case of Cali, Colombia ». PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1953.
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Since 2008, more than 50% of the world's population has lived in cities and it is projected that by 2050 around 87% will do so. Designing infrastructure in urban spaces has become increasingly critical for achieving human well-being. This dissertation examines socio-spatial transformation processes related to urbanization, economic development and the marginalization of utilitarian cycling in Cali, Colombia, as a particular expression of the struggle for transportation space occurring in urban areas. The research analyzes (a) the socio-spatial processes that have restricted the use of bicycles as a means of transportation in the city of Cali, Colombia; and (b) the social, health and economic implications for people who use bicycles as their primary means of transportation in this city.
Cali is a major city in Latin America and an excellent case to study the complex dynamic of how social and economic forces are evident in resource distribution at the street level. Informed by Harvey's work (1976; 1978; 2012), combined with an environmental justice perspective (Bullard 2007), this research adopts a conceptual framework that examines the transformation of the built environment as part of capitalist led urbanization. It concludes that the implementation of transportation infrastructure was aimed at enabling productivity and profits, with less emphasis on the comprehensive needs of all citizens, ultimately marginalizing transportation options for those of lower socio-economic status. The experience in Cali can be understood as a case of consolidation of inequality at the street level.
A historical review of Cali's urbanization process demonstrates that cycling as a mode of transportation has been losing social and physical space. Analysis of the political economy of more recent economic development initiatives suggest that the City, in responding to the demands of globalization, and in conjunction with international financial agencies and national government support has implemented a Bus Rapid Transit system and a set of megaprojects which marginalize bike commuters, particularly those who bike out of economic necessity. Although bike commuters recognize economic and health and time-saving benefits of biking to themselves as individuals they also experience daily travel in Cali as a classed, problematic, stigmatized, and transitory activity. From an environmental justice perspective, the resulting impact on residents, particularly, those of lower socioeconomic stratum, unmasks the uneven distribution of environmental benefits and harms. The marginalization of biking as a means of transportation in urban areas in Latin America may be understood as a social injustice similar to the deprivation of parks, schools, health services, or housing endured by residents of lower socioeconomic status.
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BOHÓRQUEZ, Jesús. « Globalizar el sur : la emergencia de ciudades globales y la economía política de los imperios portugués y español : Rio de Janeiro y La Habana durante la era de las revoluciones ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45564.
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Defence date: 13 January 2016Examining Board: Professor Jorge Flores, European University Institute; Professor Regina Grafe, European University Institute; Professor Leonor Freire Costa, ISEG; Professor Joseph Fradera, Universitat Pompeu Fabra
The dissertation focuses on the political economy of the Portuguese and Spanish empires during the Age of Revolutions, tracing the rise of Rio de Janeiro and Havana as global cities. It examines the political economy of the emergence of two global ports in the LusoHispanic Atlantic and appraises institutional dynamics instead of merely exploring the nature of institutions. This work contributes to the field of global history by offering an Atlantic history in global perspective. It proposes a Hemispherical Atlantic and simultaneously discloses its connections with the Indian Ocean. As a substitute of a local/global dichotomy, the dissertation resorts to the use of three different dimensions (markets, institutions and agents), which do not necessarily follow a path from global to local. The first part analyses the cities’ integration into imperial and global markets as well as their participation into much larger global commodity chains. It considers not only markets’ trends but also the emergence of translocal markets. The financing of Slave trade in the South Atlantic and flour trades in the North Atlantic are thoroughly researched. The second section emphasises on institutions and their impact on agent’s behaviour. It mainly refers to formal institutions as well as their dynamics. It fundamentally focuses on institutions governing exchange: customs houses, taxes and corporations, and carefully integrates emulation in the design, creation and evolution of formal institutions. Finally, the third section explores networks, agency relations and privateorder institutions. Besides trust and reputation, merchants’ status was crucial in the configuration and evolution of networks. Credit, multidirectional capital flows, and the consignment system are studied through the meticulous examination of merchants businesses in Africa, New England and the Peninsula, offering new insights on Asian textiles in the Caribbean markets and the slave traffic in Brazil. This thesis investigates the complexities of governance that took place in the Iberian empires, and revises images of absolutist power, centralization or negotiation. It argues that the empire’s organization was highly hierarchical (which differs from centralization) and claims that such a rigid hierarchical organization prevented to some extend institutional change and innovation. In so doing, it underlines the need for an intermediate approach between “black legend” absolutist versions and revisionist “pink histories” of the Iberian empires.
Livres sur le sujet "Latin America – Economic conditions – 18th century"
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Calvert, Peter. Latin America inthe twentieth century. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1990.
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Calvert, Peter. Latin America in the twentieth century. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Macmillan Press, 1990.
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1953-, Calvert Susan, dir. Latin America in the twentieth century. Basingstoke : Macmillan, 1990.
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Calvert, Peter. Latin America in the twentieth century. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1990.
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Calvert, Peter. Latin America in the twentieth century. 2e éd. London : Macmillan, 1993.
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Enrique, Cárdenas, Ocampo José Antonio et Thorp Rosemary, dir. An economic history of twentieth-century Latin America. Houndsmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave, 2000.
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Andrés, Solimano, dir. Vanishing growth in Latin America : The late twentieth century experience. Cheltenham, UK : Edward Elgar, 2006.
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The poverty of progress : Latin America in the nineteenth century. Berkeley, Calif : University of California Press, 1986.
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L, Johnson Lyman, et Tandeter Enrique, dir. Essays on the price history of eighteenth-century Latin America. Albuquerque : University of New Mexico Press, 1990.
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Iglesias, Enrique V. Latin America : Economic and social transition to the twenty-first century. Washington, D.C : Per Jacobsson Foundation, 1993.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Latin America – Economic conditions – 18th century"
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Calvert, Julia. « Ecuador ». Dans The Politics of Investment Treaties in Latin America, 123–59. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198870890.003.0005.
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Abstract Ecuador has faced twenty-five legal claims under international investment agreements (IIAs). Yet, policymakers did not strengthen their compliance. Instead, Ecuador withdrew from the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes and terminated investment treaties. This chapter asks: why would a country infringe repeatedly on its IIA commitments despite rising costs? And what drove Ecuador to terminate IIAs despite its dependence on foreign investment? The chapter traces infringement and reform preferences to the programmatic beliefs of the Correa administration. Policymakers espoused a commitment to buen vivir and twenty-first-century socialism. While they embraced the private sector, they placed social objectives above the profit motive of corporate actors. In the oil sector, policymakers prioritized wealth redistribution over the potential costs of infringement and restructured the terms upon which investors operated in the market. Their ability to advance similar policies in mining was eroded by weak bargaining power and capital flight. These conditions did not prevent treaty terminations. Policymakers believed that, as it stood, there was no room to advance social and economic transformations under investment treaties. Social opposition to privatization and Correa’s political popularity provided conducive conditions for treaty exit. Still, institutional and diplomatic hurdles slowed the pace of reform.
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Blanco, María del Pilar, et Joanna Page. « Introduction to Section V ». Dans Geopolitics, Culture, and the Scientific Imaginary in Latin America, 271–74. University Press of Florida, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683401483.003.0021.
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In Latin America, the construction of science as an analogue of modernity was cemented in the late nineteenth century with the appropriation of positivism by ruling liberal elites to promote their modernizing agendas. Positivism—itself a reaction against the conservative, colonial, and Catholic consensus that had previously dominated intellectual life in Latin America—provided the justification for Comtean doctrines of “order and progress” that advocated economic liberalism while shoring up social hierarchies. The belief that human society could be perfected through the application of scientific methods underpinned a series of modernizing projects around the turn of the century, particularly in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico. Science and modernity patently created the conditions for their mutual advancement; even the speed with which scientific theories were radiating across the globe seemed in itself to create a new vision of the interconnectedness of the modern world....
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Mazzuca, Sebastián. « Independence and State Failure, 1808–45 ». Dans Latecomer State Formation, 48–78. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300248951.003.0003.
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This chapter analyzes the state-formation in Latin America that occurred under extremely auspicious international economic and geopolitical conditions. It describes the century that spans from Napoleon's defeat at Waterloo to the outbreak of World War I as the most peaceful period in world history, hosting the first global expansion of modern capitalism. It also talks about Great Britain's centrality throughout the century, as both the undisputed international hegemon and the pioneer industrial economy, which gave the period its proper name, the Pax Britannica. The chapter details how the Latin American and British elites shared the project of creating a new relationship between their economies in the preludes to the independence movements of the 1810s. It mentions Latin American leaders, who expected that the partnership with Great Britain would put an end to decades of economic stagnation caused by the mercantilist policies.
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Mazzuca, Sebastián. « Conclusion ». Dans Latecomer State Formation, 387–406. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300248951.003.0012.
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This chapter summarizes the main theoretical and empirical findings and identifies the key contributions to state theory and to the study of long-term political trajectories in Latin America. It presents a new agenda of research in the political economy of development and sketches a theory of the potential impact of political geography on the growth capacity of countries. It also considers the nineteenth-century state-formation as a hidden master key to understanding some of the most pressing issues in contemporary Latin America, including low-quality democracies and economic backwardness. The chapter delivers a central message that some paths of state-formation do not lead to state building, and a subset of them create durable obstacles to it. It draws a sharp distinction between outcomes in the modal cases of western Europe and Latin America, which opened the black box of the scope conditions implicit in the canon of state-formation approaches.
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Rostow, W. W. « Conclusions ». Dans The Great Population Spike and After. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195116915.003.0013.
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I have tried in this book to summarize where the world economy has come from in the past three centuries and to set out the core of the agenda that lies before us as we face the century ahead. This century, for the first time since the mid-18th century, will come to be dominated by stagnant or falling populations. The conclusions at which I have arrived can usefully be divided in two parts: one relates to what can be called the political economy of the 21st century; the other relates to the links between the problem of the United States playing steadily the role of critical margin on the world scene and moving at home toward a solution to the multiple facets of the urban problem. As for the political economy of the 21st century, the following points relate both to U.S. domestic policy and U.S. policy within the OECD, APEC, OAS, and other relevant international organizations. There is a good chance that the economic rise of China and Asia as well as Latin America, plus the convergence of economic stagnation and population increase in Africa, will raise for a time the relative prices of food and industrial materials, as well as lead to an increase in expen ditures in support of the environment. This should occur in the early part of the next century, If corrective action is taken in the private markets and the political process, these strains on the supply side should diminish with the passage of time, the advance of science and innovation, and the progressively reduced rate of population increase. The government, the universities, the private sector, and the professions might soon place on their common agenda the delicate balance of maintaining full employment with stagnant or falling populations. The existing literature, which largely stems from the 1930s, is quite illuminating but inadequate. And the experience with stagnant or falling population in the the world economy during post-Industrial Revolution times is extremely limited. This is a subject best approached in the United States on a bipartisan basis, abroad as an international problem. It is much too serious to be dealt with, as it is at present, as a domestic political football.
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Rostow, W. W. « Relative Prices ». Dans The Great Population Spike and After. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195116915.003.0008.
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In viewing the time ahead, especially the next quarter century, I have been inclined to conclude that the industrial progress of India, China, Southeast Asia, and the major countries of Latin America are likely to produce a phase of rising prices in foodstuffs and raw materials and increased outlays to deal with the forces of environmental degradation. It is my hypothesis that for a time, in the early part of the 21st century, these developments will outstrip the deceleration of population. The more or less regular occurrence of such phases of demand pressure has marked the story of the world economy since the end of the 18th century. At least since about 1789, there have been successive periods when foodstuffs and raw materials were expensive and then cheap, relative to manufactured goods. From 1789 to 1920, these periods lasted about 25 years. After 1920, the cycles were much less regular and were significantly affected by wars, by the successive rise in the importance of oil, by outlays to preserve the environment, and finally by the involvement more directly of politics in the setting of basic prices. But economic historians are likely to agree that the period 1789-1914 was marked by two-and-a-half long relative-price cycles in raw material versus manufactured goods (see Figure 4.1). Although he had several predecessors, N. D. Kondratieff, a Russian economist who was immortalized by Joseph Schumpeter as the discoverer of the Kondratieff cycle or long wave, identified, dated, and discussed analytically this long cycle in the interwar years. He died in one of Joseph Stalin's labor camps in Siberia. The approximate dates and length of these long cycles through 1920 are shown in Table 4.1. The successive phases of falling and rising relative prices continued to follow one another despite two world wars, a pathological interwar period, and an unexpected postwar recovery, illustrated in Table 4.2. The peak of the early 1980s came in the second quarter of 1982 (or, on an annual basis, in 1981).
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Cropf, Robert A. « The Virtual Public Sphere ». Dans Encyclopedia of Multimedia Technology and Networking, Second Edition, 1525–30. IGI Global, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-014-1.ch206.
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The public sphere does not exist and operate in the same way everywhere. Every country is different with regard to its own economic, social, political, and cultural characteristics and relations; therefore, each country’s public sphere has its own roots which grow and develop within a unique set of conditions and circumstances. As a result, the impact of information technology (IT) on a public sphere will also vary considerably from one country to another. According to the German social theorist, Jürgen Habermas (1989,1996), the public sphere serves as a social “space,” which is separate from the private sphere of family relations, the commercial sphere of business and commerce, and the governmental sphere, which is dominated by the activities of the state. Its importance is that it contributes to the strengthening of democracy by, in effect, serving as a forum for reasoned discussion about politics and civic affairs. Furthermore, Habermas regards the public sphere as embodying such core liberal beliefs as individual rights, that is, the freedoms of speech, press, assembly and communication, and “privacy rights” (Cohen & Arato 1992, p. 211), which he thought were needed to ensure society’s autonomy from the state. Thus, for the purposes of this article, public sphere is defined as a “territory” of social relations that exist outside of the roles, duties, and constraints established by government, the marketplace, and kinship ties. Habermas’ conception of the public sphere is both a historical description and an ideal type. Historically, what Habermas refers to as the bourgeois public sphere emerged from the 18th century Enlightenment in Europe, for example, England and France, as well as early America, and which went into decline in the 19th century as a result of the increasing domination of the mass media, which transformed a reading public that debated matters of culture into disengaged consumers (Keane, 1998, p. 160). Along the way, active deliberation and participation were replaced by passive consumption of mass culture. As an ideal type, however, the public sphere represents an arena, absent of class and other social distinctions, in which private citizens can engage in critical deliberation and reasoned dialogue about important matters regarding politics and culture. The emergence of IT, particularly in the form of computer networks, as a progressive social force coincides with the apex of mass media’s domination of the public sphere in liberal democracies. Since the creation of the World Wide Web (WWW) in the early 1990s, various observers have touted IT’s potential to strengthen democratic institutions (e.g., Barber 2003; Becker & Slaton, 2000; Benkler, 2006; Cleveland, 1985; Cropf & Casaregola, 1998; Davis, Elin, & Reeher, 2002). The WWW, it is thought, provides citizens with numerous opportunities to engage in the political process as well as to take a more active role in the governance process. Benkler (2006), for example, asserts the WWW encourages a more open, participatory, and activist approach because it enables users to communicate directly with potentially many other users in a way that is outside the control of the media owners and is less corruptible by money than are the mass media (p. 11). Fulfilling the promise of the virtual public sphere, however, depends on political will; governments must commit the resources needed to facilitate public access to the technology and remove legal and economic barriers to the free flow of information inside and outside national boundaries.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Latin America – Economic conditions – 18th century"
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Petrie, Christopher, Clara García-Millán et María Mercedes Mateo-Berganza Díaz. Spotlight : 21st Century Skills in Latin America and the Caribbean. Inter-American Development Bank, juin 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003343.
Texte intégralRésumé :
There is a wealth of conversation around the world today on the future of the workplace and the skills required for children to thrive in that future. Without certain core abilities, even extreme knowledge or job-specific skills will not be worth much in the long run. To address these issues, the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and HundrED conducted this Spotlight project with the goal of identifying and researching leading innovations that focus on 21st Century Skills in Latin America and the Caribbean. The Spotlight program was supported by J.P. Morgan. The purpose of this project is to shine a spotlight, and make globally visible, leading education innovations from Latin America and the Caribbean doing exceptional work on developing 21st Century Skills for all students, teachers, and leaders in schools today. The main aims of this Spotlight are to: Discover the leading innovations cultivating 21st century skills in students globally; understand how schools or organizations can implement these innovations; gain insight into any required social or economic conditions for these innovations to be effectively introduced into a learning context; celebrate and broadcast these innovations to help them spread to new countries. All the findings of the Spotlight in 21st Century Skills are included in this report.