Articles de revues sur le sujet « Laterza, Giovanni »

AbstractA new philosophy of science and medicine had spread throughout the 17th-century Italy: the “Scientific Revolution.” Giovanni Alfonso Borelli (1608–1679) was one of the most charismatic and brilliant scientists of his generation in Europe. He extended to biology the rigorous analytic methods developed by his indirect mentor Galileo in the field of mechanics. In his masterpiece “De Motu Animalium,” Borelli analyzed structure, motion, balance, and forces concerning almost all the principal joints of the human body, in static and dynamic situations. In particular, he accurately studied the anatomy and biomechanics of the knee joint. He sustained that femoral condyles shift backward during flexion, allowing a wider range of movement. Furthermore, he observed that, when the knee flexes, the lateral condyle moves backward more than the medial condyle: this concept is nowadays known as medial pivoting. The aim of this article is to describe the life and work of this important Italian scientist and to present his unrecognized contribution to modern knee biomechanics.

Remnants of the late Gothic wall paintings in the southern lateral apse of St Chrysogonus’ church in Zadar are badly damaged, which makes it very difficult to link them to renowned artists or opuses. However, since they can be approximately dated to the second quarter of the 15th century, the number of possible candidates is significantly reduced to only a few painters who are known to have been active in Zadar at the time. In that context, certain visual correspondences to the works of Giovanni di Pietro from Milan (the “Ugljan Polyptych” at St Francis’ monastery in Zadar, frescoes in the chapel of St Doimo in the cathedral of Split, a polyptych at the State Hermitage Museum in Sankt Petersburg), as well as the use of some typical elements, indicate this painter as the possible author of these fragments.

Francesco Borromini's renovation of the basilica of San Giovanni in Laterano in Rome is one of his grandest conceptions. It remains frustratingly incomplete, however, because Borromini was not able to vault the nave as he had hoped. The nature of his design for a vault has been much discussed. The only surviving visual evidence consists of a drawing in a private collection, not heretofore studied in depth. It shows a section through the basilica with two superimposed roofing structures, a flat ceiling and a coffered barrel vault. Comparison to other Borromini drawings for the renovation of the basilica establishes that the drawing is from Borromini's own hand and shows an intermediate stage of his design, probably dating from April 1647. In conjunction with recently published documents from the Spada archive, the drawing demonstrates that as of mid-1647 the vaulting of the basilica was seen as a two-phase process: the existing flat ceiling was to be retained for the present, but the basilica was prepared to support a vault in the future. It also shows that at the Lateran Borromini was consciously emulating not only Michelangelo's Saint Peter's but also Alberti's Sant'Andrea. The prominent use of a classical form on a monumental scale, especially striking in view of Borromini's reputation as an anticlassicist, is attributable to the unique nature of the commission, Borromini's only basilica. The design shows Borromini's boldness in seeking to accommodate the classical form to his own personal concerns for skeletal structure and new effects of motion and light.

‘I will carry with me the best architect in Europe.’ With these bold words Robert, first Viscount Molesworth, announced to his wife his arrival in Ireland in the company of the young Italian architect and engineer Alessandro Galilei in May 1717. Lord Molesworth could not know that, twenty years later, Galilei would be indeed one of the best-known architects in Europe, after having built in Rome, to the order of Pope Clement XII Corsini (1730–40), the facade of San Giovanni in Laterano (St John Lateran), the Cappella Corsini in the same church and the facade of San Giovanni dei Fiorentini.Galilei was born on 25 August 1691, in Florence, the eldest son of the notary Giuseppe Maria Galilei and his wife Margherita Merlini. The Galilei family could trace their lineage to the Buonaiuti, who in the fourteenth century twice held the post of ‘Gonfaloniere della Giustizia’, then the most important position in the city government. They took the surname Galilei from the last Gonfaloniere in their family, the master of philosophy and medicine, Galileo (early fifteenth century). Even into the sixteenth century, members of the family belonged to the town council. The most famous bearer of the name was without doubt Galileo Galilei (1564–1641), from whom Alessandro was not directly descended but to whom he was remotely related. Although Alessandro’s father, Giuseppe, who in 1707 and 1711 was Proconsul of Notaries, counted himself as one of the nobili, the standing of the old patrician families had been considerably reduced under the Medici Grand Dukes because they did not actually hold a landed title. Financial decline seems also to have damaged the prestige of Alessandro’s branch of the family.

Der dritte Corpusband wurde nicht wie die ersten beiden Bände (1. A-F und 2. S. Giovanni in Lateran) vom Herausgeber Classen im Alleingang, sondern in Zusammenarbeit mit Daniela Mondini und Darko Senekovic erstellt. Das vom Schweizer Nationalfond finanzierte großangelegte Projekt der mittelalterlichen Kirchen Roms geht weit über die bisher erschienenen Handbücher wie z.B. von Mariano Armellini/Carlo Cecchelli oder Walther Buchowiecki hinaus. Das Schwergewicht liegt hier auf der Architektur, Konstruktion, Innenausstattung und Baugeschichte des Kirchenraumes. Auf die Malerei wird nur in einzelnen Fällen z. B. zur Datierung oder Erklärung der Legende des Doppelgrabes des hl. Laurentius und hl. Stephanus in S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura eingegangen, weil ein parallel laufendes Projekt, das sich mit der römischen Malerei im Hochmittelalter befasst, eine wertvolle Ergänzung zu dieser Studie bietet. Das vorliegende Corpus ist im Gegensatz zu den bisherigen Standardwerken mit Schwarz-Weiß-Fotos illustriert und ist nicht nur eine präzise Beschreibung der Bauwerke, sondern berücksichtigt auch überlieferte Quellen, sowohl Texte aus Handschriften und Urkunden als auch Zeichnungen, Stiche, Grund- und Aufrisse aus den bekanntesten graphischen Sammlungen wie etwa der Albertina, des Kupferstichkabinetts in Berlin oder von Windsor Castle und enthält außerdem eigens angefertigte Rekonstruktionsskizzen.

Il saggio si sofferma sulla rete di amicizie intellettuali di George L. Mosse in Italia. Per quale motivo Mosse era cosě affezionato all'Italia, perché il nostro paese contava cosě tanto per lui e perché l'Italia č forse il paese che ha attribuito piů riconoscimenti al lavoro dello storico tedesco? Queste pagine rispondono a tali interrogativi prendendo in considerazione l'ammirazione che Mosse nutriva per Benedetto Croce, la sua fascinazione per la cultura barocca italiana, la sua prima vera amicizia intellettuale con Giorgio Spini nei primi anni Sessanta del secolo scorso, lo stretto legame con l'editore Vito Laterza e naturalmente la sua grande amicizia con lo storico del fascismo Renzo De Felice. In particolare, quella che č stata felicemente definita una «mutual admiration society», questo legame cosě importante per comprendere il destino dell'opera di Mosse in Italia, viene ricostruito attraverso il filtro dell'influenza esercitata dal grande storico Delio Cantimori sull'allievo De Felice, nonché attraverso il ricco epistolario di Michael Ledeen, giovane allievo americano di Mosse, giunto in Italia negli anni Settanta per studiare con De Felice. Alcune lettere inedite scambiate tra Mosse e De Felice sono pubblicate qui in appendice per la prima volta, insieme ad altri documenti inediti.

Resumo: A pesquisa propõe seguir a via simbólica do pensamento de Nicolau de Cusa (1401-1464) e pensá-la como um caminho para o ensino-aprendizagem da filosofia. Para tanto, toma como impulso a sugestão que o Cardeal de Cusa deixa na sua obra De coniecturis (Parte I, n. 4): “É oportuno atrair, em certo sentido guiando-os pela mão, os mais jovens, privados da luz da experiência, à manifestação do que se oculta, de tal maneira que possam elevar-se gradualmente ao que é mais ignorado”. A “condução” cusana será pela via dos símbolos e a pesquisa se concentrará, principalmente, sobre duas obras em que a “condução pela mão” aparece: o Livro I do De docta ignorantia e partes do De visione dei. Tanto na primeira quanto na segunda obra o “procedimento” para se conhecer o “mais ignorado” é basicamente o mesmo, embora os símbolos utilizados na “condução” sejam diferentes: a matemática na primeira obra e na segunda um quadro pintado ou o ícone de Deus. Inicialmente, a pesquisa entende que cabe ao professor-filósofo “atrair” e “guiar pela mão” os mais jovens para a filosofia. Depois, apresenta a perspectiva de Nicolau de Cusa sobre o “conduzir pela mão” confrontando-o com as críticas de Jacques Rancière, em O mestre ignorante, a “condução” socrática. Em seguida, busca explicitar o conceito de “douta ignorância” em Nicolau de Cusa para depois explicitar a “condução pela mão” em A douta ignorância e em A visão de Deus. Por fim, embora considere que talvez Nicolau não seja “o mestre ignorante” de Rancière, considera também que a partir da filosofia cusana, pode-se pensar um caminho para o ensino da filosofia que não seja mera transmissão, mas um exercício de aprendizagem por parte do aluno. Palavras-chave: Manuductio. Transsumptio. Símbolo. Ensino-Aprendizagem. Filosofia. Abstract: The enquiry proposes to follow the symbolic path of the thought of Nicholas of Cusa (1401-1464) and to think of it as a way for the teaching and learning of philosophy. For this purpose it takes impulse in the suggestion made by the Cardinal of Cusa in his work De coniecturis (Part I, n. 4): “It is useful to attract, in a sense leading them by hand, the younger, deprived from the light of experience, to the manifestation of what is hidden, in such a way that they can gradually rise toward what is most ignored”. The Cusanus' “lead” shall be through the path of the symbols, and the research will focus, mainly, on two works in which the “leading by hand” theme appears: Book I of De docta ignorantia and some parts of De visione dei. Both in the former and the latter the “procedure” to cognize the “most ignored” is basically tge same, although the symbols deployed in the “leading” are different: mathematics in the former and, in the latter, a painted picture or God's icon. Initially, the enquiry assumes the understanding that it is up to the teacher-philosopher to “attract” and “guide by the hand” the younger to philosophy. Later on, it presents Nicholas of Cusa's perspective on the “leading by hand” in confrontation with the criticisms issued by Jacques Rancière, in The Ignorant Schoolmaster, to the Socratic “lead”. Then, the concept of “learned ignorance” in Nicholas of Cusa is to be made explicit in order to make thenceforth explicit the doctrine of “leading by hand” in On Learned Ignorance and The Vision of God. Finally, although considering that perhaps Nicholas is not Rancière's “learned schoolmaster”, it is also comsidered that, departing from the philosophy of the Cusanus, a way of teaching philosophy can be thought that is not sheer transmission, but rather an exercise of learning by the student. Keywords: Manuductio. Transsumptio. Symbol. Teaching and Learning. Philosophy. REFERÊNCIAS ANDRÉ, João Maria. 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Exercícios espirituais e filosofia antiga. Trad. Flavio Fontenelle Loque e Loraine Oliveira. São Paulo: É realizações, 2014. HEIDEGGER, Martin. O que é isto – A filosofia? In: HEIDEGGER, Martin. Que é isto – A filosofia: Identidade e diferença. Petrópolis, RJ: Vozes; São Paulo: Livraria Duas Cidades, 2006, p. 13-34. KOHAN, Walter Omar. Três lições sobre filosofia da educação. Educ. Soc., Campinas, vol. 24, n. 82, p. 221-228, abril 2003 Disponível em http://www.cedes.unicamp.br. KOHAN, Walter Omar. Sócrates & a Educação. O enigma da filosofia. Tradução Ingrid Müller Xavier. Belo Horizonte: Autêntica Editora, 2011. KOHAN, Walter Omar. Como ensinar que é preciso aprender? Filosofia: uma oficina de pensamento. In: CARVALHO, Marcelo; CORNELLI, Gabriele. Ensinar Filosofia (Volume 2). Cuiabá, MT: Central do Texto, 2013, p. 75-83. NICOLAI DE CUSA. De coniecturis. Texto latino disponível em: http://www.cusanus-portal.de/. Acesso em 04 de agosto de 2019. NICOLAU DE CUSA. A douta ignorância. Tradução, introdução e notas de João Maria André. Lisboa/Portugal: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 2010. NICOLAU DE CUSA. A visão de Deus. Tradução e introdução de João Maria André; prefácio de Miguel Baptista Pereira. 3ª Edição Revista. Lisboa/Portugal: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 2010. NICOLAU DE CUSA. O não-outro – De non aliud. Edição bilíngue latim-português. Introdução, tradução e notas por João Maria André. Porto, Portugal: Edições Afrontamento, 2012. NICOLAUS CUSANUS. Lettera a Nicolò Albergati. In: MORRA, Gianfranco (A cura di). Nicolò Cusano. La vita e la morte. Forli, It: Ethica 5, 1966, p. 55-98. NOGUEIRA, Maria Simone Marinho. Conhecer e amar na Carta a Albergati de Nicolau de Cusa. Revista Territórios & Fronteiras, Cuiabá, v. 5, n. 1, jul-dez., 2011. RAMOS, Daniel Rodrigue. A aprendizagem da filosofia e a impossibilidade de ensinar filosofia. Revista portuguesa de educação, 31 (2), pp. 37-53. RANCIÈRE, Jacque. 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BackgroundRadiofrequency echographic multi-spectrometry (REMS) is a novel ultrasound-based technique that has shown good reliability in the assessment of bone mineral density (BMD).ObjectivesThe aim of this study was to compare the performance of the REMS BMD assessment with dual-energy X-rays absorptiometry (DXA) in a cohort of patients affected by end-stage renal disease undergoing peritoneal dialysis (PD).MethodsConsecutive patients referring to the PD clinic of our hospital were enrolled. Lumbar spine and proximal femur REMS scans were performed, and lumbar spine (anteroposterior and laterolateral) and proximal femur DXA scans were performed as well. Clinical data were extracted from medical records. The risk assessment outputs of two fracture risk algorithms (FRAX and DeFRA), calculated upon the worst BMD obtained from either technique were compared as well. Analysis of variance (ANOVA) with post hoc analysis (Bonferroni) and a two-sided Student’s t-test were used to estimate the absolute differences between groups.Written informed consent was obtained from all participants included (protocol 1483 CESC).Results41 total patients were enrolled (Table 1). No significant differences were documented between the BMD T-scores measured through DXA or REMS at the proximal femur. At the lumbar spine, the DXA laterolateral T-score was not significantly different from that of REMS, while the DXA anteroposterior T-score was significantly higher than both the anteroposterior DXA and the REMS measurements (Figure 1, panel A and B). When either DXA or REMS was adopted, no significant difference in the fracture risk estimate was found for both algorithms (Figure 1, panel C and D).Table 1.anthropometrics, clinical and biochemical characteristics of the enrolled sample. CKD, chronic kidney disease; PTH, parathyroid hormone; ALP, alkaline phosphatase; IQR, interquartile range; VFA, vertebral fracture assessment.Sample size (M)41 (29)Age (y)Median [IQR]62 [52-73]Height (cm)Median [IQR]170 [165-176]Body weight (Kg)Median [IQR]74 [61-83]Body mass index (Kg/m2)Median [IQR]25 [22-27.8]Disease duration – CKD (months)Median [IQR]132 [48-140]Dialysis duration (months)Median [IQR]10 [3-24]S-calcium (mg/dL)Median [IQR]9.1 [8.6-9.4]S-phosphorous (mg/dL)Median [IQR]5.4 [4.6-6.4]PTH (pg/mL)Median [IQR]31.4 [22.8-46.8]25OH Vitamin D (nmol/L)Median [IQR]53 [36-72]Patients with morphometric fractures (VFA)15%Patients with femoral fractures2.4%Total n° of morphometric fractures12Figure 1.comparison of the mean T-scores (error bars represent 95%CI) measured with DXA and REMS at the lumbar spine (panel A), and at the femur (panel B). Comparison between the DeFRA DXA and REMS-derived outputs (panel C) and FRAX DXA and REMS-derived outputs (panel D) raw and after correction for TBS. DeFRA, FRAX-derived risk assessment tool; FRAX, Fracture Risk Assessment tool; AP, anteroposterior; LL, latero-lateral; TH, total hip; FN, femoral neck; TBS, trabecular bone score.ConclusionOur data showed a good agreement, in a real-life PD setting, between the DXA and REMS-derived BMDs and in the consequent fracture risk assessment obtained with the FRAX or DeFRA tools.Disclosure of InterestsAngelo Fassio: None declared, Stefano Andreola: None declared, Davide Gatti Paid instructor for: Amgen, Celgene Eli-Lilly, MSD-Italia, Organon, UCB., Consultant of: Amgen, Celgene Eli-Lilly, MSD-Italia, Organon, UCB., Matteo Gatti: None declared, Giovanni Gambaro Speakers bureau: Vifor Pharma, Maurizio Rossini Speakers bureau: Abiogen, Amgen, Abbvie, BMS, Celgene, Eli-Lilly, Galapagos, Grunenthal, MSD, Novartis, Pfizer, Sanofi, Sandoz, Theramex, UCB., Ombretta Viapiana: None declared, Giulia Zanetti: None declared, Francesca Pistillo: None declared, Valeri Messina: None declared, Giovanni Adami: None declared

In order to deepen our contemporary knowledge about the Romanesque cathedral of Dubrovnik, it is of utmost importance to turn to the archaeological remains and the documented material evidence in order to establish its ground plan. On the basis of the ground plan and in combination with the way the Cathedral was depicted in the art works produced during the period from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century, while also taking into account the contemporary written sources, we can propose a reconstruction of the Romanesque Cathedral together with a number of architectural features which have not been preserved. The Cathedral was an aisled basilica with a semi-circular apse which protruded at its east end. The nave was separated from the two aisles by means of arcades consisting of six piers resting on rectangular bases. The piers carried the vaults and these, in turn, supported the galleries above the aisles and the roof of the basilica. Such an arrangement was recorded by Diversis and Casola in the fifteenth century. In all likelihood, the two buttresses on the façade and eight more on each lateral wall were added later. At the top, the buttresses were connected by semi-circular arches and an exterior gallery existed above them. This gallery was connected to the one at the back of the church, creating thus an ambulatory which enabled the circumambulation of the basilica. This feature was mentioned by Casola and can be seen, to a certain degree, on the triptych painted by Nikola Božidarević. Most depictions show the Cathedral as having a dome on a round drum. However, the dome on the triptych painted by Pietro di Giovanni features a polygonal drum. The fact that the bases of the two piers situated under the dome are narrower compared to others, as can be seen on the ground plan recorded by Stošić, may have had something to do with that. The depictions of the dome regularly show exterior ribs which is a feature that requires further critical deliberation. At the same time, the dome does appear frequently in the architecture of Italian Romanesque churches. This can be seen in the architectural heritage of Apulia, Tuscany and Lombardy alike. When it comes to Dalmatia, however, only the cathedrals in its southern part, that is, at Dubrovnik and Kotor, were provided with a dome which is a phenomenon that points to the longevity of Byzantine tradition in these towns. The proposal put forward by Stošić, that the building of the Romanesque cathedral started during the last three decades of the twelfth century, when the Archbishop of Dubrovnik was Andrew of Lucca in Tuscany, seems convincing. Stošić also drew attention to the fact that the buttresses were added onto the exterior face of each lateral wall in order to carry the weight of the gallery in the upper part of the basilica. This may indicate that the initial concept was altered and it could be linked to an archival record of 1199 which mentions that a certain Eustace was required to carry out building works on the Cathedral. This Eustace was the son of Bernardo, a foreman (protomagister) in Trani in Apulia. This means that the twelfth century was not the time when the building works began, as Peković suggested, but the time when the building continued after the introduction of a new design with exterior galleries. Such galleries are found in Italian churches (in Apulia, Tuscany and Lombardy alike) as well as in some Dalmatian ones, for example on the lateral wall of Zadar Cathedral and on the wall of the semi-circular apse of the basilica of St Chrysogonus in the same town. On the other hand, fact remains that the exterior galleries in Apulian churches were supported by a series of robust buttresses which carried high vaults (Bari, Bitonto, Trani). These buttresses are much more solid in comparison to the narrow ones which were added onto the walls of Dubrovnik Cathedral. Perhaps this can be understood as a consequence of the change of design for the new cathedral which saw the replacing of what one might call a Tuscan project of the second half of the twelfth century with the Apulian one from the turn of the thirteenth. The building works continued long after this, well into the mid-fourteenth century, and in the process the cathedral acquired a number of Gothic elements. Its overall architectural composition was also imbued with the Gothic spatial articulation such as the testudines opere gothico. This makes it clear that during the thirteenth and fourteenth century, Dubrovnik experienced intense connections with Apulia.

Background:Myocarditis is an infrequent but potentially life-threatening inflammatory disorder and might be part of the spectrum of systemic lupus erythematosus (SLE). Little is known about the clinical and histologic features of myocarditis in SLE, especially compared to other forms of myocarditis.Objectives:to test for potential distinctive traits among myocarditis in SLE (MyoSLE), SLE without myocarditis (OnlySLE) and myocarditis without SLE (OnlyMyo)Methods:Patients with MyoSLE were identified from three centres and compared with 231 cross-sectionally enrolled patients with OnlySLE and 87 patients with OnlyMyo. MyoSLE patients were split into two groups based on myocarditis onset within (early onset) vs after (late onset) the first year from SLE diagnosis. OnlySLE patients were dichotomised in the same way based on disease duration at time of enrolment. Demographics and general clinical features were collected retrospectively. SLE disease activity index 2000 (SLEDAI-2K), SLE International Collaborating Clinics/American College of Rheumatology damage index (SDI), clinical and laboratory features were collected at time of myocarditis onset in MyoSLE and at enrolment in OnlySLE. Quantitative data are expressed as median [interquartile range].Results:Fourteen MyoSLE patients were identified, 50% with early onset. Women were equally frequent among MyoSLE (71%) and OnlySLE patients (87%) and less frequent in the OnlyMyo group (43%; p<0.001). Age was comparable among groups. Clinical features at presentation, including left ventricular ejection fraction, were similar between MyoSLE and OnlyMyo, although the former had higher levels of pro-brain natriuretic peptide (1.1 [0.4-1.8] vs 0.1 [0.1-0.5] ng/ml; p=0.004). Patients with MyoSLE also had a lower frequency of left ventricle lateral wall involvement (36 vs 68%; p=0.035) and of oedema (20 vs 71%; p=0.036) and necrosis (0 vs 64%; p=0.009) at biopsy. Antiphospholipid antibodies (aPL) were more frequent in MyoSLE (57%) compared to both OnlyMyo (16%; p=0.003) and OnlySLE (28%; p=0.031). Compared to OnlySLE, patients with MyoSLE also had a higher prevalence of aPL-syndrome (APS: 36 vs 7%; p=0.003), neuropsychiatric (NPSLE: 43 vs 19%; p=0.039) and gastrointestinal manifestations (21 vs 5%; p=0.045). Early and late onset patients had similar demographics and clinical features and did not differ from patients with OnlySLE with similar disease duration in terms of SLEDAI-2K and SDI. Late onset MyoSLE patients had a higher prevalence of NPSLE (57 vs 18%; p=0.026) and APS (57 vs 7%; p=0.001) and higher C-reactive protein levels (6 [2-12] vs 1[0-4] mg/l; p=0.024) compared to OnlySLE patients with the same disease duration.Conclusion:Demographics of patients with MyoSLE are more similar to patients with OnlySLE than to OnlyMyo patients. MyoSLE might have distinct histological and pathogenic features compared to OnlyMyo. Patients with MyoSLE show similar patterns of disease activity and accrued damage at time of myocarditis onset compared to patients with OnlySLE with the same disease duration but might diverge later on in SLE course. aPL are frequent in MyoSLE and might both contribute to the pathogenesis of myocardial inflammation and account for the high prevalence of NPSLE and APS, especially in late onset cases.References:[1]Gartshteyn Y et al., Lupus, 2020[2]Thomas G et al., J Rheumatol, 2017[3]Peretto G et al., Int J Cardiol, 2019[4]McDonnell T et al., Blood Rev, 2019Disclosure of Interests:Giuseppe Alvise Ramirez: None declared, Maria Gerosa: None declared, Giacomo De Luca Speakers bureau: SOBI, Novartis, Celgene, Pfizer, MSD, Lorenzo Beretta Grant/research support from: Pfizer, Simone Sala: None declared, Giovanni Peretto: None declared, Luca Moroni: None declared, Francesca Mastropaolo: None declared, adriana cariddi: None declared, Silvia Sartorelli: None declared, Corrado Campochiaro Speakers bureau: Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, GSK, SOBI, Enrica Bozzolo: None declared, Roberto Caporali Consultant of: AbbVie; Gilead Sciences, Inc.; Lilly; Merck Sharp & Dohme; Celgene; Bristol-Myers Squibb; Pfizer; UCB, Speakers bureau: Abbvie; Bristol-Myers Squibb; Celgene; Lilly; Gilead Sciences, Inc; MSD; Pfizer; Roche; UCB, Lorenzo Dagna Grant/research support from: The Unit of Immunology, Rheumatology, Allergy and Rare Diseases (UnIRAR) received unresctricted research/educational grants from Abbvie, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Celgene, Janssen, Merk Sharp & Dohme, Mundipharma Pharmaceuticals, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi-Genzyme, and SOBI., Consultant of: Prof Lorenzo Dagna received consultation honoraria from Abbvie, Amgen, Biogen, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Celltrion, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi-Genzyme, and SOBI.

It is known that the Church of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary at Silba was demolished in 1828 so as to provide the necessary building material for the completion of the new parish church which inherited the dedication from the old one. As we learn from the archival records, the demolition was authorized by the Archbishop of Zadar Josip Nowak who stipulated that the Franciscan Church of Our Lady of Carmel would function as the local parish church while the new one was being built. All that remains from the old church today is the bell tower which continued to be used by the new parish church. It is obvious from the schematic ground plan and the dimensions of the demolished church, recorded in the now lost document from the parish church archive, that it was a single-nave longitudinal structure with a rectangular sacristy to the east, two shallow chapels extending from the lateral walls and a porch of the lopica type (resembling a loggia) at the front which abutted onto the corner of the bell tower with its own south corner. Apart from the high altar, placed against the back wall, the church had three pairs of side altars. The analysis of the canonical visitations carried out during the second quarter of the seventeenth century demonstrates that the church, recorded for the first time in 1579, was a modest building in which the oil for the anointment of the sick was being kept because the local parish church of that time, dedicated to St Mark, was too far from the village. The church was provided with five side altars put up by the more distinguished individuals and members of the lay fraternities the most prominent of which was that of Our Lady of the Rosary after which the church was called by eighteenth-century locals. Based on the analysis of the 1670 visitation of Archbishop Evangelisto Parzaghi who described the renovation during which certain altars changed their places, the article argues that the church was completed just before this visit. The bell tower was mentioned as a campanile for the first time in 1678.By means of comparative analysis, it can be established that the Church of the Nativity of the Virgin at Silba belonged to the same architectural type as a large group of simple yet spacious churches which were built in rural communities along the east Adriatic coast by local masters during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The activity of such masters on the island of Silba is corroborated by contemporary birth, marriage and death records as well as a number of monuments such as a tombstone in the Church of St Mark and the door lintel in the house of master builder Franić Lorencin (1660), both of which depict building and carving tools. The analysis of the land registry maps and topographical drawings of 1824 and 1833 shows that the church’s south wall, to the east of the chapel of Our Lady of the Rosary, was laid in a different direction compared to that of the rest of the wall, indicating that this portion belonged to an earlier layer of the building which, judging from everything, seems to have been medieval. Therefore, the wall was widened and extended towards the west during the rebuilding documented in the visitation of 1670. This possibility, which a future excavation of the site ought to be confirm, is strengthened by the frequency of such alterations as can be seen on the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century churches on the island of Ugljan and in particular on the Church of St Lawrence at Lukoran, built in 1632, which is the best example of that architectural type.Another feature of these churches is the lopica-type porch which stands out as an architectural element typical of Istria and the Quarnero gulf to which, geographically speaking, the island of Silba gravitates. The lopica porch of the Church of the Nativity at Silba had a particularly elongated plan and featured two symmetrical sets of three supports and an axial main entrance into the porch, that is, the church. It is unlikely that the porch was added prior to the late seventeenth century because during that time, Silba was exposed to the raids of the Turkish pirates who threatened it directly. It is certain that the bell tower was used for defensive purposes and the addition of a porch would have diminished its importance as a fortification structure and hampered the visual communication with the entrance to the church.The examination of the architecture of the bell tower revealed two different building phases: an earlier one which included the body of the bell tower and a later one which saw the addition of the pyramidal structure together with a shallow square drum. In its original form, the bell tower had a compact body featuring a round-headed opening at the centre of each side of the two topmost storeys. Their stylistically undefined morphology corresponds to modest bell towers which were built in this area from the late sixteenth to the eighteenth century. The original pyramidal top had to be dismantled in 1858 due to wear and tear and it was replaced by the present one which has oval openings at the bottom of each side of the drum. This structure is almost identical to the top of the bell tower of the Church of Our Lady of the Rosary at Preko on the island of Ugljan which was built in 1844.Based on the archival records, the article also establishes that the substantially repainted image of the Virgin and Child with SS Mark and Matthew, today at the high altar of the parish church, was originally larger. It was the object of ex-voto veneration and numerous offerings had been placed in its glass case. The painting was cropped so that it could be inserted into the niche of the marble altar piece designed by Ćiril M. Iveković (1898) which meant the loss of the two evangelists. According to the preserved contract and drawing, the lower part of the altar was set up in 1860 by Giovanni dalla Zonca, an altar maker from Vodnjan, and it featured the still preserved wooden statues of SS Peter and Paul which are dated to the mid-seventeenth century on the basis of their stylistic features. Therefore, it can be concluded that painting and the statues were taken from the high altar of the demolished church.

By Stein Edith: Zum problem der Einfühlung, Niemeyer, Halle 1917, Reprint der OriginalausgabeKaffke, München 1980, trad. it. Il problema dell’empatia, trad. di E. Costantini e E. Schulze Costantini, Studium, Roma 1985. Beiträge zur philosophischen Begründ der Psychologie und Geisteswissen schaften: a) Psychische Kausalität; b)Individuum und Gemeinschaft, «Jahrbuch für Philosophie und phänomenologische Forschung», vol. 5, Halle 1922, pp. 1-283, riedito da Max Niemeyer, Tübingen 1970, trad. it. Psicologia e scienze dello spirito. Contributi per una fondazione filosofica, trad. di A. M. Pezzella, pref. di A. Ales Bello, Città Nuova, Roma 1996. Was ist Phänomenologie?, in Wissenschaft/Volksbildung, supplemento scientifico al «Neuen Pfälzischen Landes Zeitung», n. 5, 15 maggio 1924; è stato pubblicato nella rivista «Teologie und Philosophie», 66 (1991), pp. 570-573; trad. it. 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Einführung in die Philosophie (ESW XIII), hrsg. von L. Gelber und M. Linssen, Herder, Freiburg i. Br. 1991, trad. it. Introduzione alla filosofia di A. M. Pezzela, pref. di A. Ales Bello, Città Nuova, Roma 1998. Briefean Roman Ingarden 1917-1938 (ESW XIV), Einleitung von H. B. Gerl-Falkovitz, Anmerkungen von M. A. Neyer, hrsg. von L. Gelber und M. Linssen, Herder, Freiburg i. Br. 1991, trad. it. Lettere a Roman Ingarden, trad. it. di E. Costantini e E. Schulze Costantini, Libreria Editrice Vaticana, Città del Vaticano 2001. Potenz und Akt. StudienzueinerPhilosophie des Seins (ESW XVIII), bearbeitet und miteinerEinfürungversehen von H. R. Sepp, hrsg. von L. Gelber und M. Linssen, Herder, Freiburg i. Br. 1998, trad. it. Potenza e atto. Studi per una filosofia dell’essere, trad. di A. Caputo, pref. di A. Ales Bello, Città Nuova, Roma 2003. By others on Edith Stein and Empathy: Albiero, Paolo and Matricardi Giada, Che cos’è l’empatia, Carocci, Roma, 2006. 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Although Italian — as well as international — historiography engaged with the fiftieth anniversary of 1968 in a very lively way, it was probably not groundbreaking in terms of its originality. From an editorial perspective, this liveliness has translated into the publication of a considerable amount of studies, which this article is able to examine only partially, given the variety of their approaches, analytical levels and interpretations. The article addresses a selection of these texts in order to discuss some of the most significant directions of research that emerge from them, in terms of methodological approaches, interpretations and arguments. These books are, in alphabetical order: Michele Battini, Un sessantotto, Università Bocconi Editore, Milano 2018; Guido Crainz (ed.), Il Sessantotto sequestrato. Cecoslovacchia, Polonia, Jugoslavia e dintorni, Donzelli, Roma 2018; Marcello Flores, Giovanni Gozzini, 1968. Un anno spartiacque, il Mulino, Bologna 2018; Monica Galfré, La scuola è il nostro Vietnam. Il '68 e l'istruzione secondaria italiana, Viella, Roma 2019; Paolo Pombeni, Che cosa resta del '68, il Mulino, Bologna 2018; Francesca Socrate, Sessantotto. Due generazioni, Laterza, Roma-Bari 2018.

Intraslope lobes, or perched lobes, are attracting scientific interest because they represent a key archive between the shelf and the deep basin plain when looking at a complete source-to-sink depositional system across a continental margin and can form significant offshore hydrocarbon plays. In this study, we focus on a detailed characterization of intraslope lobes of the Motta San Giovanni Formation (Miocene, Calabria), which were deposited in confined conditions during the Miocene along a transform margin. We determine the typical facies associations and stratigraphic architecture of these intraslope lobes using a 3D digital outcrop model resulting from a combined Uncrewed Aerial Vehicle (UAV) and walking acquisition, together with sedimentological logging and geological mapping. We propose recognition criteria for the identification of intraslope lobes, including facies and geometries, integrated within a depositional model. A comparison with other well-known intraslope and confined lobes, as well as basin floor lobes, is finally discussed, to highlight the peculiarities of intraslope lobes deposited along transform margins. The diagnostic depositional model for these types of intraslope lobes includes four main stages of evolution: 1) Stage 1—isolated detached lobe precursor in response to a flushed hydraulic jump, 2) Stage 2—prograding and aggrading lobe elements associated with a relatively stable and submerged hydraulic jump in the Channel-Lobe Transition Zone (CLTZ), 3) Stage 3—major bypass associated with lateral accretion and local aggradation interpreted as a renewal of a normal hydraulic jump in the CTLZ, and 4) Stage 4—erosion and bypass then abandonment. The development of intraslope lobes along active transform margins is allowed by tectonically induced slope segmentation and local confinement. In such a context, flow stripping and overspill processes occurred. Resulting lobes appear to be particularly small and relatively thin sandy deposits. They could be considered end-member in a lobe classification based on the Net-to-Gross content (high) and taking into account their thickness/width ratio (intermediate between 10:1 and 100:1 lines).