Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Language policy – European Union countries »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « Language policy – European Union countries ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "Language policy – European Union countries"
1
Park, Soo-Young. « European Union and Hungarian Language Policy ». International Area Review 8, no 2 (juin 2005) : 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590500800208.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Eastern European countries has been historically multiracial European countries, therefore, the language policy of EU becomes a test case for the practical lives of peoples on the question of the preservation of national identities without national boundaries. This thesis shows what kind of language policy that EU practices to integrate its member states' peoples which practically transcend the borders and how each state deals with these necessities with European Integration and the Globalization. In my paper, Hungary was analyzed as an example.
2
Yuskiv, Bohdan, et Nataliia Karpchuk. « Multilingualism Factors of the European Union Member-States ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 43 (15 juin 2021) : 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.43.136-145.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Languages are the basis for Europeans who want to coexist and work together. To do this, the Europeans need to understand each other, the EU's neighbors and partners as well, and to teach and promote the linguistic heritage of the Member States. The motto of the European Union – “Unity in diversity” – reflects multilingualism as the basis of the EU, which is enshrined in a number of documents at the pan-European level. Multilingualism makes business and citizens more competitive and mobile. Promoting multilingualism is a great way to unite Europeans, to build a truly inclusive society where citizens' rights are respected. In the EU “multilingualism” is treated as the ability of communities, groups and individuals to use more than one language in their daily activities on an ongoing basis. The European Commission (together with national governments) coordinates the goal of multilingualism and the goals of the language strategy. Languages should not be an obstacle to participation in society, and marginalized language groups should be identified, represented and included in society. However, the national language policy is the sphere of competence of each state. The article substantiates the assumption that there are certain factors that determine the specifics and level of multilingualism of the EU Member-States. The multilingualism index of each EU Member-State was calculated and the countries were ranked according to a number of sub-indices, in particular: official languages, foreign language skills, language education and study, foreigners (migrants) and language policy, everyday languages, international communications. It was found out that according to the integrated index of multilingualism, the top 5 countries are represented by Luxembourg, Germany, Finland, Sweden and the Netherlands. The most important factors determining the policy of multilingualism are the following: the influence of citizens who are interested in learning foreign languages, as well as foreigners, migrants who study the state language to assimilate in society, the influence of using foreign languages in practice and online communication.
3
Koroliova, Larisa. « THE INFLUENCE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION MULTILINGUALISM POLICY ON THE TRAINING OF FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHERS IN ROMANIAN UNIVERSITIES ». English and American Studies 1, no 16 (7 septembre 2019) : 75–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/381909.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article highlited the European policy of multilingualism and multiculturalism of language education in European countries. Besides the article also deals with directions of joint activities of countries of the European Area in the organization of training foreign language teachers, the formation of uniform professional qualification standards for determining the professional definition of foreign language teachers, strategies and practical steps for the implementation of projects in the field of training foreign language teachers funded by the European Union and participation of European countries, in paticular Romania, in these projects. The European Union constantly emphasizes the fact that every citizen should be able to speak in his native language plus two other European languages, stresses the need to promote of linguistic diversity and the motivation of European citizens to learn less widely used languages and improve the quality of teaching foreign languages in educational establishments at different levels and focus its efforts to realize these ideas through the implementation of projects and programs that it has funded. The author focuses on the fact that Romania like all European countries is actively involved in the numerous projects and programs offered by the European Union as one of the priority areas of the Romanian Government is the quality of education at all levels and brings it in conformity with European standards. At the end of the article, the author concludes that the multilingual policy of the European Union has a certain influence on the training of foreign language teachers at the Romania Universities. The author also sums up that due to the participation in various educational projects and programs financed by the European Union among higher education institutions aimed at the development of multilingualism and multiculturalism of language education, the professional level of foreign languages teachers in Romania is increasing.
4
Gazzola, Michele. « Multilingual communication for whom ? Language policy and fairness in the European Union ». European Union Politics 17, no 4 (29 juillet 2016) : 546–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116516657672.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article compares the effectiveness and the fairness of four alternative policies aimed at managing multilingual communication in the European Union. The current multilingual regime, based on the formal equality among the official languages of the European Union Member States disenfranchises only a small percentage of residents. On the contrary, an English-only language policy would exclude 45% to 79% of adult residents in the 25 countries for which data are available, depending on the indicator used. A language regime based on English, French and German would disenfranchise 26% to 49% of residents, whereas a regime based on six languages would bring the shares of the excluded population down to 9–18%. In addition, results show that economically and socially disadvantaged individuals are less likely to speak languages other than their own native tongue, and therefore they are much more likely to be adversely affected if the European Union stops using their language. The current full multilingual policy of the European Union based on translation and interpreting not only is (and will be for the foreseeable future) the most effective language policy among the alternatives examined; it is also the only one that is truly inclusive at a relatively reasonable cost. The British withdrawal from the European Union is likely to increase rather than decrease the importance of a multilingual language policy.
5
Kuiken, Folkert, et Elisabeth van der Linden. « Language policy and language education in the Netherlands and Romania ». Dutch Journal of Applied Linguistics 2, no 2 (7 octobre 2013) : 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dujal.2.2.06kui.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union encourages all its citizens to be able to speak two languages in addition to their mother tongue. However, since the content of educational systems is the responsibility of individual member states, promoting multilingualism depends on the language policy of each member state. Still, countries may learn from practices and experiences in other countries. The similarities and differences between two case studies may be instructive from that point of view. In this paper, language policy and language education in two EU member states are compared with each other: the Netherlands on the one hand and Romania on the other. Questions that will be raised are: what are the linguistic rights of the minority groups, which languages are taught to whom, and to which degree is multilingualism an issue in both countries? Despite differences between the two countries, some striking similarities are observed.
6
Demirsu, Ozcan Ilgınc. « THE EUROPEAN POLICY ABOUT TRAINING STUDENTS OF LANGUAGES ». Near East University Online Journal of Education 3, no 1 (29 janvier 2020) : 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32955/neuje.v3i1.184.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union (EU) is a political and economic union which comprises 28 member states primarily located in Europe. It works for its members to promote peace, its values and the well-being of its citizens. Offer freedom, security and justice without internal borders. It also aims to enhance economic, social and territorial cohesion and solidarity among EU countries. Consequently, education becomes one of the most important issues in Europe that is urged on. Especially, language education has a key position. Learning language means developing a multicultural identity and knowing about different cultures. In order to provide a better language education, training prospective language teachers in accordance with current educational principles has a significant role. European Commission has introduced several documents for teaching, learning, assessing and teacher training in Europe according to the European Educational Policy. This study examines the documents developed for prospective language teachers in order to identify the European policy about training European language teachers. In the study, qualitative method based on document analysis was used. The results of the study showed that …………..
Keywords: European policy, training language teachers, language teaching, European documents
7
Druviete, Ina. « Language as a Value in a Pragmatic World : Global and National Approach ». Baltic Journal of English Language, Literature and Culture 11 (2021) : 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/bjellc.11.2021.03.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with the perception of language and languages in the economy-oriented contemporary world and its specific features in such language-centered countries as Latvia. Two main levels could be discussed concerning the ‘intellectual’, ‘symbolic’ and practical treatment of language: a global (supra-national) and a national one. In majority of countries special laws have been adopted or national level programs have been enacted in order to protect the most significant elements of respective national identities – folklore, traditional ways of life, beliefs and languages in particular. At the beginning of the 21st century, economic and political goals of the European Union have been associated with the ideas of European culture and European identity. At the same time, the popularization of the languages, histories, and traditions of the member states have also been emphasized. The Republic of Latvia belongs to the countries where the diversity of thoughts and viewpoints on language are ever present and intense in both the political debates and even in many informal conversations. The paper gives an insight in Latvian language policy against the background of global and European sociolinguistic processes and wide usage of so-called international languages, English in particular.
8
Kovalevych, L. « Policy of the states of the European Union against sessesionism ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no 64 (2016) : 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2016.64.13.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The role of domestic policy in solving of inter-regional conflicts and counteracting secessionist processes are disclosed in the article. A mixed populatіon in any area can live either in peaceful coexistence and political stability or in violent conflicts. This is mostly dependent on the internal ethnic policy. Variety of the government’s reactions to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in some regions are explored; among which the approval of separatist demands, the advancement of conditions of underprivileged minorities, adoption of “asymmetric federalism”, allowance for minorities to participate in politіcal debate through parliamentary voting, referendums, etc., establishment of a confederation with only limited links between countries are distinguished. Another way to solve regional conflicts is to create a “multinational federation.” The main features of the state policy of the European Union’s countries which have regions with high potential secessionist conflict are analyzed. The necessities of a balanced domestic policy of the government to prevent the escalation of internal contradictions are emphasized. The influence of the form of government on minimizing of inter-regional conflicts is investigating. After correlating data about current regional conflicts and the forms of government of the hosting countries, it was found that the form of government (from unitary to federalism) is not the only decisive factor for solving of regional conflicts. However, taking into account the historical, cultural, linguistic, economic factors, it is important to understand that political mechanisms can give an initial impulse, the first impetus to resolve the conflicts. Therefore, political factors are some of the key one in regularizing of secessionism. Moreover, examples of the successful resolution of regional conflіcts by particular European states are considered. Experience of an effective resolving of regional conflicts in western European countries showed that in all the cases (Switzerland, Germany, Spain and Great Britain) the mechanisms of the institution of parliamentarism and solving of the language issue were used. The geographic decentralization policy of the supreme power (Germany) and legitimization of government decisions through referendums (Switzerland) are equally effective.
9
Groenendijk, Kees. « Pre-departure Integration Strategies in the European Union : Integration or Immigration Policy ? » European Journal of Migration and Law 13, no 1 (2011) : 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181611x558191.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractSeveral States require immigrants from outside the EU to participate in language or integration courses after arrival. In recent years, some EU Member States made passing a language test (Netherlands and Germany) or participating in a language course (France) a condition for a visa for family reunification for immigrants from certain third countries. Denmark and the UK introduced a similar requirement in 2010. The focus of his article is on three aspects: the political debate, the legal constraints and the effects. Firstly, the development of the pre-departure integration strategies is analyzed. What was the rationale behind the introduction and does is vary between Member States? Secondly, the legal constraints of EU and international law are discussed. Finally, the results of the first studies evaluating this policy instrument are presented. Is pre-departure a good predictor for immigrant’s ability to integrate? Does it actually assist integration, and what are the unexpected or counterproductive effects?
10
Olnova, Margarita. « IMPACT FACTORS IN CONTEMPORARY EUROPE FOR MOTHER LANGUAGE ACQUISITION OUTSIDE THE LANGUAGE ENVIRONMENT ». Russian Journal of Multilingualism and Education 11, no 1 (15 décembre 2019) : 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2500-0748-2019-11-29-39.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The research presents the results of the European project “Leo Effect. Learn from each other effectively” (2013-2015), which involved five schools-participants: “Alliance Russe” (Nice, France), “Centre de développement bilingue LOGOS” (Paris, France), “Centro de Lengua y Cultura Rusa A. Pushkin” (Barselona, Spain), “Multiculturele Stichting “Poesjkin” (Leiden, The Netherland) and “Senter for russisk språk og kultur” (Oslo, Norway). The study aimed at investigating the policy of multilingualism, represented in official documents of the European Union and analyzing actual opportunities for immigrants to study their mother language in Norway, France, the Netherlands and Spain. The research is relevant as it provides a brief overview of the language policy of the European Union, and in particular Norway, France, the Netherlands and Spain, and analyses the existing opportunities for immigrants (or children of immigrants) to learn their native language in a new country of residence. In addition, it presents an analysis of the demand for knowledge of different languages (including Russian) in European countries. Research methods included analysis of the legal documents regulating the language policy, analysis of educational programmes in educational institutions of the country, questionnaires of students from the schools participating in the Leo “Effect. Learn from each other effectively,” monitoring of the labour market for the demand for knowledge of different languages (Russian, in particular). As a result of the project “Leo Effect. Learn from each other effectively” the external factors affecting acquisition of the mother tongue outside the language environment were studied. These factors include: the official language policy of the state governing the teaching of the mother tongue, the existing opportunities for learning the mother tongue in the country, the demand for knowledge of different languages on labor market, and the popularity of a particular language in a particular state. The study showed that the education of a multilingual citizen in Europe is basically a family task. State educational institutions do not provide enough support in the issue of teaching the mother tongue and reading and writing in the mother tongue are usually taught by commercial or non-profit organizations created by the immigrants themselves.
Thèses sur le sujet "Language policy – European Union countries"
1
OTERO, FERNÁNDEZ Irene. « Multilingualism and the meaning of EU law ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/66308.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 27 February 2020Examining Board: Prof. Giovanni Sartor, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Urška Šadl, European University Institute; Prof. Joxerramon Bengoetxea Caballero, University of the Basque Country; Dr. Karen McAuliffe, University of Birmingham
In today’s multilingual EU, with 24 official languages, as many versions of every piece of legislation of general application are produced, all of which are equally authentic. In order to comply with this legal requirement, embodied in the Treaties and in secondary law, legal translation and legal-linguistic revision become fully integrated in the law-making process. But most importantly, the multilingual nature of EU law has consequences for how the meaning of the law may be found through interpretation. The Court of Justice of the European Union has declared that the language versions of EU legal acts should be compared in order to access the meaning of the legislation. That presumption of identity of meaning, however, conflicts with the inherent limits of language. As a result, occasional divergences in the linguistic meaning of the different language versions of EU legislation are unavoidable. These divergences in the linguistic meaning of the language versions of legislation may be bridged through interpretation. These problems of interpretation are ultimately settled by the CJEU, the only authoritative interpreter of EU law. The Court has developed certain techniques for that purpose, not without controversy. In order to solve the puzzle of how to access the meaning of multilingual EU legislation, this thesis first reviews the multilingualism of the EU legislative machinery, subsequently moving from the production of the law to its interpretation. The ultimate goal is to produce a critical assessment of the Court’s methods, in order to understand how they fit into the framework designed by the previous Chapters. That is to say, to see how uniformity of meaning, which is constructed first in the legislative procedure in one language, then deconstructed through translation into all official languages, is finally reconstructed by the Court of Justice.
2
Biria, Ensieh. « Figurative Language in the Immigration Debate : Comparing Early 20th Century and Current U.S. Debate with the Contemporary European Debate ». PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/234.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study analyzes newspaper coverage of immigration reform in mainstream newspapers prior to, and following the debate in June 2007. The newspaper text is analyzed using metaphor interpretation supported by content analysis. The quantitative result categorizes the identified metaphors in three distinct metaphor categories about: immigrants and immigration, immigration policy and enforcement, and metaphors about the debate and immigration issue itself. The relative distribution of metaphors among categories is provided. Using an open coding process, emergent metaphor categories are identified. The qualitative findings describe metaphors and schemas that were potentially activated by particular metaphorical phrases in this context. Lastly, this research compares the similarities and differences of the immigration debate of the early 20th century with the contemporary U.S. and European debate.
3
KARAGIANNIS, Yannis. « Preference heterogeneity and equilibrium institutions : The case of European competition policy ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15460.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 21 December 2007Examining board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Christian Joerges (EUI, Law Department) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana (Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona) ; Prof. Hussein Kassim (Birkbeck College, University of London)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
One characteristic of European competition policy is its complex governance structure. On the one hand, the European competition regulator has always enjoyed a high degree of formal autonomy from national governments. On the other hand, that regulator has always been embedded in a multi-task and collegial organisation that mirrors intergovernmental politics. Although the literature has often disapprovingly noted this complexity, it has not been explained. Part I elaborates on the theoretical lens for understanding the governance structures of EC competition policy. Despite the prominence of principal-agent models, transaction cost economics seems to offer a more promising venue. The assumption that Member States maximise their total expected gains and postpone excessive bargaining costs leads to the following hypothesis: the greater the preference heterogeneity (homogeneity) between Member States, the higher (lower) the asset-specific investments involved, hence the higher (lower) the risk of post-contractual hold-ups, and hence the more (less) integrated the governance structures created to sustain future transactions. Alternatively, this logic leads to a deterministic hypothesis about the sufficiency of preference heterogeneities for the production of complex governance structures. Part II examines this deterministic hypothesis. Using various sources, and conducting both within- and comparative case- studies, it analyses three important cases: the negotiations of the Treaty of Paris (1951), of the Treaty of Rome (1957), and of the two implementing Council Regulations (1962 and 2003). The evidence shows that (a) the relevant actors do reason in terms of transaction cost-economising, and (b) in the presence of preference heterogeneity, actors create complex governance structures. Nevertheless, it is also found that (c) the transaction cost-economising logic is not as compelling as it may be in private market settings, as bargaining costs are not systematically postponed to the post-contractual stage, and (d) the transaction costs between Member States are not the only relevant costs.
4
FERNANDES, Daniel. « Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
5
BAHMER, Larissa Elisabeth. « Chutes, ladders, snakes and surprises : policy durability and policy flexibility in EU energy and climate governance based on the governance regulation ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/69195.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Award date: 26 September 2020Supervisor : Professor Joanne Scott (European University Institute)
Whether the EU will live up to its leadership ambition in mitigating climate change to no little extent depends on whether the Governance Regulation will prove successful or whether it will add to the list of climate and energy policies which aimed high but performed low. This thesis analyses the legal arrangements of the Governance Regulation as embedded in the EU constitutional and administrative law framework in light of policy durability and policy flexibility, with the aim of assessing whether the Governance Regulation promises to build a long-lasting yet adaptable foundation for EU energy and climate governance that facilitates ratcheting up ambition and progress toward a ‘climate neutral’ Union.
6
Bai, Xue. « Evaluation and suggestions on EU development assistance policy ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595841.
Texte intégral
7
Zhu, Feng. « EU energy policy after the Treaty of Lisbon : breakthroughs, interfaces and opportunity ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2580185.
Texte intégral
8
Huang, Zhi Feng. « Study of European Union Common Agricultural Policy : France agricultural policy anaysis ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2008. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555543.
Texte intégral
9
DAVITER, Falk. « The power of initiative : framing legislative policy conflicts in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7044.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 13 July 2007Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, (European University Institute/SPS/RSCAS) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini, (European University Institute/RSCAS) ; Prof. Ellen M. Immergut, (Humboldt University Berlin) ; Prof. Claudio Radaelli, (University of Exeter)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis asks how the framing of policy issues in EU legislative politics influences the way issues are processed, how it affects which interests play a role during policy drafting and deliberation, and what type of political conflicts and coalitions emerge as a result. Focusing in particular on the European Commission’s role in EU policy-making, this thesis goes on to investigate how actors in EU politics define and redefine the issues at stake according to their shifting policy agendas and in doing so attempt to shore up support and marginalise political opposition. Drawing on the empirical investigation of two decades of EU biotechnology policy-making, the thesis finds that the framing of policy issues systematically affects how the complex and fragmented EU political decision-making process involves or excludes different sets of actors and interests from the diverse political constituencies of the Union. It argues that the Commission’s role in structuring the EU policy space can at times be substantial. Yet the longitudinal perspective adopted in this study also reveals how the structuring and restructuring of the biotechnology policy space led to the increasing politicisation of the EU decision-making process. Eventually, the empirical investigation concludes, the Commission was unable to control the political dynamics set off by the reframing of the policy choices, and the resulting revision of the EU biotechnology policy framework ran counter to the Commission’s original policy objectives. This study thus provides fresh insights into the dynamics of policy-level politicisation and its effects on political conflict and competition in the EU. The framing perspective allows students of EU politics to trace how political agents and institutions interact to shape and at times exploit the complexities of EU policy-making in pursuit of their often conflicting agendas. Finally, the findings suggest that the key to conceptualising the scope of Commission agency in terms of systematic policy dynamics lies in exploring the interlocking effects of policy framing and EU politicisation in the political construction of interests at the supranational level.
10
Binfield, Julian Westhoff Patrick C. « The changing policy environment for agriculture in the European Union ». Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri--Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/6140.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on Feb 11. 2010). The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Dissertation advisor: Dr Patrick Westhoff. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
Livres sur le sujet "Language policy – European Union countries"
1
European security culture : Language, theory, policy. Aldershot, Hants : Burlington, VT : Ashgate Pub., 2008.
Trouver le texte intégral
2
EC law and minority language policy : Culture, citizenship and fundamental rights. Boston : Kluwer Law International, 2002.
Trouver le texte intégral
3
Shuibhne, Niamh Nic. EC law and minority language policy : Culture, citizenship and fundamental rights. Dordrecht : Kluwer Law International, 2003.
Trouver le texte intégral
4
Die Amtssprachen in den Organen der Europäischen Gemeinschaft : Status und Funktion. Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 1996.
Trouver le texte intégral
5
Attitudes Towards Europe : Language in the Unification Process. London : Taylor and Francis, 2017.
Trouver le texte intégral
6
Discourse and struggle in minority language policy formation : Corsican language policy in the EU context of governance. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
7
Adrey, Jean-Bernard. Discourse and struggle in minority language policy formation : Corsican language policy in the EU context of governance. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
8
Manz, Viviane. Sprachenvielfalt und europäische Integration : Sprachenrecht im Spannungsfeld von Wirtschaft, Politik und Kultur. Zürich : Schulthess, 2002.
Trouver le texte intégral
9
Mehrsprachigkeit und ihre Rahmenbedingungen : Fremdsprachenkompetenz in den EU-Ländern. Bern : Lang, 2008.
Trouver le texte intégral
10
Mehrsprachigkeit im vereinten Europa : Transnationales sprachliches Kapital als Ressource in einer globalisierten Welt. Wiesbaden : VS-Verl., 2010.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Language policy – European Union countries"
1
Atkinson, Ben. « Trade Policy and Preferences ». Dans The European Union and Developing Countries, 305–21. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_21.
Texte intégral
2
Buzogány, Aron. « Neighbourhood Countries : Promoting Environmental Protection Close to Home ». Dans European Union External Environmental Policy, 233–52. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60931-7_12.
Texte intégral
3
Hewitt, Adrian. « Reform in the British and European Community Aid Programmes : Implications for the Pacific Countries ». Dans European Union Development Policy, 119–30. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26858-0_9.
Texte intégral
4
Lemaître, Marc. « EU Textiles Policy and Developing Countries ». Dans The European Union and Developing Countries, 322–35. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_22.
Texte intégral
5
Matláry, Janne Haaland. « Energy Policies in the EU Countries ». Dans Energy Policy in the European Union, 25–44. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25735-5_3.
Texte intégral
6
Raya, Francisco Javier. « A Review of the Barcelona Conference and a Summary of EU Policy Objectives ». Dans The European Union and Developing Countries, 193–205. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_14.
Texte intégral
7
Bego, Ingrid. « Adoption and Implementation of Equal Employment Policies in Four Countries ». Dans Gender Equality Policy in the European Union, 19–43. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137437174_2.
Texte intégral
8
Darmuzey, Philippe. « Meeting the Challenge of State Building : EU Development Policy and Cooperation in Postconflict Countries ». Dans The European Union and Peacebuilding, 461–74. The Hague : T.M.C. Asser Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-691-6_21.
Texte intégral
9
Reverdito, Guido, et Sarah K. St. John. « Breaking the Language Barriers : Free Movement and Language Learning in the European Community ». Dans Education and Public Policy in the European Union, 111–47. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04230-1_6.
Texte intégral
10
Kustec, Simona, et Simon Ličen. « Sport and welfare in Central and Eastern European countries ». Dans Sport, Welfare and Social Policy in the European Union, 132–42. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | : Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351118064-12.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Language policy – European Union countries"
1
Teneta-Skwiercz, Dorota, et Małgorzata Sobińska. « International Student Mobility – Poland in Comparison with Selected European Union Countries ». Dans 6th International Scientific Conference – EMAN 2022 – Economics and Management : How to Cope With Disrupted Times. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eman.s.p.2022.101.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper aimed to diagnose Poland’s position in terms of students’ mobility abroad compared with selected European Union countries and to identify the opinions of students from Polish public universities of economics on the benefits and barriers of international exchange. The research used a multimethod approach (desk research method and survey method), with data triangulation (secondary data – UNESCO statistical data and primary data, obtained in surveys). The research shows that Poland has the lowest outbound mobility rate and the most significant imbalance between incoming and outgoing exchange students of all the countries surveyed. The top three benefits of international exchange include improved language skills, getting to know another culture and the opportunity to find out if a student wants to live and work abroad. The authors found the main barrier to be the cost of studying abroad.
2
Омельченко, Е. А. « Problems of Supporting Identity among Russian-Speaking Emigrants in the Educational Environment of Russian Schools Abroad ». Dans Современное образование : векторы развития. Роль социально-гуманитарного знания в подготовке педагога : материалы V международной конференции (г. Москва, МПГУ, 27 апреля – 25 мая 2020 г.). Crossref, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37492/etno.2020.51.79.058.
Texte intégralRésumé :
вопросы развития «европейской идентичности» русскоязычных эмигрантов, проживающих в Европе, рассматриваются в контексте русскоязычного образования за рубежом. Культурный концепт европейской идентичности все более размывается и становится неприемлемым в реальной интеграционной политике, особенно в связи с событиями в Европе последних двух лет. Автор исследует процессы, происходящие внутри многочисленной русскоязычной диаспоры, прежде всего, в той ее части, которая состоит из эмигрантов с постсоветского пространства, выехавших на постоянное проживание в Европу после распада Советского Союза, в 1990–2000-е гг. В последнее десятилетие в европейских государствах фиксируется рост числа образовательных организаций с обучением на русском языке и преподаванием русского языка. Длительные наблюдения автора за деятельностью этих образовательных организаций убеждают в том, что они выполняют запрос семей русскоязычной диаспоры в связи с двумя реализуемыми адаптационными стратегиями. Первая родительская стратегия вызвана желанием сделать интеграцию своих детей в принимающее инокультурное общество психологически комфортным процессом, без разрыва с родным языком и культурой. Для другой части родителей характерна вторая адаптационная стратегия: они «прячутся» в пространстве своего языка и культуры, поскольку не готовы к быстрой социально-культурной и психологической адаптации в принимающее общество. Автор статьи делает вывод, что в европейских странах в основе развития образования на русском языке лежит не только решение задачи сохранения и поддержки родного языка и культуры. Создающиеся русские школы также способствуют сохранению ценностного «русского» взгляда на образование, его содержание и цели. Можно предположить, что в какой-то степени эти процессы помогают эмигрантам из России и вообще постсоветского пространства позиционировать свое отличие от других жителей Европы и конструировать особую идентичность, которую можно условно именовать «русскоязычные европейцы». the development of the “Russian identity” of Russian-speaking emigrants living in Europe is researched in the context of the processes in the sphere of Russian-language education abroad. We note that the cultural concept of European identity is becoming indistinct and unacceptable within the real integration policy, especially in connection with the events happening in Europe during the latest two years. That is why the author of the article is interested in the processes occurring inside the Russian-speaking diaspora, especially among those post-Soviet emigrants who left for Europe in the 1990–2000, after the destruction of the Soviet Union. During the latest seven – twelve years there can be fixed the growth of the number of educational organizations in European countries that teach Russian and in Russian. Long-term observation of their activities convinces the author that such schools and kindergartens satisfy the query of the families of Russian-speaking diaspora following two adaptation strategies. The first strategy that some parents follow is inspired by the wish to make integration of their children into the accepting foreign-culture society a psychologically comfortable process, without the break with mother language and culture. Other parents follow the other adaptation strategy and “hide” in the environment of their mother language and culture because they are not ready to be socially, culturally, and psychologically adapted to the accepting society. The basis of the development of Russian-language education in European countries is not only the aspiration to save and support mother language and culture. Russian schools also help to conserve the valuable “Russian” outlook on education, its content, and its aims. We can suppose that to some extent these processes help emigrants from Russia and post-Soviet countries to position their distinction from other people living in Europe, to construct their own identity that can be named, for example, “Russian-Speaking Europeans”.
3
Ballı, Esra, et Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. « Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.
4
Borychowski, Michał, et Sebastian Stępień. « Ecological Policy in the Selected Countries of the European Union ». Dans Hradec Economic Days 2019, sous la direction de Petra Maresova, Pavel Jedlicka et Ivan Soukal. University of Hradec Kralove, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36689/uhk/hed/2019-01-008.
Texte intégral
5
Panagoreţ, Andreea, Dragos Panagoreţ et Tomislav Kandyija. « Sustainable Development and Environmental Policy of the European Union ». Dans G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/16.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Sustainable development approaches the concept of quality of life in all its complexity, from an economic, social and environmental point of view, promoting the idea of the balance between economic development, social equity, efficient use and conservation of the environment. By its very nature, sustainable development represents the need for responsibility and education for environmental protection, and this aspect is reflected in the evolution of community policy in recent years, a policy marked by the transition from an approach based on constraint and sanction, to a more flexible, based one on incentives. Thus, it is acting in the direction of a voluntary approach, in order to promote this environmental responsibility and to encourage the use of environmental management systems. The environmental policy does not act independently, but reflects the interest of civil society in this direction, manifested by the creation of numerous environmental movements and organizations. Moreover, in some countries the creation and development of "green" political parties has been achieved, with real success in the political arena. However, resistance - or, more properly, the restraint and inertia that manifests itself, should not be forgotten, when environmental objectives seem to limit industrial competitiveness and economic growth; but this aspect only emphasizes once again the need for a concerted approach at European level and the need for an active and integrated environmental policy, capable of responding to the challenges that appear economically. The European environmental policy is based on the principles of precaution, prevention, correction of pollution at source and "polluter pays". The precautionary principle is a risk management tool that can be invoked if there is scientific uncertainty about a possible risk to human health or the environment, arising from a particular action or policy.
6
Savoyska, Svitlana. « POLITICAL OR POLITICAL CONTEXT OF THE LANGUAGE POLICY MODEL : TO DEFINITION ». Dans Relevant Issues of the Development of Science in Central and Eastern European Countries. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-588-11-2_59.
Texte intégral
7
Vorobyev, Kirill. « MODERN LANGUAGE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION : A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS ». Dans 6th SWS International Scientific Conference on Arts and Humanities ISCAH 2019. STEF92 Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sws.iscah.2019.2/s09.056.
Texte intégral
8
Dudaiti, A. K., E. V. Galkina et B. G. Koibaev. « Problems of Interaction of the European Union with the South Caucasian Countries as Part of the European Neighborhood Policy ». Dans International Session on Factors of Regional Extensive Development (FRED 2019). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/fred-19.2020.118.
Texte intégral
9
Baigonushova, Damira, Junus Ganiev et Mairam Baigonusheva. « Government Support of the Agricultural Sector in the EAEU Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02291.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As it is known, in 2010, a customs union with three participants, Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan, was formed on the territory of the former Soviet Union. In 2015, the union moved to another stage, the economic union. In 2015, Kyrgyzstan became a full member of this union and is currently trying to adapt to new economic conditions. In particular, the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission is currently actively working on the development and implementation of common agricultural policy. Kyrgyzstan, despite the limited territory for agricultural production, is an agricultural country and has a comparative advantage in this sector. Therefore, the country should take an active role in the development of a common agricultural policy and create favorable conditions for the development of the own agrarian sector and use advantages. The purpose of this work is to analyze the developed plans and policies of the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission, as well as conduct a comparative analysis with the common agricultural policy of the European Union, and at the end to make proposals.
10
Narin, Müslüme, et Younes Gholizadeh. « Comparing the European Union and Turkey's Renewable Energy Policies ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02155.
Texte intégralRésumé :
European Union countries (EU), because they have to import a large portion of the consumed energy, on the one hand are trying to develop effective energy consumption, and on the other hand to increase their share of renewable energy sources in total energy consumption. In this context, the European Commission, published "2017 Progress Report" about renewable energy sources in the framework of EU 2020 Renewable Energy Targets". In this report, it is indicated that the share of renewable energy sources in final energy consumption has been increased to 16,4% and with regards to renewable energy sources, a vast majority of EU countries are compatible with their 2020 targets.
The EU's policy towards renewable energy sources supports the "Energy Union Action Plan" in five categories: Energy security, market integration, energy efficiency, decarbonization and innovation. For instance, within the framework of energy security, the increase in EU renewable energy sources saved 16 billion Euros in fossil fuel imports in 2015. In accordance with "Clean Energy Package for Europe", emphasized the importance of providing cheap energy to the countries within EU market. Greenhouse gas emissions have declined with consuming renewable energy sources. The purpose of this study is to provide the latest developments in long-standing renewable energy policies in the EU and Turkey comparatively. In this context, first, the Turkey's renewable energy policies will be studied comparatively, thereafter, the effectiveness of these policies in the EU and Turkey will be investigated.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Language policy – European Union countries"
1
Domínguez, Roberto. Perceptions of the European Union in Latin America. Fundación Carolina, janvier 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt76en.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This working paper examines the puzzle of the gaps between the images that the EU projects, voluntarily and involuntarily, and the perceptions of the EU in Latin America. After reviewing some of the debates related to the role of perceptions in public policy and EU Public Diplomacy (EUPD), the paper analyzes some critical developments in global perceptions of the EU based on the study Update of the 2015 Analysis of the Perception of the EU and EU Policies Abroad (2021 Update Study), which assessed the attitudes of the EU in 13 countries. The third section examines some studies on the attitudes of the EU in Latin America, including some contributions from Latinobarometer. The fourth section offers comparative cases of EU perception in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia based on the findings of the 2021 Update Study. The analysis of each country relies on the interpretation of surveys with some references to the press analysis and interview methods provided in the 2021 Update Study. Each case discusses specific trends in the following areas: visibility, primary descriptors, global economics, and international leadership. Also, it identifies some patterns in perceptions of the EU in social development, climate change, research/technology, development assistance, culture, the case of the critical juncture in the survey (pandemic), and the EU as a normative setter. The final section offers some general trends in the perceptions of the EU in Latin America.
2
Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer et Dominik Rehbaum. Advancing European Union Action to Address Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rzme5933.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Ukraine war has added to the pressure to address the links between the environment, natural resource management and conflict. This SIPRI Research Policy Paper assesses the priorities of selected European Union (EU) member states regarding climate-related security risks, explores their strategies for pursuing these at EU level and identifies steps for further action. It finds that the appetite to tackle climate-related security risks at EU level is mixed. While maintaining the operational efficiency of the military is a red line, concentrating efforts on research, development and peacekeeping is acceptable even to countries that do not prioritize climate insecurity in their policies. Country strategies for pursuing such efforts involve spotlighting climate security during their respective rotating Council presidencies, working closely with the European External Action Service and the European Commission, and collaborating with like-minded member states. The paper recommends additional steps for action but in order to make effective adjustments to EU processes, climate security will need greater prominence on the EU agenda.
3
Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer et Dominik Rehbaum. Mapping European Union Member States’ Responses to Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/htdn6668.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This SIPRI Research Policy Paper identifies European Union (EU) member states’ efforts to address climate-related security risks in the short to medium term and suggests entry points for further action. Even countries making visible attempts to mainstream the linkages between climate and security are falling short of pursuing a comprehensive approach. Among the ongoing initiatives that might bear fruit in one to three years are: appointing climate security advisers; climate proofing peacebuilding and conflict proofing climate action; investing in early warning and risk mapping; reassessing climate financing and development aid; and building up the operational resilience of the military. Strengthening such efforts would involve: incorporating climate insecurity into foreign and security policy dialogues; increasing conflict-sensitive climate adaptation finance; sensitization to climate change and conflict; and improving the operationalization of early warning. To remain credible, EU member states must advance their climate security initiatives and close the gap between rhetoric and practice.
4
Pastuszko, Radosław Pastuszko, et Włodzimierz Gogłoza Gogłoza. The impact of European Union Common Agricultural Policy on the intensification of animal farming in Bulgaria, Romania, and the countries that have signed association agreements with the EU. Tiny Beam Fund, janvier 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15868/socialsector.37974.
Texte intégral
5
Kostarakos, Ilias, et Petros Varthalitis. Effective tax rates in Ireland. ESRI, novembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/rs110.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article provides estimates of the effective tax rates in Ireland for the 1995-2017 period. We use these aggregate tax indicators to compare the developments in the Irish tax policy mix with the rest of the European Union countries and investigate any potential relation with Ireland’s macroeconomic performance. Our findings show that distortionary taxes, e.g. on factors of production, are significantly lower while less distortionary taxes, e.g. on consumption, are higher in Ireland than most European countries. Thus, the distribution of tax burden falls relatively more on consumption and to a lesser extent on labour than capital; while in the EU average the norm is the opposite. The descriptive analysis indicates that this shift in the Irish tax policy mix is correlated with the country’s strong economic performance.
6
Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml et Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
7
Kira, Beatriz, Rutendo Tavengerwei et Valary Mumbo. Points à examiner à l'approche des négociations de Phase II de la ZLECAf : enjeux de la politique commerciale numérique dans quatre pays d'Afrique subsaharienne. Digital Pathways at Oxford, mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-dp-wp_2022/01.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Realities such as the COVID-19 pandemic have expedited the move to online operations, highlighting the undeniable fact that the world is continuing to go digital. This emphasises the need for policymakers to regulate in a manner that allows them to harness digital trade benefits while also avoiding associated risk. However, given that digital trade remains unco-ordinated globally, with countries adopting different approaches to policy issues, national regulatory divergence on the matter continues, placing limits on the benefits that countries can obtain from digital trade. Given these disparities, ahead of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Phase II Negotiations, African countries have been considering the best way to harmonise regulations on issues related to digital trade. To do this effectively, AfCFTA members need to identify where divergencies exist in their domestic regulatory systems. This will allow AfCFTA members to determine where harmonisation is possible, as well as what is needed to achieve such harmonisation. This report analyses the domestic regulations and policies of four focus countries – South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya and Senegal – comparing their regulatory approaches to five policy issues: i) regulation of online transactions; ii) cross-border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection; iii) access to source code and technology transfer; iv) intermediary liability; and v) customs duties on electronic transmissions. The study highlights where divergencies exist in adopted approaches, indicating the need for the four countries – and AfCFTA members in general – to carefully consider the implications of the divergences, and determine where it is possible and beneficial to harmonise approaches. This was intended to encourage AfCFTA member states to take ownership of these issues and reflect on the reforms needed. As seen in Table 1 below, the study shows that the four countries diverge on most of the five policy issues. There are differences in how all four countries regulate online transactions – that is, e-signatures and online consumer protection. Nigeria was the only country out of the four to recognise all types of e-signatures as legally equivalent. Kenya and Senegal only recognise specific e-signatures, which are either issued or validated by a recognised institution, while South Africa adopts a mixed approach, where it recognises all e-signatures as legally valid, but provides higher evidentiary weight to certain types of e-signatures. Only South Africa and Senegal have specific regulations relating to online consumer protection, while Nigeria and Kenya do not have any clear rules. With regards to cross border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection, the study shows that all four focus countries have regulations that consist of elements borrowed from the European Union (EU) General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). In particular, this was regarding the need for the data subject's consent, and also the adequacy requirement. Interestingly, the study also shows that South Africa, Kenya and Nigeria also adopt data localisation measures, although at different levels of strictness. South Africa’s data localisation laws are mostly imposed on data that is considered critical – which is then required to be processed within South African borders – while Nigeria requires all data to be processed and stored locally, using local servers. Kenya imposes data localisation measures that are mostly linked to its priority for data privacy. Out of the four focus countries, Senegal is the only country that does not impose any data localisation laws. Although the study shows that all four countries share a position on customs duties on electronic transmissions, it is also interesting to note that none of the four countries currently have domestic regulations or policies on the subject. The report concludes by highlighting that, as the AfCFTA Phase II Negotiations aim to arrive at harmonisation and to improve intra-African trade and international trade, AfCFTA members should reflect on their national policies and domestic regulations to determine where harmonisation is needed, and whether AfCFTA is the right platform for achieving this efficiently.
8
Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands et Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade : Which way forward ? Blavatnik School of Government, février 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.
9
Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean 2021. Inter-American Development Bank, avril 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003235.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This report compiles comparable tax revenue statistics over the period 1990-2019 for 27 Latin American and Caribbean economies. Based on the OECD Revenue Statistics database, it applies the OECD methodology to countries in Latin America and the Caribbean to enable comparison of tax levels and tax structures on a consistent basis, both among the economies of the region and with other economies. This publication is jointly undertaken by the OECD Centre for Tax Policy and Administration, the OECD Development Centre, the Inter-American Center of Tax Administrations (CIAT), the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). The 2021 edition is produced with the support of the EU Regional Facility for Development in Transition for Latin America and the Caribbean, which results from joint work led by the European Union, the OECD and its Development Centre, and ECLAC.
10
Monetary Policy Report - July 2022. Banco de la República, octobre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/inf-pol-mont-eng.tr3-2022.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the second quarter, annual inflation (9.67%), the technical staff’s projections and its expectations continued to increase, remaining above the target. International cost shocks, accentuated by Russia's invasion of Ukraine, have been more persistent than projected, thus contributing to higher inflation. The effects of indexation, higher than estimated excess demand, a tighter labor market, inflation expectations that continue to rise and currently exceed 3%, and the exchange rate pressures add to those described above. High core inflation measures as well as in the producer price index (PPI) across all baskets confirm a significant spread in price increases. Compared to estimates presented in April, the new forecast trajectory for headline and core inflation increased. This was partly the result of greater exchange rate pressure on prices, and a larger output gap, which is expected to remain positive for the remainder of 2022 and which is estimated to close towards yearend 2023. In addition, these trends take into account higher inflation rate indexation, more persistent above-target inflation expectations, a quickening of domestic fuel price increases due to the correction of lags versus the parity price and higher international oil price forecasts. The forecast supposes a good domestic supply of perishable foods, although it also considers that international prices of processed foods will remain high. In terms of the goods sub-basket, the end of the national health emergency implies a reversal of the value-added tax (VAT) refund applied to health and personal hygiene products, resulting in increases in the prices of these goods. Alternatively, the monetary policy adjustment process and the moderation of external shocks would help inflation and its expectations to begin to decrease over time and resume their alignment with the target. Thus, the new projection suggests that inflation could remain high for the second half of 2022, closing at 9.7%. However, it would begin to fall during 2023, closing the year at 5.7%. These forecasts are subject to significant uncertainty, especially regarding the future behavior of external cost shocks, the degree of indexation of nominal contracts and decisions made regarding the domestic price of fuels. Economic activity continues to outperform expectations, and the technical staff’s growth projections for 2022 have been revised upwards from 5% to 6.9%. The new forecasts suggest higher output levels that would continue to exceed the economy’s productive capacity for the remainder of 2022. Economic growth during the first quarter was above that estimated in April, while economic activity indicators for the second quarter suggest that the GDP could be expected to remain high, potentially above that of the first quarter. Domestic demand is expected to maintain a positive dynamic, in particular, due to the household consumption quarterly growth, as suggested by vehicle registrations, retail sales, credit card purchases and consumer loan disbursement figures. A slowdown in the machinery and equipment imports from the levels observed in March contrasts with the positive performance of sales and housing construction licenses, which indicates an investment level similar to that registered for the first three months of the year. International trade data suggests the trade deficit would be reduced as a consequence of import levels that would be lesser than those observed in the first quarter, and stable export levels. For the remainder of the year and 2023, a deceleration in consumption is expected from the high levels seen during the first half of the year, partially as a result of lower repressed demand, tighter domestic financial conditions and household available income deterioration due to increased inflation. Investment is expected to continue its slow recovery while remaining below pre-pandemic levels. The trade deficit is expected to tighten due to projected lower domestic demand dynamics, and high prices of oil and other basic goods exported by the country. Given the above, economic growth in the second quarter of 2022 would be 11.5%, and for 2022 and 2023 an annual growth of 6.9% and 1.1% is expected, respectively. Currently, and for the remainder of 2022, the output gap would be positive and greater than that estimated in April, and prices would be affected by demand pressures. These projections continue to be affected by significant uncertainty associated with global political tensions, the expected adjustment of monetary policy in developed countries, external demand behavior, changes in country risk outlook, and the future developments in domestic fiscal policy, among others. The high inflation levels and respective expectations, which exceed the target of the world's main central banks, largely explain the observed and anticipated increase in their monetary policy interest rates. This environment has tempered the growth forecast for external demand. Disruptions in value chains, rising international food and energy prices, and expansionary monetary and fiscal policies have contributed to the rise in inflation and above-target expectations seen by several of Colombia’s main trading partners. These cost and price shocks, heightened by the effects of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, have been more prevalent than expected and have taken place within a set of output and employment recovery, variables that in some countries currently equal or exceed their projected long-term levels. In response, the U.S. Federal Reserve accelerated the pace of the benchmark interest rate increase and rapidly reduced liquidity levels in the money market. Financial market actors expect this behavior to continue and, consequently, significantly increase their expectations of the average path of the Fed's benchmark interest rate. In this setting, the U.S. dollar appreciated versus the peso in the second quarter and emerging market risk measures increased, a behavior that intensified for Colombia. Given the aforementioned, for the remainder of 2022 and 2023, the Bank's technical staff increased the forecast trajectory for the Fed's interest rate and reduced the country's external demand growth forecast. The projected oil price was revised upward over the forecast horizon, specifically due to greater supply restrictions and the interruption of hydrocarbon trade between the European Union and Russia. Global geopolitical tensions, a tightening of monetary policy in developed economies, the increase in risk perception for emerging markets and the macroeconomic imbalances in the country explain the increase in the projected trajectory of the risk premium, its trend level and the neutral real interest rate1. Uncertainty about external forecasts and their consequent impact on the country's macroeconomic scenario remains high, given the unpredictable evolution of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, geopolitical tensions, the degree of the global economic slowdown and the effect the response to recent outbreaks of the pandemic in some Asian countries may have on the world economy. This macroeconomic scenario that includes high inflation, inflation forecasts, and expectations above 3% and a positive output gap suggests the need for a contractionary monetary policy that mitigates the risk of the persistent unanchoring of inflation expectations. In contrast to the forecasts of the April report, the increase in the risk premium trend implies a higher neutral real interest rate and a greater prevailing monetary stimulus than previously estimated. For its part, domestic demand has been more dynamic, with a higher observed and expected output level that exceeds the economy’s productive capacity. The surprising accelerations in the headline and core inflation reflect stronger and more persistent external shocks, which, in combination with the strength of aggregate demand, indexation, higher inflation expectations and exchange rate pressures, explain the upward projected inflation trajectory at levels that exceed the target over the next two years. This is corroborated by the inflation expectations of economic analysts and those derived from the public debt market, which continued to climb and currently exceed 3%. All of the above increase the risk of unanchoring inflation expectations and could generate widespread indexation processes that may push inflation away from the target for longer. This new macroeconomic scenario suggests that the interest rate adjustment should continue towards a contractionary monetary policy landscape. 1.2. Monetary policy decision Banco de la República’s Board of Directors (BDBR), at its meetings in June and July 2022, decided to continue adjusting its monetary policy. At its June meeting, the BDBR decided to increase the monetary policy rate by 150 basis points (b.p.) and its July meeting by majority vote, on a 150 b.p. increase thereof at its July meeting. Consequently, the monetary policy interest rate currently stands at 9.0% . 1 The neutral real interest rate refers to the real interest rate level that is neither stimulative nor contractionary for aggregate demand and, therefore, does not generate pressures that lead to the close of the output gap. In a small, open economy like Colombia, this rate depends on the external neutral real interest rate, medium-term components of the country risk premium, and expected depreciation. Box 1: A Weekly Indicator of Economic Activity for Colombia Juan Pablo Cote Carlos Daniel Rojas Nicol Rodriguez Box 2: Common Inflationary Trends in Colombia Carlos D. Rojas-Martínez Nicolás Martínez-Cortés Franky Juliano Galeano-Ramírez Box 3: Shock Decomposition of 2021 Forecast Errors Nicolás Moreno Arias