Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Laicità inclusiva »

In the 2010s in Turkey, the ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) authoritarian-populist turn accompanied the institutionalization of political Islam. As laicism was discredited and labeled as an imposed-from-above principle of Western/Kemalist modernity, the notion of equality ceased to inform the state’s gender policies. In response to AKP’s attempts to redefine gender relations through the notions of complementarity and fıtrat (purpose of creation), women across the political spectrum have mobilized for an understanding of gender equality that transcends the laicism–Islamism divide yet maintains secularity as its constitutive principle. Analyzing three recent attempts of women’s coalition-building, this article shows that, first, gender equality activists in the 2010s are renegotiating the border between secularity and piety towards more inclusive understandings of gender equality; and second, that struggles against AKP’s gender politics are fragmented due to different configurations of gender equality and secularity that reflect class and ethnic antagonisms in Turkish society. The article thereby argues for the need to move beyond binary approaches to secularism and religion that have so far dominated the scholarly analysis of women’s activism in both Turkey and the Nordic context.

Purpose: The article deals with the Kemalists' policy of secularization and the inclusion of the laicism principle in the ideological doctrine of the Turkish Republic in the 1920-30s. Methodology: Historical-genetic, historical-comparative and historical-system methods of research were underlain the given study. Result: Under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk great radical transformations in all spheres of life of the former Ottoman Empire began, namely the state system, the reform of the school and its separation from religion. All these transformations summed up the previous history of Turkey as a dependent, semi-colonial feudal state, clearing the way to modernization and renewal of all aspects of life. Applications: This research can be used for universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of Laicism in the Republic of Turkey in the 1920-1930s is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.

- R. Audi and J. Habermas share, despite their mutual differences, the goal of rethinking the relationship between public discourse and religious inspirations in a new way, with the aim of overcoming the inadequacy of traditional liberal schemes. Both focus on the issue at stake from the point of view of a possible ethics of citizenship and find a key point in the epistemological position of religious discourse inside the public sphere. Audi's proposal effectively offers normative boundaries to a public ethics of political arguments of religious nature, within a liberal but fairly inclusive perspective. Habermas' reflection looks more persuasive at the level of premises, as it radically questions the epistemological issue behind public discourse in liberal democracies.Keywords: Audi, Habermas, Religion, Democracy, Public discourse, Secularism.Parole chiave: Audi, Habermas, Religione, Democrazia, Discorso pubblico, Laicitŕ.

Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar o atual Código de Direito Canônico, avaliando a posição do leigo na Igreja do século XXI, para atingir esse objetivo, o ministério é confiado a quem pode viver e morrer de acordo com ele, pressionando esse papel único do carisma da laicidade. Observa a condição jurídica do laicato na Igreja, Christifidelis, os fiéis cristãos, nos elementos fundantes, por meio da evolução da história eclesial, no Código Pio-Beneditino, no Concílio Vaticano II, na atual Legislação e nos Documentos Pontifícios ao chegarem à descoberta de uma maior compreensão da missão laica na igreja e no mundo em geral. O entendimento e a listagem desses direitos auxiliam na resolução de diversas questões trazidas pelo Pós - Concilio, inclusive a problemática listagem desses direitos. O artigo discute os direitos jurídicos fundamentais e discute a distinção entre ter um lugar no mundo e servir a uma finalidade religiosa. Dessa forma, permeada pelo método histórico-crítico com um alinhamento conceitual entre teologia e direito sobre o laicato, oferece soluções para a questão dos ministérios, ofícios e empregos laicos em sua totalidade, incluindo a residência do sacerdote comum. Ao se submeter à mediação de Cristo, cada pessoa deve levar em conta a possibilidade de que essa mediação possa ser usada na medida em que for observável. Averigua a valorização do leitor na doutrina, comunidade e missão da Igreja; ensina o leitor fiel a olhar o mundo com realidade e esperança enquanto procura os sinais do amor civilizado. Para atingir a finalidade esperada com esse artigo, utilizar-se-á a metodologia bibliográfica.

The history of Turkey provides multiple examples of intricate combination of secularization (in the Turkish tradition – laicism) and desecularizaion (understood as a revival of Islam and its expansion into social life) while its contemporary dynamics provides a background for a non-conventional view on the correlation between the state and religion in the Muslim societies. The desecularization of Turkey has been a continuous process since the late 1940s, making it increasingly convenient for Islamists to become more visible in the political and the socioeconomic spheres. This paper analyzes the inclusion and accommodation of the “Turkish Islamism” into the sociopolitical life of Turkey focusing on such important phenomena as the constantly expanding religious sphere, the emergence of economic liberal conservatism, the rising resurgence of Islamism in education and media sphere together with the “jemaatization” of the Turkish society. The manifold manifestations of descularization in social, political and economic life, its profound impact on the Turkish party system, banking sector, education and mass media indicates the dialectic nature of secularization and desecularization nexus and reveals the flexibility of the border between religious and political spheres.

The classical liberal concern for freedom of religion today intersects with concerns of equality and respect for minorities, of what might be loosely termed ‘multiculturalism’. When these minorities were primarily understood in terms of ethno-racial identities, multiculturalism and freedom of religion were seen at that time as quite separate policy and legal fields. As ethno-religious identities have become central to multiculturalism (and to rejections of multiculturalism), specifically in Western Europe in relation to its growing Muslim settlements, not only have the two fields intersected, new approaches to religion and equality have emerged. We consider the relationship between freedom of religion and ethno-religious equality, or alternatively, religion as faith or conscience and religion as group identity. We argue that the normative challenges raised by multicultural equality and integration cannot be met by individualist understandings of religion and freedom, by the idea of state neutrality, nor by laicist understandings of citizenship and equality. Hence, a re-thinking of the place of religion in public life and of religion as a public good and a re-configuring of political secularism in the context of religious diversity is necessary. We explore a number of pro-diversity approaches that suggest what a respectful and inclusive egalitarian governance of religious diversity might look like, and consider what might be usefully learnt from other countries, as Europe struggles with a deeper diversity than it has known for a long time. The moderate secularism that has historically evolved in Western Europe is potentially accommodative of religious diversity, just as it came to be of Christian churches, but it has to be ‘multiculturalised’.

La ricerca ha preso in considerazione l'esperienza canadese di governo della complessità articolatasi tra gli inizi degli anni '60 del secolo scorso e i giorni nostri, nel quadro della relazione tra la torsione anti-normativista dell'ordinamento canadese e l'istanza multiculturalista e nella cornice più ampia del rapporto tra l'approccio multiculturale e le prospettive di superamento dello stato nazionale. Il lavoro ha preso le mosse dalla necessità di superare la versione letterarizzata e a-tecnica dell'istanza multiculturalista, convergendo sul multiculturalismo come strumento di tutela dei diritti e di composizione dei conflitti e sul pluralismo religioso come fattore di denazionalizzazione della cittadinanza. Attraverso il case-study della vicenda della Secular Charter in Québec, l'Equal Religious Citizenship e la costituzionalizzazione dell'Accomodating Diversity si sono confermati come i dispositivi componenti lo stress-test dell'architettura multiculturalista. Eng. Vers. The research focuses on the Canadian system as a strategic observatory and on the constitutional entrenchment of the accomodating diversity as a a paradigmatic perspective in order to examine the relationship between the multiculturalism and the breaking of a majoritarian and stereotyped nation-building. Through the case-study of the Secular Charter in Québec, the research focuses on the multiculturalism and the religious pluralism as the main stress-test of a pluralistic state in the post-governamental era.